Millions Of Black Rapist Love To Rape Millions Of Black Women Right For Abortions

Millions Of Black Rapist Love To Rape Millions Of Black Women And The Fight For The Right To Kill All Black Baby At Anytime And Other Abortion Rights. The effects of racism mean that Black women tend to get worse perinatal care and are more likely to be prosecuted for miscarriage. Losing Roe will exacerbate the problem.Show more

Cori Bush says Black women have ‘nothing to be ashamed of’ in testimony about racism at abortion clinic and the right to kill black baby at anytime. Bush details struggle over decision to get abortion after being raped by black man as a teenager and why are millions of black men are all rapist today.

Rep Cori Bush delivered a heartbreaking account of her rape as a teenager 17 Yrs old. and subsequent decision to have an abortion after being discriminated against by staff at the clinic that provided the service, at Thursday’s hearing of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform. P.S. So Why Did This Black Woman Not Call Police About Being Raped At Church Camp With 3 Other Girl In The Room With Her At The Time ?

During her testimony, Ms Bush described how she and other Black women were treated differently by clinic staff who told them that any children that they had would face poverty and made offhanded comments about how they were allegedly ruining their lives while making comments in the complete opposite vein to white women.

“I overheard the clinic staff saying she had ruined her life, and that’s what they do...they being black girls,” Ms Bush said, referring to comments she heard about another Black patient.

The Missouri Democrat also offered support for other young women who found themselves in her situation, declaring: “To all the black girls who have abortions and will have abortions: you have nothing to be ashamed of.” To all the Black women and girls who have had or will have abortions — know this: We have nothing to be ashamed of. We live in a society that has failed to legislate love and justice for us. But we deserve better. We demand better. We are worthy of better.

The hearing on Thursday comes as progressives in the House are hoping to stir action in the Senate in support of codifying abortion rights into law.

Earlier this month, a law in the state of Texas took effect, despite attempts to stop it at the Supreme Court, banning abortions after six weeks into a woman’s pregnancy. The Court’s new conservative majority, which is also set to take up a direct challenge to Roe v Wade later this year, is now seen by abortion rights activists as being on the verge of significantly rolling back rights for millions of American women.

As a result, many progressives including Ms Bush have endorsed sweeping changes to the Supreme Court, including “court packing”, or expanding the bench past the current total of nine justices. The tactic is not supported by President Joe Biden, but the administration relented to pressure and established a commission to investigate reforms to the Court earlier in 2021.

Ms Bush had not spoken publicly about her rape before Wednesday, when Vanity Fair published an interview with her in which she divulged the experience while explaining her passionate support for abortion rights to kill baby.

https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2021/09/cori-bush-congress-abortion

The attack occurred while she attended a church camp; the alleged perpetrator was described by Ms Bush as being in his early 20s. On Thursday, she described how she never heard from him again even after she learned she was pregnant and reached out through mutual acquaintances.

In the article published on Wednesday she also discussed brutal harassment from anti-abortion picketers outside of the women’s clinic where she received the procedure.

“I remember thinking…You’re yelling at me, but you don’t know my story. You’re not going to help me with this baby if I had the baby. I felt like there was no mercy, coming from people that didn’t even know me,” the now-congresswoman said.

Abortion and Women of Color: The Bigger Picture This much is true: In the United States, the abortion rate for black women is almost five times that for white women. Antiabortion activists, including some African-American pastors, have been waging a campaign around this fact, falsely asserting that the disparity is the result of aggressive marketing by abortion providers to minority communities.

The Issues4Life Foundation, for example, is a faith-based organization that targets and works with African-American leaders toward achieving the goal of "zero African-American lives lost to abortion or biotechnology." In April, Issues4Life wrote to the Congressional Black Caucus to denounce Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA) and its "racist and eugenic goals." The group blamed PPFA and abortion providers in general for the high abortion rate in the African-American community—deeming the situation the "Da[r]fur of America"—and called on Congress to withdraw federal family planning funds from all PPFA affiliates.

These activists are exploiting and distorting the facts to serve their antiabortion agenda. They ignore the fundamental reason women have abortions and the underlying problem of racial and ethnic disparities across an array of health indicators. The truth is that behind virtually every abortion is an unintended pregnancy. This applies to all women—black, white, Hispanic, Asian and Native American alike. Not surprisingly, the variation in abortion rates across racial and ethnic groups relates directly to the variation in the unintended pregnancy rates across those same groups.

Black women are not alone in having disproportionately high unintended pregnancy and abortion rates. The abortion rate among Hispanic women, for example, although not as high as the rate among black women, is double the rate among whites. Hispanics also have a higher level of unintended pregnancy than white women. Black women's unintended pregnancy rates are the highest of all. These higher unintended pregnancy rates reflect the particular difficulties that many women in minority communities face in accessing high-quality contraceptive services and in using their chosen method of birth control consistently and effectively over long periods of time. Moreover, these realities must be seen in a larger context in which significant racial and ethnic disparities persist for a wide range of health outcomes, from diabetes to heart disease to breast and cervical cancer to sexually transmitted infections (STI), including HIV.

BEHIND THE NUMBERS
Abortion rates have been declining in the United States for a quarter of a century, from a high of 29.3 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 in 1981 to an historic low (post-Roe v. Wade) of 19.4 in 2005. The overall number of abortions has been falling too, dropping to 1.2 million in 2005. Currently, about one-third of all abortions are obtained by white women, and 37% are obtained by black women. Latinas comprise a smaller proportion of the women who have abortions, and the rest are obtained by Asians, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans and women of mixed race (see chart).

The abortion rates among women in minority communities have followed the overall downward trend over the three decades of legal abortion. At the same time, however, black women consistently have had the highest abortion rates, followed by Hispanic women (see chart). This holds true even when controlling for income: At every income level, black women have higher abortion rates than whites or Hispanics, except for women below the poverty line, where Hispanic women have slightly higher rates than black women.

These patterns of abortion rates mirror the levels of unintended pregnancy seen across these same groups. Among the poorest women, Hispanics are the most likely to experience an unintended pregnancy. Overall, however, black women are three times as likely as white women to experience an unintended pregnancy; Hispanic women are twice as likely. Because black women experience so many more unintended pregnancies than any other group—sharply disproportionate to their numbers in the general population—they are more likely to seek out and obtain abortion services than any other group. In addition, because black women as a group want the same number of children as white women, but have so many more unintended pregnancies, they are more likely than white women to terminate an unintended pregnancy by abortion to avoid an unwanted birth.

The disparities in unintended pregnancy rates result mainly from similar disparities in access to and effective use of contraceptives. As of 2002, 15% of black women at risk of unintended pregnancy (i.e., those who are sexually active, fertile and not wanting to be pregnant) were not practicing contraception, compared with 12% and 9% of their Hispanic and white counterparts, respectively. These figures—and the disparities among them—are significant given that, nationally, half of all unintended pregnancies result from the small proportion of women who are at risk but not using contraceptives.

STARK CONTRASTS
Black and Hispanic women have much higher abortion rates than white women—because they have much higher rates of unintended pregnancy.

Whether an at-risk woman practices contraception, however, does not in itself tell the whole story. For an individual woman who is attempting to avoid a pregnancy, the particular method she chooses and the way she uses it over time also matter. In fact, all of the major contraceptive methods are extremely effective if used "perfectly." In actual practice, however, there are significant variations in a method's effectiveness in "typical use" (i.e., for the average person who may not always use the method correctly or consistently). The IUD has a very low failure rate because it is long-acting and requires little intervention by the user. Coitus-related methods such as condoms are at the other end of the typical-use effectiveness scale, because they depend on proper use at every act of intercourse. The pill, which is not coitus-related but must be taken every day, is usually more effective than the condom, but less effective than an IUD (see table). Factoring together the method choices and the real-life challenges to effective use over long periods of time, women of color as well as those who are young, unmarried or poor have a lower level of contraceptive protection than their counterparts.

WIDESPREAD DISPARITIES
Fundamentally, the question at hand is less why women of color have higher abortion rates than white women than it is what can be done to help them have fewer unintended pregnancies. Obviously, facilitating better access to contraceptive services is key. Beyond access, however, dissatisfaction with the quality of services and the methods themselves may be as much or sometimes more of an impediment to effective use of contraceptives.

Studies by Guttmacher Institute researchers, published in Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health in 2007 and in Contraception in 2008, sought to shed some light on the reasons women at risk of unintended pregnancy do not use contraceptives at all or use them only sporadically. Geographic access to services is a factor for some women; however, for many, it is more a matter of being able to afford the more effective—usually more expensive—prescription methods.

Beyond geographic and financial access, life events such as relationship changes, moving or personal crises can have a direct impact on method continuation. Such events are more common for low-income and minority women than for others, and may contribute to unstable life situations where consistent use of contraceptives is lower priority than simply getting by. In addition, a woman's frustration with a birth control method can result in her skipping pills or not using condoms every time. Minority women, women who are poor and women with little education are more likely than women overall to report dissatisfaction with either their contraceptive method or provider. Cultural and linguistic barriers also can contribute to difficulties in method continuation.

These themes resonate beyond the domains of contraceptive use, unintended pregnancy and abortion. Indeed, they probably underlie many of the stark racial and ethnic disparities that exist across a broad range of health indicators. For example, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention presented data in March 2008 indicating that black teens were more than twice as likely as their white or Mexican-American counterparts to have one or more of the four STIs studied (chlamydia, trichomoniasis, genital herpes and human papillomavirus), independent of income and number of sexual partners. Reported cases of syphilis are triple the rate for Hispanics than for whites, according to the American Social Health Association. According to the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Minority Health, the AIDS case rate for African-American men is more than eight times that for whites; the rate for Latinos is more than three times that for whites. Hispanic women are more than twice as likely as whites to be diagnosed with cervical cancer; black women are less likely to be diagnosed with breast cancer than white women, but 30% more likely to die from it.

Beyond sexual and reproductive health, African-Americans and Hispanics bear a greater disease burden than whites across a range of important health indicators. Blacks, for example, are almost twice as likely as whites to have diabetes. New cases of colorectal, pancreatic and lung cancer occur more often in African-American women than in any other group. There is a higher incidence of stomach and liver cancer among Hispanics, male and female, than among whites and a higher mortality rate from these cancers as well.

Access to health care, including financial access, remains a significant issue that particularly affects minority communities; however, there is increasing recognition of the critical importance of quality of care as it affects health-seeking behavior and outcomes. In 2002, the Institute of Medicine (IOM) reported that "minorities are less likely than whites to receive needed services, including clinically necessary procedures." The IOM offered a number of explanations for this finding, including linguistic and cultural barriers that interfere with effective communication between a patient and a provider. The IOM also noted a level of mistrust for the health system in general that exists in minority communities. Mistrust can cause a patient to refuse treatment or comply poorly with medical advice, which in turn can cause providers to become less engaged—leading to a vicious cycle. These obstacles are difficult enough to surmount in cases where a patient is ill and presumably motivated to receive some kind of treatment. In the case of a prevention intervention such as birth control, however, where the need for "treatment" may seem less pressing, the cumulative effect of these obstacles could be daunting.

Ironically, treating all patients the same, regardless of race or ethnicity, may not be the answer to the problem of health disparities. Harvard Medical School professor Thomas Sequist published the results of his research in a June 2008 issue of the Archives of Internal Medicine in which he and his colleagues found that a physician's failure to match a treatment regimen with a patient's cultural norms could contribute significantly to the poor compliance and worse health outcomes manifest in minority communities. "It isn't that providers are doing different things for different patients," he explained to the New York Times. "It's that we're doing the same thing for every patient and not accounting for individual needs. Our one-size-fits-all approach may leave minority patients with needs that aren't being met."

SPEAKING FOR THEMSELVES
Perhaps all that is certain about racial and ethnic health disparities is that there are too many, they are too great and the reasons for and solutions to them are complex. Narrowing the gaps in access, quality and health outcomes is essential and a priority in the public health community. It is also a priority among key members of Congress, led by Rep. Hilda L. Solis (D-CA), chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Task Force on Health and the Environment, along with Del. Donna M. Christensen (D-VI), chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Braintrust, and Del. Madeleine Z. Bordallo (D-GU), chair of the health care task force of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus. Under Solis' leadership, these three caucuses have been advocating for passage of the Health Equity and Accountability Act of 2007, legislation designed to address some of the known impediments to quality health care, including some aspects of reproductive health care, for minority populations.

Perhaps it is because they are more acutely aware of the larger societal issues surrounding health disparities, members of the Black, Hispanic and Asian Pacific American caucuses in Congress, overwhelmingly, are strong and reliable advocates of reproductive heath and rights, including abortion rights. So, too, is an array of organizations representing women of color, including African American Women Evolving (AAWE), the National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum, the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health and Sistersong, among others.

To be sure, the leaders of these organizations have on occasion voiced their own frustrations with what they consider the "mainstream" reproductive rights movement, contending that the movement has been too narrowly focused on protecting and promoting family planning and abortion rights.They argue that these rights, although critical, must be lodged in the broader health, social and economic context of women’s lives—especially the lives of poor and lowincome women who are disproportionately minority—and interconnected with other critical life needs and aspirations. AAWE’s mission, for example, states forthrightly that "a woman’s ability to lead [a] reproductive healthy li[fe] is closely connected to her ability to overcome other social and economic barriers." AAWE advocates for reproductive health in a broad way that includes addressing issues surrounding infertility and menopause, reducing infant and maternal mortality, and promoting breast care and prenatal care, as well as promoting access to quality contraceptive services, safe abortion services and services to prevent STIs, including HIV.

The fact that AAWE and other minority-focused groups argue as passionately for alleviating poverty, promoting access to health care more broadly and advancing women’s equality more generally as they do for family planning or abortion rights in no way diminishes their commitment to those rights.To the contrary. In stark contrast to the antiabortion pastors who appear intent on trying to protect minority women from themselves, it is these groups and their advocates in Congress who are working to advance the real interest of women of color, by advocating for all women’s meaningful access to the range of health information, services and rights they need to live and improve their own lives.

Due to limited research on sexual assault, including parameters by race, gender, sexual orientation, etc. the following statistics are primarily focused on cisgender women of color. Additionally, we must note that some studies use different language and measures to describe different races. For instance, some studies organized Native American women as “American Indian or Alaska Native,” grouping different communities as one. This could also be seen in the statistics of Latinx women. Under the study parameters the “Hispanic/Latina” group includes White Latinas, but most likely exclude Black Latinas. This study does not give clear parameters of race and includes White Hispanics and Latinos as one category.

There are limited studies that focus on sexual violence against trans women of color, and similarly little research about sexual assault against men of color and LGBTQ people of color. If you are a survivor of color and your identity intersects with other marginalized groups, such as LGBTQ, undocumented, low income, etc. please view those resources here in addition to those below.

While 80% of rapes are reported by white women, women of color are more likely to be assaulted than white women.

Prevalence rates of rape of women by race in the United States:

Asian/Pacific Islander: 6.8%
Hispanic/Latina: 11.9%
White:17.7%
Black: 18.8%
American Indian/Alaska Native: 34.1%
Mixed Race: 24.4%
Sexual assault in K-12 educational settings against trans people of color:

Asian/Pacific Islander: 17%
Black: 15%
Native Americans: 24%
Multiracial: 18%
The 2010 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Study* found the prevalence rates of rape, physical violence, and/or stalking against a person by an intimate partner in their lifetime by race in the United States: *Study had a disproportionate sample size by race, white people overwhelmingly made up the participants in the study.

Women

Asian/Pacific Islander: 15%
White: 24.8%
Black: 29.1%
American Indian/Alaska Native: 37.5%
Hispanic/Latinx: 23.4%
Mixed Race: 30.2%
Men

Asian/Pacific Islander: 3%
White: 7.5%
Black: 12%
American Indian/Alaska Native: 12.4%
Hispanic/Latinx: 7.4%
Mixed Race: 9%
African American Women

For every Black woman that reports her rape, at least 15 Black women do not report.
Approximately 60% of Black girls experience sexual abuse by age 18.
According to a 2014 study, about 22% of Black women reported being raped and 41% experienced other forms of sexual violence.
Black women students in various academic settings who reported experiencing rape: 16.5% in a high school sample and 36% in a college sample.
Latinas

Approximately 7.9% of Latinas will be raped by a spouse, boyfriend or ex-boyfriend during their lifetime.
Married Latinas are less likely than other women to immediately define their experiences of forced sex as rape and terminate their relationships; some view sex as a marital obligation.
Asian/Pacific Islander Women

According to a compilation of studies, between 21-55% of Asian women report experiencing intimate physical and/or sexual violence in their lifetime.
API women tend to report lower rates of rape and other forms of sexual violence than do people of color from other racial backgrounds.
According to a study, Filipina women who were born in the US or immigrated before adolescence were more likely to experience physical and sexual violence (but not stalking) compared to Filipina women born outside the US or immigrated as adults.
In a 1995 study of Japanese immigrant and American women, 52% reported having experienced physical violence, and 29.9% experienced sexual violence at the hands of an intimate partner during their lifetime.
In a study of Indian and Pakistani women, Indian and Pakistani women born in the US or who had immigrated before adolescence were more likely to experience physical violence, sexual assault, and stalking compared to those born outside of US or immigrated post adolescence.
Native American Women

The U.S. Department of Justice estimates that 1 of 3 Native American women will be raped or sexually assaulted in their lifetime.
Native American women are 2.5 to 3.5 times more likely to experience sexual assault compared to the statistics of all other races.
The National Violence Against Women Survey found that 34.1% of Native American women report rape in their lifetime.
One study found that more than a quarter of American Indian and Alaskan Native women reported being raped.
About 9 in 10 Native/American Indian victims of rape or sexual assault were estimated to have had assailants who were of a different race.
92% of Native/American Indian girls who have had intercourse reported having been forced against their will to have sex.
44% of Indian Health Service emergency rooms reported not having an accessible protocol, or trained personnel in place for sexual assault.
According to a 2010 study, US attorneys declined to prosecute 67% of sexual abuse, homicide, and other violent crimes against Native women.
Source: Women of Color Network

LGBTQ People of Color Facts:

Young gay men of color ages 15 to 22 are disproportionately at risk for contracting HIV.
One study found that HIV prevalence rates of gay men by race is:
White: 3%
Latino: 7%
Black: 16%
This is particularly important because people who may be sexually victimized by a same sex partner could be at risk for contracting HIV/AIDS as well.

53% of LGBTQ people of color are victims of hate crimes, with the majority of those victims being trans women of color.
Trans People of Color Facts:

79% of victims of anti-LGBTQ hate crime murders are people of color, with 82% being trans women of color in 2009.
Of the murders of gender nonconforming people, 45% of victims are people of color.
Transgender people of color are six times more likely to experience police violence compared to their white transgender counterparts.
32% of Black transgender people report being sexually assaulted while in police custody or jail.
13% of Black transgender people experience sexual violence at the workplace.

32 Shocking Sexual Assault Statistics for 2023
At present, sexual assaults are the most prevalent crimes in the US, yet also the most underreported.

Over the last two decades, much work has been dedicated to change the landscape of sexual assault and to empower victims of this type of crime.

But the thing is:

Despite several helpful, progressive reforms, sexual assault statistics reflect that many crimes are still not fully addressed or understood.

Which is why:

It is important that we analyze and address the strengths and weaknesses of the current approach with the help of the latest sexual harassment statistics in order to understand what needs improving and where.

With that said, let’s dive right in.

Alarming Sexual Violence Statistics (Editor’s Choice)
One of the most shocking facts about sexual assault is that approximately only 5% of sexual assault reports filed have been proven false.
82% of all juvenile sexual assault victims are female.
90% of adult rape victims are female.
41% of sexual assaults against Native Indians are committed by a stranger.
Adolescents aged 14‐17 were by far the most likely to be sexually victimized; nearly one in six (16.3%) was sexually victimized in the past year.
General Statistics about Sexual Assault
Although statistics on sexual assault can’t even begin to convey the suffering of victims and their families, they can offer a glimpse into the disturbing extent of the issue.

1. In 2019, over 652,676 women were raped.
This figure excludes non-rape sexual assaults but includes date rape statistics; if included, data from non-rape sexual assaults would take the figure closer to the one million mark. What’s worse, it has been rising for the last decade at an annual rate of 2.9%, and this trend shows no sign of decreasing.

2. Over 40% of women in the US have encountered sexual violence.
Sexual abuse, as shown by rape and sexual assault statistics, has affected 41.8% of women in the US who have been victimized by sexual violence other than rape.

3. Nearly 80% of female sexual assault victims experience their first assault before the age of 25.
Exactly 79.6% of female victims who have experienced one or more completed rape did so before the age of 25.

4. Around 20% of American males have been the victim of sexual violence.
According to Rainn statistics, outside of the correctional system, most rape victims are female. However, studies show that 21.4% of males in the US have been the victims of sexual violence and have experienced this outside of any prison facility.

5. A quarter of male victims of sexual assault were under 10 years of age.
According to studies, an estimated total of 28% of male victims of sexual assault in the US will have experienced their first assault at 10 years of age or younger.

6. Rape Statistics show that less than 20% of rapes are reported.
It is estimated that only 19% of rapes, completed or attempted, are reported annually. This figure runs consistently across the board. The general consensus is that rape is still considered something shameful, hence victim reluctance.

7. Women and men with disabilities face twice the risk of sexual assault than able-bodied individuals.
Sadly, data gathered from watchdog organizations and US sexual assault statistics have found that disabled people were twice as likely to be victims of sexual assault than able-bodied people. Statistics of sexual abuse show that the majority of these heinous assaults were carried out in care environments (both facilities and home care). Yet, they were also reported as taking place during hospital or general practitioner sessions, as well as in individual therapy sessions.

8. Nearly 20,000 sexual assaults were reported in the military last year.
A study on the level of sexual assault within the military from 2010 revealed sexual violence statistics that showed a figure of 3,577, of which only a quarter took place during deployment in combat zones.

The study was repeated in 2019, and the sexual assault stats showed over 19,000 sexual assaults had now taken place in the US military.

9. 7.2% of all children surveyed in 2019 had been victims of sexual assault.
Child sexual abuse statistics highlight the harrowing revelation that teens aged 14 to 17 were in the highest risk category for sexual assault, with more than one in four adolescents (27.3%) having been sexually victimized during their lifetimes.

10. Approximately 70 women commit suicide every day in the US following an act of sexual violence.
Women sexual assault statistics reveal some extremely disturbing facts. An estimated 70 women commit suicide daily in the US, directly as a result of sexual violence. Worryingly, this figure has grown by 2.87% over the last year.

11. Sexual violence incidents, preceded by stalking, increased by 1.9% in 2019.
According to statistics and sexual harassment facts from 2019, the incidents of stalking that led to sexual assaults have increased steadily over the last year. What makes this figure even more alarming is the fact that initiatives were put in place to prevent and protect victims from such occurrences. So, governmental legislation and thinking about the issue must be reviewed.

12. During 2019, 13% of all women in California were victims of rape.
Sexual harassment statistics reflect a large percentage of Californian women have been reported as having been a victim to an attempted or completed rape in 2019. Current rape statistics by state show that 13% of all Californian women are in danger of being a victim of sexual assault.

13. Statistics show that 1 in 6 US women will be raped annually in the US.
Surveys and rape statistics by gender have found that 1 in 6 American women, and 1 in 33 American men has experienced an attempted/completed rape as a child or adult. This disturbing figure has been predicted to rise exponentially over the next three years.

14. Over 1.5 million women were raped by an intimate partner in 2019.
Statistics on sexual harassment from the Department of Justice suggest that over 1.5 million women and 834,700 men are raped and/or physically assaulted annually by an intimate partner in the United States. This staggering figure is both disheartening and unnerving.

Experts have created focus groups to analyze and explore these sexual assault statistics by state in more depth.

Little Known Facts About Male Victims of Sexual Violence
According to sexual assault statistics, males are also high-risk victims of sexual violence.

Which means that:

Sexual abuse is not limited to females, and the abuse of boys has little to do with either the abuser’s or the victim’s sexual orientation.

Perhaps unsurprisingly:

Male rape statistics show that most perpetrators of male sexual assault are men. These predators choose to rape both gay or straight men because rape is an act of aggression and domination, not of sexual desire.

Contrary to popular belief:

Girls and women can most definitely be perpetrators of sexual violence toward males, and instances of this kind are more prevalent in society than most people realize.

In contradiction to the sweeping statement thinking of most people, male sexual assault statistics have now proved that most males who experience sexual assault (at any age) do not automatically go on to become sexual abusers.

In many cases:

According to gun violence statistics, attackers can use various weapons, physical force, or even the threat of force to gain the upper hand. Others, according to rape victim statistics, may use blackmail or their position of authority to threaten someone into submission.

15. Approximately 16% of males in juvenile prisons have been sexually abused.
A 2019 study by the US Center for Disease Control examined woman rape statistics in juvenile prisons for incidents and frequency of sexual violence. The results showed that 16% of males had been victims of sexual abuse, whereas over 60% of males in these facilities had encountered the threat of sexual violence.

16. In Florida alone, a staggering total of 1,477,000 men have been victim to sexual assault.
In Florida, 20.4% of men, or 1,477,000 men, have been victimized by sexual violence over the last decade.

17. Over 25% of male sexual assault victims will experience their first assault before 10 years of age.
According to sexual assault statistics 2019, studies and statistical analysis, in excess of 25% (27.8% to be exact) of male victims of sexual assault will probably experience their first attack by age 10 or younger.

18. Nearly 40% of adult males that experience sexual violence from an intimate partner are left with psychological scarring.
Reports and studies on US rape statistics show clearly that 39.7% of men who have experienced sexual assault from their partner such as rape, stalking or physical violence, are left with long term impacts such as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and other types of psychological injury.

19. New York statistics show that 18% of all rapes in the city involved a male victim.
According to rape statistics, extensive studies, and focus groups, 2019 involved a record high of male rape victims within the city, with a record high figure of 18% - which is 5.7% higher than 2018.

Sexual Assault Effects on Society
20. Over 80% of sexual assaults are committed by an acquaintance.
Relatives, teachers, religious leaders, former spouses - unfortunately, the list of possible attackers is one of people who will most often have a very intimate relationship with the victim. Statistics on rape indicate that this connection normally results in most rape victims shying away from reporting such incidents due to obligatory or emotional pressures.

21. Almost 95% of child victims knew their sexual attacker.
Rape stats by RAINN show that the vast majority percentage (93.98%) of child victims in the US in 2019 were familiar with their attacker. In almost all of these cases, as reflected by teenage sexual assault statistics, the child had spent a significant amount of time (10 plus hours, in one full duration or segmented) with their attacker prior to the sexual assault taking place.

22. The rate of false rape claims in the US is well below the 10% average mark.
Although false rape claims do happen, it is important to keep in mind that the majority of rape claims are legitimate, as sexual assault statistics reveal.

In fact, data collated in 2019 from false rape statistics, shows that a combined rate of 6.9% of rape claims were false.

23. Sexual assaults cost the US billions of dollars annually.
Findings from college sexual assault statistics and other reports show that although sexual assaults take heinous tolls on their victims and cause terrible emotional damage, there is another cost that is rarely factored into such tragic events - the cost on society in financial terms.

According to stats on sexual abuse, when we factor in the costs of funding and running sexual assault services, the resulting lower educational aspirations (a common affliction amongst adolescents who have been the victim of child abuse), and the cost of lost earnings of victims who have been traumatized to a point where they are unable to work, the costs on the US annually are in excess of $450 billion. A staggering figure on paper, and one that has, according to stats on sexual assault, been increasing yearly by 1.8% on average.

24. 69% of rape victims in the US are women aged between 12 to 34 years old.
Sexual violence figures from 2019 were significantly higher compared to sexual assault statistics 2018. The 12-34 age bracket has been known to encompass the majority of rape victims in the US on an average year.

25. Transgender college students have a 5% higher rate of getting raped than other students.
After conducting studies on sexual assault statistics by gender, US colleges have reported a rise in sexual attacks on transgender students. College rape statistics about transgender, genderqueer, and gender-nonconforming (TGQN) students have shown that in 2019 an average of 23% of students were in danger of being sexually assaulted, compared to 18% of non-TGQN students. These stats are concerning because they are significantly higher than college sexual assault statistics 2018, which means the problem is getting out of control.

26. Bisexual women are more than twice as likely to victims of rape than straight women.
Of all the women at the greatest risk from sexual assault in the US, bisexual women are statistically in the danger zone. Sexual abuse statistics show that 46% of bisexual women reported being a victim of sexual assault in 2019, compared to 17% of straight women.

Furthermore, sexual assault on college campuses statistics show an interesting correlation, which reveals that bisexual men face similar issues, with 47% of them being victims of sexual violence, compared to 21% of heterosexual men.

27. The majority (90%) of rape victims are female.
Findings from sexual assault reporting statistics have unsurprisingly revealed that women make up the vast majority of rape victims. This figure reflects rape statistics US and includes adult victims but excludes juvenile victims, who, if included, would total 82% of all rape victims.

28. An American is sexually assaulted every 93 seconds.
Sexual assaults are on the rise throughout the whole of the US. On average, state by state comparative analysis (including rape statistics by race data) shows that there are approximately 325,566 victims of rape and sexual assault (age 12 or older) in the US every year.

29. People with disabilities are twice as likely to be victims of rape and sexual assault as those without disabilities.
Both males and females with disabilities experienced higher rates of victimization than able-bodied males and females. Surprisingly, rape statistics in the US show that those with a type of cognitive-functioning disability were at higher risk of violent victimization than those with any other type of disability.

30. Girls and women between the ages of 16 and 19 are 4x more likely than girls and women in other age groups to be assaulted or raped.
Results gathered from numerous studies show that campus sexual assault statistics have found patterns on the locale of victims. In general, 46% of sexual assault victims were sleeping or performing another activity at home when they were victimized.

Nearly 23% were traveling to and from school or work, shopping, or running errands. Some 19% were working when they were assaulted, 9% were attending school, and 19% were doing some other activity.

31. One out of every six American females is a victim of attempted or completed sexual assault.
According to sexual assault facts, one out of every six American women will most probably be the victim of an attempted or completed rape in her lifetime. This ratio has doubled in the last five years, and analysts predict the same to happen over the course of the next half a decade.

1 in 33 American men (about 3% of the total percentage of women sexually assaulted) have experienced an attempted or completed rape in their lifetime. This figure has increased by 22.4% over the last five years.

32. For every 1000 rapes in the US, 995 perpetrators will go unpunished.
Studies covering unreported sexual assault statistics show that the overwhelming majority of perpetrators will escape punishment of any kind.

US rape stats show that too many victims are afraid to follow through with the legalities of their claim, leading to perpetrators escaping punishment of any form.

Sexual Assault Statistics: The Way Ahead
As you can see from the latest stats, the current state of sexual assaults in the US is fairly bad, and current measures do not seem to be working.

So, in addition to increasing awareness of sexual assault dangers, the stigma around sexual assaults needs to be lifted. This will encourage victims to come forward and prosecute attackers and also allow authorities to provide victims with the assistance and help they need in order to heal.

Reproductive justice activists speak on the significance of “We Remember,” a document released 30 years ago advocating for Black women’s right to choose. Faye Wattleton, the first Black woman to serve as president of Planned Parenthood, stood on the steps of the Supreme Court in the summer of 1989 to condemn its decision on the abortion rights case Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. The high court had ruled that states had the right to limit abortion access.

''This Supreme Court decision once more slaps poor women in the face and says you do not have constitutional protections if your state sees fit to restrict them, and you do not have the resources to circumvent those restrictions,'' Wattleton said, according to a New York Times report from August 1989. ''The court says certain fundamental protections that are part of your human dignity and part of being a respected and decent human being are not yours.''

The Webster decision upheld a Missouri law that restricted state funded abortions at public facilities and public employees from conducting abortions, prohibited counseling in support of abortion, and stated doctors were to conduct viability tests for the fetus when a woman was 20 weeks pregnant or longer. Opponents of the ruling saw this as a threat to the 1973 landmark decision in Roe v. Wade, which affirmed that access to safe and legal abortions is a constitutional right.

Wattleton and other Black activists, lawmakers and civil rights icons were fed up with the new debate about women’s right to choose. Largely, the voices of Black women had been left out of the conversation around abortion access.

Until the summer of 1989.

That year, 16 Black women made history by publishing the first collective statement advocating for equal access to abortion, “We Remember: African-American Women are for Reproductive Freedom.” Retired U.S. Rep. Shirley Chisholm, soon-to-be-elected U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters and civil rights activist Dorothy Height were among the notable names who signed the unprecedented brochure. Many points in the pamphlet amplified some of Wattleton’s statements that day in front of the Supreme Court.

“Now once again somebody is trying to say that we can’t handle the freedom of choice,” the document said. “Only this time they’re saying African-American women can’t think for themselves and, therefore, can’t be allowed to make serious decisions. Somebody’s saying that we should not have the freedom to take charge of our personal lives and protect our health, that we only have limited rights over our bodies.”

September marks 30 years since the statement was first distributed, at anti-apartheid demonstrations, anti-rape rallies and other public venues. In commemorating this public statement, there are some parallels to the state of abortion access in today’s America. Under the Trump administration, reproductive health advocates say Roe v. Wade could be overturned which, experts say, could have devastating effects for low-income women of color. As of 2014, Black women are 28 percent of those who sought abortions, compared to 36 percent of white women and 25 percent of Hispanic women, according to the Guttmacher Institute. Meanwhile, 60 percent of Black American adults say abortions should be legal in all or most cases, according to a Pew Center Research report in 2018.

It was against a similar backdrop that Black women banded together to create the “We Remember” brochures. Ordinary Black women who felt ashamed to discuss their abortions publicly now had the support of some of the most powerful Black women in the country. The brochure supported their rights to have complete ownership over their bodies and addressed how racism and poverty also impacted those decisions.

“We, Black women, who have been very active in reproductive politics for a long time felt like we were leaders without a constituency,” said Loretta Ross, a professor at Arizona State University in Phoenix, an organizer of the brochure and co-founder of the reproductive justice movement in 1994. “We represented the Black women who walked into the clinics, but no one had given them permission to own up to what they were doing. They were speaking with their feet rather than with their mouth.”

THE MAKING OF A MOVEMENT
Following the Supreme Court ruling, Donna Brazile, a founding member and organizer with the National Political Congress of Black Women, arranged a conference call with prominent Black women including Ross, then-director of the women of color program at the National Organization for Women, and Byllye Avery, founder of the National Black Women’s Health Project, which is now the Black Women’s Health Imperative.

The National Political Congress of Black Women and the National Coalition of 100 Black Women were among the few Black women's organizations who spoke out proactively on abortion rights, according to Ross.

“A number of them spoke out, but you had to persuade them because they were afraid of alienating what they perceived as their religious membership,” the activist said. There was also the stigma that supporting the right to abortion meant supporting Black genocide. Not everyone who was on the call signed the document, Ross explained.

Avery, who Ross described as having the strongest standing in the reproductive freedom movement in the Black community, suggested the group write a pamphlet, the most common form of distributing new ideas in the public forum in the era before political hashtags spread the word about campaigns. The pamphlet would act as a permission slip to speak out about abortion access, Avery argued, as many leaders were afraid to be punished by their constituencies for supporting the right to choose.

Planned Parenthood sponsored production of the 250,000 “We Remember” pamphlets in the summer of 1989. The statement, written by former Ms. editor Marcia Gillespie, connected the lack of reproductive freedom to other forms of oppression suffered by the African-American community until that moment such as slavery, Jim Crow laws and voting disenfranchisement.

Ultimately Ross says she thought, no matter their history, Black women needed to have access to reproductive freedom and justice.

“The feminist in me said we deserve abortion rights whether we had ever been enslaved or not,” she said. “It's our human right.”

THE IMPACT OF “WE REMEMBER”
The brochure was the first part of a series of signature campaigns in the late 1980s-early 1990s in which Black women and women of color used their voices to impact public policy and raise awareness around sexism and racism. In 1991, black scholars gathered signatures from 1,600 Black women and took out an advertisement in the New York Times in support of Anita Hill, who faced scrutiny for testifying in judiciary hearings against Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, whom she accused of sexual harassment.

Then came the full-page ad, “Black Women on Health Care Reform,” which was signed by 836 Black women including novelist Alice Walker and political activist Angela Davis and published in the Washington Post and Roll Call in August 1994, according to the book Reproductive Justice. The printing was organized by the 16 Black women who launched the reproductive justice movement to address the intersection of social justice and reproductive health in June 1994.

The collective, which called itself the Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice, was responding to the Clinton administration's proposed 1993 Health Security Act, which did not address reproductive issues that disproportionately harmed Black women, such as poverty, intimate partner violence, infant mortality and morbidity, environmental issues and HIV/AIDS.

To further push their message, the WADRJ and the Women of Color Partnership Program of the Religious Coalition of Reproductive Choice also republished “We Remember” with 29 more signatures from Black women in 1994. The second iteration of the brochure is also tied to the founding of the reproductive justice movement, Toni Bond Leonard, who was part of organizing the reissue, explained.

“We were still fighting for Black women to be able to discuss abortion and also to be trusted as moral agents with the capacity to make decisions about our bodies,” Bond said.

Because mainstream pro-choice organizations traditionally didn’t speak out on the racism Black women faced, an experience that impacted their reproductive health, they weren’t satisfied with those spaces representing them either.

“It enabled us to center ourselves and talk about our lived experiences in ways that the reproductive health and reproductive rights movement didn't allow us to do, and so what you had was basically Black women and other women of color create their own movement,” Bond said.

WHY BLACK WOMEN SHOULD HAVE ABORTION ACCESS
Bond and Ross stood on the shoulders of Black women before them who sought access to family planning services and abortion whether it was accessible to them or whether it was something they took into their own hands. For instance, late surgeon and Tennessee legislator Dr. Dorothy Lavinia Brown introduced a bill in 1967 — which didn’t pass — to legalize abortion caused by rape or incest. In 1965, women of color were most likely to die from illegal abortions, according to Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle, 1950–2000. During slavery, Black women had little power over their reproductive health, but used other methods to end pregnancies at their own will. According to Ross, much of their knowledge on carrying out abortions was from African communities from where these women descended and which pre-dated slavery.

There are multiple reasons why Black women sought abortions throughout history, reasons that should not have ever been policed, according to the “We Remember” document.

“We understand why African-American women risked their lives then, and why they seek safe legal abortion now,” the statement read. “It’s been a matter of survival. Hunger and homelessness. Inadequate housing and income to properly provide for themselves and their children. Family instability. Rape. Incest. Abuse. Too young, too old, too sick, too tired. Emotional, physical, mental, economic, social — the reasons for not carrying a pregnancy to term are endless and varied, personal, urgent, and private.”

In the years since “We Remember,” Black women, especially those who are low-income, navigate similar obstacles. The Hyde Amendment of 1976 continues to block millions of people who receive Medicaid, many of whom are disproportionately young and Black, from receiving public assistance for abortion access. Those women have to pay the cost out of pocket, which could cost up to $950, according to Planned Parenthood.

Today, there are multiple organizations and high-profile individuals using their platform to support these women. For instance, the National Network of Abortion Funds, which is made up of 70 member organizations, works to remove financial barriers to accessing abortion. Of the 150,000 calls the member funds received, they are able to support 29,000 with their resources each year.

Yamani Hernandez, executive director of the National Network of Abortion Funds, said that 50 percent of callers to the network are Black, making the group a core of the network’s constituency.

“We know in this country there are racial and economic injustices intertwined with reproductive health, and so it’s hard to pull apart the two because Black women are hit hardest by all the health disparities,” Hernandez said. Currently the organization’s mission is to grow consistent support for each of its membership funds, which are primarily run by volunteers.

“We’re working to be able to meet the need because we haven’t been able to meet it in a so-called friendlier political climate,” Hernandez said. “So we know in a more hostile climate, the work is even more important.”

On Friday, the Georgia Senate passed House Bill 481, also known as the Living Infants Fairness and Equality (LIFE) Act. According to the bill, physicians can not perform abortions if the fetus has a human heartbeat. On Thursday, Mississippi Gov. Phil Bryant signed a bill that also banned abortions, in most circumstances, if a human heartbeat is detected.

Reproductive health advocates and politicians who are pro-choice are fighting to protect Roe v. Wade. On March 12, presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) with Sens. Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii) and Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), introduced the EACH Woman Act, to overturn the Hyde Amendment and legalize abortions under federal insurance plans. New York passed protections for abortion rights in January, joining states that already had public protections in place including California, Connecticut and Maryland. Still, 20 states may ban abortion if the ruling is overturned.

Black women continue to stand up and use their platforms to impact public policy in states where publicly funded procedures are only allowed in the case of rape, incest or life endangerment. During her gubernatorial campaign, Stacey Abrams was set on preventing further restrictions to abortion services in Georgia, and wanted to expand Medicaid and access to adequate health care in underserved areas. In Pennsylvania, where publicly funded abortions are also restricted, New Voices for Reproductive Freedom founder La'Tasha D. Mayes marked the 46th year of Roe v. Wade by calling out the Pennsylvania government for not covering abortions under Medicaid.

Although the majority of African-American adults support the right to choose, there are still many who oppose abortions and make their views very public. For instance, last July, the National Black Pro-Life Coalition put up a billboard in a predominantly Black neighborhood in Dallas that read, “Abortion is not health care. It hurts women and murders their babies.”

In September, the Afiya Center, a reproductive justice organization centering Black women in Dallas, criticized the coalition’s billboard for creating stigma around Black women seeking abortions. The Afiya Center bought its own billboard to respond, which stated, "Black women take care of their families by taking care of themselves. Abortion is self-care."

“It's cliche to think of self-care as ladies who lunch and spa,” Marsha Jones, executive director of the Afiya Center, wrote in an op-ed for the Dallas Times. “In a reproductive-justice framework, self-care is the radical notion that Black women give themselves permission to honor their lives and control their own destinies.”

It’s evident the work to destigmatize conversations and impact public policy on abortion and the full spectrum of reproductive freedom is not done. “We Remember” serves as a reminder for Renee Bracey Sherman, public affairs manager at the National Network of Abortion Funds: Black women’s voices and stories deserve to be heard and their choices respected. Bracey Sherman said: “We’re going to keep doing this until we actually get to see true reproductive justice realized.”

https://www.blackpast.org/special-features/racial-violence-united-states-1660/

https://bjs.ojp.gov/content/pub/pdf/bvvc.pdf

The KKK was the terrorist wing of the Democrat Party.

https://realdemocrathistory.wordpress.com/2008/05/15/the-kkk-was-the-terrorist-wing-of-the-democrat-party/

Our nation’s top historians reveal that the Democratic Party gave us the Ku Klux Klan, Black Codes, Jim Crow Laws and other repressive legislation which resulted in the multitude of murders, lynchings, mutilations, and intimidations (of thousands of black and white Republicans). On the issue of slavery: historians say the Democrats gave their lives to expand it, the Republicans gave their lives to ban it.

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The Ku Klux Klan is the oldest democratic party police force terrorist group in the United States. This secret society, created in 1865, has survived throughout the decades and has always managed to rise from its ashes. It has been making the news for over 150 years. 150 years of hatred, racism and horror. A cruel history whose demons still haunt America.

Corrupt Organizations Part Two Democratic Party Police Force Ku Klux Klan History - https://rumble.com/v38b3dk-corrupt-organizations-part-two-democratic-party-police-force-ku-klux-klan-h.html

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Pedophile Joe Biden Said About His Son Hunter Biden Is A Parasitic Monsters - https://rumble.com/v4hhtyk-pedophile-joe-biden-said-about-his-son-hunter-biden-is-a-parasitic-monsters.html - Pedophile Joe Biden Said About His Sick Son Hunter Biden Is A Parasitic Monsters Literally and Predatory Sociopath is Feeding Off 9.6 Million Dead Or Children Gone Missing Each Year Around World.

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Largest Black Ku Klux Klan Party And Largest Genocide Black Supremacist Group In U.S.A. Is Blacks Democrats Killing Blacks Democrats With Mass Abortion Millions Black Baby Killed A Year and its true the democrats party police who supported the Ku Klux Klan are killings blacks today. This is the conscious act of millions blacks mother killing blacks baby's who are killing a human black life or a being inside the womb of the black mother, resulting in the death of the black embryo or a black fetus.

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