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W. Cleon Skousen

The Ensign Publishing Company, Salt Lake City, Utah
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 58-lU64

ELEVENTH EDITION
January, 1962

13th Printing, 1972

Designed by Keith Eddington, illustrated by Arnold Friberg

“THE CONFLICT BETWEEN COMMUNISM AND
FREEDOM IS THE PROBLEM OF OUR TIME. IT
OVERSHADOWS ALL OTHER PROBLEMS. THIS
CONFLICT MIRRORS OUR AGE, ITS TOILS,
ITS TENSIONS, ITS TROUBLES, AND ITS
TASKS. ON THE OUTCOME OF THIS CONFLICT
DEPENDS THE FUTURE OF ALL MANKIND.”

George Meany

President, AFL-CIO

PREFACE

One of the most fantastic phenomena of modern times has
been the unbelievable success of the Communist conspiracy to
enslave mankind. Part of this has been the result of two
species of ignorance — ignorance concerning the constitutional
requirements needed to perpetuate freedom, and secondly, ig-
norance concerning the history, philosophy and strategy of
World Communism.

This study is designed to bring the far-flung facts about
Communism into a single volume. It contains a distillation
of more than one hundred books and treatises — many of them
written by Communist authors. It attempts to present the
Communist in his true native elements, stripped of propaganda
and pretense. Hence, the title, “The Naked Communist.”

Students in the western part of the world have a tendency to
shy away from the obscure complexity of Communism because
they have a feeling they are groping about in a vacuum of un-
known quantities. It therefore became the author’s objective
many years ago to try and clarify these concepts so that they
could be more readily understood and thereby become less
frightening. The most terrifying of all human fears is “fear
of the unknown” and consequently it seemed highly desirable
to disarm the Communist revolutionists of any such supreme
advantage by spreading before the student the whole picture
of Marxism which is simply “modern materialism in action.”

A panoramic study of Communism might easily degener-
ate into a long list of dates, names, and platitudes without
helping the student to gain a genuine understanding of the his-
tory and philosophy of Marxism. Therefore, in this study, an
attempt has been made to present Communism as the living,
breathing, vibrating force in the earth which it really is. The

political development, the philosophy, the economic theory and
the big names in World Communism have all been presented
in their historical setting.

Since an ever increasing number of disillusioned Com-
munist officials have fled from behind the Iron Curtain, it
has been possible to remove much of the mystery which
formerly obscured a correct understanding of the Marxian-
disciplined mind. This study therefore presents the Marxian
civilization without reference to its propaganda claims but
within the realm of reality where, during each passing day,
millions of human beings are vicariously learning for the rest
of the race the true meaning of life under Communism.

To those who have never taken occasion to study the past
one hundred years of Marxism, this presentation may at first
seem somewhat harsh. But that is because the exposed seams
of Communism are inherently harsh. Marx designed it that
way. From a comfortable armchair in a cloistered study it is
sometimes difficult for a student to catch the spirit and sub-
stance of Communism in action. But the Korean veteran, the
Iron Curtain refugee, the returning ambassador from Mos-
cow — these who have felt the physical and psychological
impact of World Communism — may count this study under-
drawn and overconservative.

The reader should be warned that the complex nature
of Communism prevents some of this material from being
geared to rapid reading. Sometimes whole volumes have been
digested into a few paragraphs. It will be helpful to the
reader if sufficient time is taken to explore rather thoroughly
the technical or philosophical chapters before proceeding. To
help the reader identify the most significant points in the
text, a list of preliminary questions is presented at the be-
ginning of each chapter. While seeking to be brief, the
author hopes he has not been obscure.

There are many to whom I am indebted for assistance,
suggestions and technical data used in connection with the
preparation of this work. Since the writing and much of the
research was completed while I was a member of the faculty
of Brigham Young University I received much valuable help
from the members of the faculty as well as the administrative
staff. I am also indebted to several of my former associates

in the FBI with whom I studied Communist philosophy, Com-
munist subversion and Communist espionage during my six-
teen years with that organization.

The impressive vignette illustrations heading each chapter
throughout this book are the work of the famous American
artist, Arnold Friberg. They exemplify his ability to con-
dense a complex idea into a simple, forceful, pictorial symbol.
His magnificent gallery of Biblical paintings which he did for
Cecil B. DeMille's production of “The Ten Commandments”
has been widely acclaimed during their worldwide tour of
exhibition. I am proud to have the text of these pages en-
hanced by the talented hand of such a good friend.

Another close associate, Keith Eddington, is responsible
for the striking jacket and impressive design of this book.

The tedious task of typing the manuscript and reams of
research data for the project was capably performed by Velora
Gough Stuart and Louise Godfrey.

The bulk of the credit for the final completion of the work
should go to my wife who efficiently managed the affairs of
eight robust offspring while their father completed the re-
search and writing for the manuscript. I am deeply grateful to
all those who contributed time, skill and encouragement to
bring the work to final fruition.

W. CLEON SKOUSEN
Salt Lake City, Utah, November 1, 1958

Preface to the Eleventh Edition

The generous acceptance of this book by the public has been
both encouraging and gratifying. In this edition, as in several
of the others, I have included some new material in order to
keep the study up to date.

W. CLEON SKOUSEN
Salt Lake City, Utah, January 1, 1962

CONTENTS

The Rise of the Marxist Man — I

I

The Founders of Communism — 7

London, 1853

The Early Life of Karl Marx
Marx as a Young Man
Friedrich Engels
The Communist Manifesto
The Revolution of 1848
The End of the Communist League
The Family of Karl Marx
The Founding of the First International
Marx Writes a Book to Change the World
The Closing Years
Epilogue

II

The Appeal of Communism — 31

The Case for Communism
The Communist Philosophy of Nature
The Origin of Life, Consciousness and Mind
A Brief Critique of the Communist Philosophy of Nature

The Communist Approach

to the Solution of World Problems

43

The Communist Interpretation of History
Human Progress Explained in Terms of Class Struggle
The Communist Theory Concerning Private Property
The Communist Theory of the Origin of the State
The Communist Theory of the Origin and Economic Significance of Religion
The Communist Theory of the Origin and Economic Significance of Morals
The Communist Plan of Action
The Dictatorship of the Proletariat
The Classless, Stateless Society Under Full Communism

IV

A Brief Critique

of the Communist Approach to World Problems — 61

Communism as a By-Product of the Industrial Revolution
The Communist Interpretation of History
The Communist Explanation of Society
The Origin of the State
What Is Religion ?

The Communist Theory of Morals
The Communist Theory of Class Struggle
The Dictatorship of the Proletariat
The Stateless, Classless Society Under Full Communism
Communism as a Negative Approach to Problem-Solving

V

The Rise of the Revolutionary Movement in Russia

89

Marxism Comes to Russia
The Early Life of Nikolai (V. I.) Lenin
Origin of the Bolsheviks
Background of Leon Trotsky
The Russian Revolution of 1905
Background of Joseph Stalin
Stalin Engages in Criminal Activities
Stalin as a Union Organizer, Writer and Bolshevik Leader
The Role of Russia in World War I

VI

How Russia Became a Communist World Power — 109

The Russian Revolution of March, 1917
The Destruction of Russia’s Plans for a Democracy
Russia Repudiates Communism at the Polls
Lenin Takes Russia Out of the War
The First Attempt to Communize Russia
The End of a Communist Dream
The Rise of Stalin to Power
The First Five-Year Plan
The Communist Crisis of 1932-33
U. S. Recognition of Communist Russia Comes at a Critical Time
Joseph Stalin’s Return to Power
Stalin Creates a New Class

VII

Communism in the United States — 131

American Founding Fathers Try Communism
Marxism Comes to the United States
The First Wave of Communist Violence Strikes the United States
William Z. Foster Launches the Communist Labor Union Drive
The Growth of U. S. Communism as Seen by Whittaker Chambers
Whittaker Chambers Breaks with Communism
Elizabeth Bentley Takes Over After Chambers Leaves
THE SILVERMASTER CELL
THE PERLO CELL

VIII

Communism and World War II — 155

The Rise of Adolf Hitler and Nazism in Germany
The Communists Claim Credit for Starting World War II
Stalin Suffers a Strategic Defeat
World War II Moves Closer to the United States
The U. S. Policy of Coexistence Goes into Its Third Stage
The Story of American Lend-Lease to Russia
Russian Attempts to Secure the Secrets of the Atomic Bomb
Closing Months of World War II
U. S. Policy of Coexistence Enters the Fourth Stage
Creation of the United Nations
Communist Attitudes at the Close of World War II

IX

Communist Attacks on the Free World
During the Post-War Period — 177

The Decay in U. S. - Soviet Relations at the End of World War II
The Free World Loses 100 Million People
The Free World Loses China with Her 450 Million People
Effect of the Yalta Agreement on Post-War China
Chiang Kai-shek Attempts to Create a Democracy in China
Disaster Strikes Down an Old U. S. Ally
The Wedemeyer Report
The State Department White Paper of 1949
An Amazing Development
The Communist Attack on South Korea
The Korean Armistice

The U. S. Summarily Abandons Its Twenty-Year Policy of Appeasement
The Role of the FBI in the Battle of the Underground
The Crack in the Iron Curtain
The Communist Conquest in lndo-China
The Task of Isolating a World Aggressor
Russia Tests the New U. S. “Get Tough” Policy

X

Communism Under Khrushchev — 209

Khrushchev as the Dictator of the Ukraine
How Khrushchev Seized Power
The Hungarian Revolution — 1956
The UN Investigation of the Hungarian Revolution
Inside Khrushchev’s Russia
The Hazardous Life of a Communist Dictator
Khrushchev’s Scheme to Force the U. S. to Invite Him to America
Was Khrushchev’s Visit a Mistake?

Aftermath of the Khrushchev Visit
The U-2 Incident
The RB-47 Incident
The Space Race

The March of Communism in Africa
The Tragedy in the Congo

XI

The Communist Conquest of Cuba — 237

Who Is Fidel Castro?

Castro’s Second Attempt at Murder Is Successful
Castro as a Soviet Agent in the Bogota Riots
Castro Commits His Third Murder
The Batista Regime in Cuba
The Castro Coup D’Etat
The Communist Take-Over

XII

The Future Task — 253

The Communist Timetable of Conquest
Importance of the Psychological War
Current Communist Goals
What About Disarmament?

What About Peaceful Coexistence?

What About the United Nations?

Is the Communist Movement a Legitimate Political Party?

Is the Soviet Empire Vulnerable to Economic Pressure?

Could Peaceful Pressures Cause the Communist Empire to Explode Internally?
What Can the Ordinary Individual Do?

Suggestions for Parents

Suggestions for Teachers
Suggestions for Students
Suggestions for Businessmen
Suggestions for Legislators
Suggestions for the Press
Suggestions for Ministers
The West Can Win

Historical Photographs

FIVE VITAL QUESTIONS

1

Whaf Do the Defenders of Communism Say? — 289

PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE
ILLEGAL OPERATIONS
REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE
WAR AND PEACE

THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
DIPLOMATIC INTRIGUE
ETHICS AND MORALS
THE BIBLE
RELIGION

INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM AND CIVIL LIBERTIES
EDUCATION
LABOR

2

How Does a People Build a Free Nation? — 317

Rise of the Liberals

Political Philosophy of American Founding Fathers
A Philosophy Becomes a Reality
Results of 175 Years of American Liberalism
The Pattern for Abundant Living

3

What Is Free Enterprise Capitalism? — 327

The Nature of Man
Man’s Mainspring of Action
The Law of Variation
Under Capitalism Everyone Can Gain
The Meaning of a Free Economy

1. FREEDOM TO TRY 3. FREEDOM TO BUY

2. FREEDOM TO SELL 4. FREEDOM TO FAIL

How Capitalism Makes Things Plentiful and Cheap

The Law of Supply and Demand Sets the Price
Failure of an American Experiment with Socialism

4

Did the Early Christians Practice Communism? — 343

5

What Is the Secret Weapon of Communism? — 347

Who Inspired Hitler?

What Was the Mission of Karl Marx?

Pirates of Science and Religion

Men Who Worship Themselves
The Fruits of Materialism
Communists without Labels
First Major Premise of Communism
Second Major Premise
Third Major Premise
Fourth Major Premise
Can Communist Beliefs Hurt Us?

What Puzzled Gouzenko Most?

Treason in High Places
The Secret Weapon of Communism
Home-Made Materialism

Conversation between a Student and a Professor
The Bible Provides Its Own Rebuttal
Sometimes Students Puzzle Parents
What About Atomic-Bomb Security?

Would the Ten Commandments Frighten a Communist?
Who Has Seen God?

How Important Is an Oath?

The Fourth Commandment
A Vacuum in the Training of Youth
Are Elderly People Important?

What About Communist Purges?

Significance of Marital Integrity
The Thief and the Character Assassin
The Sanctity of Work
The Christian Code
A New Dynamic Trend in Education

Bibliography — 379

Index — 385

The Rise off the Marxist Man

It is a terrible and awesome thing when a man sets out to
create all other men in his own image. Such became the goal
and all consuming ambition of Karl Marx. Not that he would
have made each man equal to himself ; in fact, it was quite the
contrary. The image he hoped to construct was a great human
colossus with Karl Marx as the brain and builder and all other
men serving him as the ears and eyes, feet and hands, mouth
and gullet. In other words, Marx surveyed the world and
dreamed of the day when the whole body of humanity could
be forced into a gigantic social image which conformed com-
pletely to Marx’s dream of a perfect society.

To achieve his goal, Marx required two things. First, the
total annihilation of all opposition, the downfall of all existing
governments, all economies and all societies. “Then,” he
wrote, “I shall stride through the wreckage a creator!” The
second thing he needed was a new kind of human being.

He visualized a regimented breed of Pavlovian men whose
minds could be triggered into immediate action by signals
from their masters. He wanted a race of men who would no
longer depend upon free will, ethics, morals or conscience for
guidance. Perhaps, without quite realizing it, Marx was set-

The Naked Communist

ting out to create a race of human beings conditioned to think
like criminals.

Producing such a race had been the dream of power-
hungry men for more than 4000 years. Nimrod had projected
the design, Plato polished it, Saint Simon sublimated it — now
Marx materialized it.

Today this breed of criminally conditioned man walks the
earth in sufficient numbers to conquer countries or continents,
to change laws and boundaries, to decree war or peace. He
might well be called Homo-Marxian — the Marxist Man. He
has made it terribly clear that he intends to become the man of
the twentieth century.

Homo-Marxian is frightening and puzzling to the rest of
humanity because a criminally conditioned mind does not
respond the way normal people expect.

For example, if a well meaning person invited a profes-
sional criminal into his home for dinner the shifty eyed guest
would be likely to survey the fine variety of choice foods, the
expensive silverware and shiny goblets, and completely miss
the warm sincerity and friendship which the host was trying
to convey. In fact, the criminal mind would probably con-
clude that his host was not only soft hearted but soft headed.
Eventually, he would get around to deciding that such a weak
man could not possibly deserve so many fine things. Then
he would spend the rest of the evening figuring out how he
could return in the darkness of the night and relieve his host
of all his bounteous treasures.

Anyone familiar with the history of Communist leader-
ship during the past one hundred years will immediately
recognize this same kind of mind at work. The flagrant abuse
of U.S. friendship and generosity during World War II is
typical.

Homo-Marxian puzzles all those who try to work with
him because he seems irrational and therefore unpredictable.
In reality, however, the Marxist Man has reduced his think-
ing to the lowest common denominator of values taken from
nature in the raw. He lives exclusively by the jungle law

Marxist Man

of selfish survival. In terms of these values he is rational
almost to the point of mathematical precision. Through calm
or crisis his responses are consistently elemental and there-
fore highly predictable.

Because Homo-Marxian considers himself to be made en-
tirely of the dust of the earth, he pretends to no other role.
He denies himself the possibility of a soul and repudiates his
capacity for immortality. He believes he had no creator and
has no purpose or reason for existing except as an incidental
accumulation of accidental forces in nature.

Being without morals, he approaches all problems in a
direct, uncomplicated manner. Self-preservation is given as
the sole justification for his own behavior, and “selfish mo-
tives or stupidity” are his only explanations for the behavior
of others. With Homo-Marxian the signing of fifty-three
treaties and subsequent violation of fifty-one of them is not
hypocrisy but strategy. The subordination of other men’s
minds to the obscuring of truth is not deceit but a necessary
governmental tool. Marxist Man has convinced himself that
nothing is evil which answers the call of expediency. He has
released himself from all the confining restraints of honor
and ethics which mankind has previously tried to use as a
basis for harmonious human relations.

History is demonstrating that because of his mental con-
ditioning, Homo-Marxian is probably the most insecure of
all men in his feelings. Since he believes himself to be an
accidental phenomenon in a purposeless universe, he has an
insatiable appetite to bring all things under his total domina-
tion. He admits that until this is done he cannot feel secure.
Not only must he conquer the human race, but he has
assigned himself the task of conquering matter, conquering
space, and conquering all the forces of cosmic reality so as
to bring order out of natural chaos. He must do this, he
says, because man is the only creature in existence which
has the accidental but highly fortunate capacity to do intelli-
gent, creative thinking. He believes that since Homo-Marxian
is the most advanced type of man, he must accept the responsi-
bilities of a supreme being. He is perfectly sincere in his

The Naked Communist

announcement that Homo-Marxian proposes to become the ulti-
mate governor and god of the earth and then of the universe.

Under the impact of such sweeping theoretical ambitions,
many non-Marxists have been caught in the emotional tide of
this ideological fantasia and have allowed themselves to be
carried along in the current toward the shores of what they
hoped would be a promised land of man-made godliness. How-
ever, in recent years a growing number of these pilgrims have
risked life itself to come back to reality. Each one returns
with the same story. Homo-Marxian was found to behave
exactly like the graduate creature from the jungle which he
believes himself to be. He regards all others with fearful
suspicion and responds to each problem as though his very
existence were at stake. Although he demands the right to
rule humanity, he disdainfully rejects the most basic lessons
learned during thousands of years of human experience. Re-
turning pilgrims bear one witness : Homo-Marxian has
reversed the direction of history. He has turned man against
himself.

It is in this historical crisis that man finds himself today.
Marxist Man could not have come upon the earth at a more
illogical time. In an age when technological advances have
finally made it feasible to adequately feed, clothe and house
the entire human race, Marxist Man stands as a military threat
to this peaceful achievement. His sense of insecurity drives
him to demand exclusive control of human affairs in a day
when nearly all other peoples would like to create a genuine
United Nations dedicated to world peace and world-wide pros-
perity. Although man can travel faster than sound and po-
tentially provide frequent, intimate contacts between all
cultures and all peoples, Marxist Man insists on creating iron
barriers behind which he can secretly work.

Marxist Man makes no secret of his ultimate objectives.
He is out to rule the world. Because Homo-Marxian is still
an adolescent he knows he cannot devour the whole human
race in one greedy gulp. Therefore, he must be satisfied with
one chunk at a time. As we shall see later, he has adopted
an orderly “time-table of conquest” which he is following

Marxist Man

with a deadly fixation. According to Communist prophecy,
time is running out on the free world.

This dilemma leaves the unconquered portion of fright-
ened humanity with only three possible courses of future
action :

1. They can meekly capitulate.

2. They can try to co-exist.

3. They can set about to pull the blustering bully down.

As far as this writer is concerned there is absolutely

no question whatever as to the course of action free men
must ultimately take. In fact, it is the only choice the law
of survival allows. Surely no man who has felt the throbbing
pound of freedom in his veins could countenance capitulation
as a solution. And no man who knows what lies behind the
lethal Communist program of “co-existence” would dare ac-
cept that proposal as a long range solution.

What then remains?

Several years ago while serving with the FBI this writer
became aware that the experts on Marxism have known for
a long time that there are definite ways to stop Communism
cold. Furthermore, if free men move in time, this can be
done without a major war! That is why this book was written.
It was written under the persuasion that modern men would
be foolish indeed if they accepted the phenomenon of Homo-
Marxian as a permanent fixture in the earth.

There are well established and easily understood histori-
cal reasons why every legitimate influence should be brought
to bear on the removal of this roadblock from the pathway of
normal human advancement. This must be done for the sake
of Homo-Marxian as well as for the rest of humanity. He is
the victim of a man-made experiment, trapped in his own
self-perpetuating cycle of human negation. As long as free
men are the prevailing majority in the earth there is a very
good chance of breaking this cycle. To do so, however, free
men must achieve an intelligent and dynamic solidarity at
least as strong as the illusory but firmly fixed purposes of
Homo-Marxian.

The Naked Communist

At the conclusion of this study there are listed a number
of policies which, if used in time, could remove the roadblock
that Marxist Man has thrown across the pathway of the race.
These policies are solutions which automatically spring out of
an understanding of the history, philosophy and ultimate
objectives of Marxism. They are also the cold hard facts which
have grown out of our bitter experiences in attempting to
deal with Marxist Man.

If enough people will study the problem and move across
the world in one vast united front it is entirely possible that
the race can celebrate the close of the Twentieth Century with
this monumental achievement:

Freedom in our time for all men!

I

The Founders off Communism

In this chapter we shall try to become acquainted with two
men. The first is Karl Marx, the originator of Communism,
and the second is Friedrich Engels, his collaborator. We shall
try to present their lives the way the Communists present
them — not as the soft, visionary social reformers which so
many text books seem anxious to describe, but rather as the
two-fisted, power hungry revolutionists which their closest
followers found them to be. Although presented in brief
summary, this chapter attempts to include sufficient details so
that the student of Communism can answer these questions:

Why do Marxist writers call their founder a “genius” yet
frankly admit he was “a violent, quarrelsome, contentious
man, a dictator and a swashbuckler” ?

Was Marx well educated? What was his nationality?
Where did he do most of his revolutionary writing?

author’s note: Because this book was written for high school
seniors as well as college students and members of the armed forces,
the author has deliberately avoided the use of research references
such as ibid.y and op, cit. f lest they prove confusing.

The Naked Communist

How was it that Marx never acquired a profession, an
office, an occupation or a dependable means of livelihood?

How did Engels differ from Marx?

What were the six principal goals which Marx and Engels
set forth in the Communist Manifesto?

Why did Marx believe one of his first tasks was to “de-
throne God”? Why did he think his book, Capital, would
change the world?

Why did Marx fail in his two attempts to create organiza-
tions for the promotion of world revolution?

London, 1853

On a chilly, foggy day in 1853, a British government
official stood in the drizzling rain before the doorway of a
human hovel in the heart of London’s slums. He knocked and
after a short delay was admitted. As the officer entered the
room thick clouds of smoke and tobacco fumes billowed about
his head causing him to choke and cough while his eyes
watered. Through the haze he saw the proprietor of the slum
dwelling, a barrel-chested man with disheveled hair and a
bushy beard. The man greeted the officer in a strong German
accent, offered him a clay pipe and then motioned him toward
a broken-backed chair.

If the officer had not known better he would never have
guessed that the bushy-bearded man who sat before him was
a graduate of a university with a Ph.D. degree. Nor that the
wife who had just hustled the children into a back room was
the daughter of a German aristocrat. Yet such was the case.
This was the residence of Dr. and Mrs. Karl Marx.

At the moment Karl Marx was a political fugitive — having
been driven from Germany, France and Belgium. England
had granted him domicile along with other revolutionary
leaders from the Continent and for this Marx was grateful.
It gave him a lifelong base from which to continue his revolu-
tionary work.

On this particular day the presence of the officer was no

The Founders of Communism

cause for alarm. It was the routine check which the British
Government made on all political exiles living in England.
Nor was the officer hostile. He found the Marxes strange but
interesting people who could engage in very lively conversation
on world problems while sitting blissfully in a domestic en-
vironment of incomprehensible confusion. The officer later
included his puzzled observations concerning the Marxes in
his official report:

“(Marx) lives in one of the worst, therefore one of the
cheapest, neighborhoods in London. He occupies two rooms.
The room looking out on the street is the parlor, and the bed-
room is at the back. There is not one clean or decent piece
of furniture in either room, but everything is broken,
tattered and torn, with thick dust over everything and the
greatest untidiness everywhere. In the middle of the parlor
there is a large old-fashioned table covered with oilcloth. On
it there are manuscripts, books and newspapers, as well as
the children’s toys, odds and ends and his wife’s sewing-
basket, cups with broken rims, dirty spoons, knives and forks,
lamps, an ink-pot, tumblers, some Dutch clay-pipes, tobacco
ashes — all in a pile on the same table. . . . But all these things
do not in the least embarrass Marx or his wife. You are
received in the most friendly way and cordially offered pipes,
tobacco and whatever else there may happen to be. Eventually
a clever and interesting conversation arises which makes
amends for all the domestic deficiencies .” 1

Thus we are introduced to one of the most dramatic per-
sonalities to cross the pages of history during the nineteenth
century. And one who would have a greater impact dead
than alive. Biographers would grapple with the enigma of
Marx’s life. At one moment Marx would be called “the
greatest genius of this age,” and a moment later even his
disciples would feel forced to call him “a violent, quarrelsome,
contentious man, a dictator and a swashbuckler, one at feud
with all the world and continually alarmed lest he should be
unable to assert his superiority .” 2

1 Wilson, Edmund, “to the Finland station,” pp. 217-218.

2 Ruhle, Otto, “KARL MARX,” pp. 209, 308.

The Naked Communist

Such were the contradictory, surging forces of human
dynamics which found expression in the turbulent personality
of Karl Marx.

The Early Life of Karl Marx

Karl Marx first saw the light of day at Treves, Germany,
May 5, 1818. He certainly had no need to apologize for his
progenitors. For many generations his male ancestors on both
sides had been outstanding scholars and distinguished rabbis.
However, the father of Karl Marx decided to break the ties
of the past both religiously and professionally. He withdrew
his family from the local synagogue to join the congregation
of a local protestant faith and then reached out after pro-
fessional recognition as a practicing attorney. Karl Marx
was six years of age when the traditional moorings of the
family were thus uprooted, and some biographers of Marx
attribute his rejection of religion in later years to the conflicts
which this sudden change in his life precipitated.

In elementary school young Karl revealed himself to be a
quick, bright scholar. He also revealed a quality which would
plague him the rest of his life — his inability to keep a friend.
Seldom, in all of Marx’s writings, do we find a reference to
any happy boyhood associations. Biographers say he was too
intense, too anxious to dominate the situation, too concerned
about personal success, too belligerent in his self-assertiveness,
to keep many friends. However, Karl Marx was not lacking
in sentiment and genuine hunger for affection. At 17, when
he began his university career, the letters which he wrote to
his parents occasionally unveiled deeply sentimental, woman-
like feelings. Here is an example :

“In the hope that the clouds which hang over our family
will gradually disperse ; that I shall be permitted to share your
sufferings and mingle my tears with yours, and, perhaps, in
direct touch with you, to show the profound affection, the
immeasurable love, which I have not always been able to ex-
press as I should like ; in the hope that you, too, my fondly and

The Founders of Communism

eternally loved Father, bearing in mind how much my feelings
have been storm-tossed, will forgive me because my heart
must often have seemed to you to have gone astray when the
travail of my spirit was depriving it of the power of utterance ;
in the hope that you will soon be fully restored to health, that
I shall be able to clasp you in my arms, and to tell you all that
I feel, I remain always your loving son, Karl.”

Such expressions must have puzzled the elder Marx.
Throughout his career as a father he was never able to counsel
or cross this hot-tempered son without precipitating an emo-
tional explosion. The letters of Karl Marx make frequent
reference to the violent quarrels between himself and his
parents; the letters from Karl’s parents complain of his ego-
ism, his lack of consideration for the family, his constant
demands for money and his discourtesy in failing to answer
most of their letters.

Marx as a Young Man

It was in the fall of 1835 that Marx entered the University
of Bonn to study law. This was a hectic year. He scandalized
his parents by joining a tavern club, running himself deeply
in debt and almost getting himself expelled for “nocturnal
drunkenness and riot.” His studies were most unsatisfactory
and he threatened to become a professional poet instead of a
lawyer. In the summer of 1836 he fought a duel and received
a wound over the eye. It was finally decided that it would be
better for the University of Bonn if Karl Marx transferred
to some other university. The elder Marx heartily agreed.
Karl was sent to Berlin.

It was at the University of Berlin that the intellectual
forces in Karl Marx became sinews and the whole pattern of
his life began to take shape. Although he complied with his
father’s wishes and studied law, it was a half-hearted cam-
ouflage to cover up his avid exploration of philosophy. In
the midst of this exploration his father died and Marx im-
mediately came out in the open with his announcement that

The Naked Communist

he would seek an academic career. He wanted to occupy a
chair of philosophy at some university. Marx chose for his
doctoral dissertation: “The Difference Between the Natural
Philosophy of Democritus and of Epicurus.”

In this study he favored the materialism of Epi-
curus because it allowed for an energizing principle in
matter. He thought that if matter were auto-dynamic it
would do away with the need for a Creator, a designer or a
governing force in the universe. The anti-religious senti-
ments of Marx found further expression in his thesis when he
chose for its motto the cry of Prometheus: “In one word —
I hate all the gods !” During this period of intellectual incuba-
tion three things dominated the thinking of Karl Marx: his
desire to discover a philosophy of nature; his desire to com-
pletely repudiate all forms of religion; his desire to win the
hand of the daughter of Baron von Westphalen.

While Marx was at the University of Berlin he fell in
with a left-wing school of Hegelians who were followers of
the German philosopher, Georg Wilhelm Hegel. At the mo-
ment their whole energy was consumed by a desire to liqui-
date Christianity. David Friedrich Strauss had published his
Life of Jesus in 1835 and shocked all Germany with his
contention that the Gospels were not true historical documents
but were merely myths which he believed evolved from the
communal imagination of early Christians. A close associate
of Marx, Bruno Bauer, wrote on the same theme in 1840 under
the title. Historical Criticism of the Synoptic Gospels. In
this book he claimed the Gospels were forgeries. He said
Jesus had never existed, that he was a figure of fiction and
therefore Christianity was a fraud.

At this point Bauer and Marx decided they would boldly
publish a Journal of Atheism, but the magazine lacked financial
sponsorship and died in gestation.

Nevertheless, the anti Christian campaign gained anoth-
er eloquent protagonist named Ludwig Feuerbach who came
out in 1841 with his Essence of Christianity. He not only
ridiculed Christianity but presented the thesis that man is
the highest form of intelligence in the entire universe. This

The Founders of Communism

exotic flash of speculation fascinated Marx. He had written
the same idea into his thesis for a doctorate. Marx had
bluntly said it is necessary “to recognize as the highest di-
vinity, the human self-consciousness itself !”

The government’s reaction to this anti-Christian cam-
paign took a serious turn, therefore Marx decided it would
not be prudent to present his thesis to the University of Berlin
where he had been studying. His friend, Bruno Bauer, sug-
gested that he go to the University of Jena. Marx followed
this suggestion and consequently received his degree of Doc-
tor of Philosophy from that institution in April, 1841.

Shortly afterwards, however, a leveling blow wiped out
his passionate ambition to become a professor of philosophy
at some German university. This resulted from the fact that
Marx collaborated with Bauer in writing a pamphlet which
was vigorously investigated because of its revolutionary
flavor. When the Prussian officials identified the authors,
Bauer was summarily dismissed from the University of Bonn
and Marx was assured that he would never be allowed to
teach at any university in Germany.

Now the revolutionary spirit flamed high in Marx;
somehow he must start a movement to remake the world.
However, to succeed in such a task he felt he must have the
companionship of Jenny von Westphalen, the attractive
and popular daughter of a German aristocrat who lived
in Marx’s hometown. For seven years he had corre-
sponded with her. One of his letters made it clear that if she
married him she would become the wife of a revolutionary.
Said he: “Jenny ! If we can but weld our souls together, then
with contempt shall I fling my glove in the world's face, then
shall I stride through the wreckage a creator !” 3

In June, 1843, the wedding took place. At the time the
bridegroom was unemployed and Jenny von Westphalen soon
discovered that this was to be a permanent characteristic of
their entire married life. Karl Marx never acquired the
slightest comprehension of the responsibilties which a hus-

3 Wilson, Edmund, “to the Finland station,” p. 115.

The Maked Communist

band assumes as the head of a family. Nevertheless, Jenny
von Westphalen remained loyal and devoted to Karl Marx
under circumstances which would have crushed a woman of
weaker mettle. After the marriage they had a five month
honeymoon following which they went to Paris, where Marx
hoped to collaborate in publishing a revolutionary organ called
The Franco-German Year Books. The publication collapsed
after its first issue and Marx spent the next fifteen months
in the pleasant task of “studying and writing.”

This was to be the pattern of his whole life. In later years
while his family was starving he could be found at the library
devoting himself to the interesting but, for him, completely
unremunerative study of higher mathematics. Voltaire re-
ferred derisively to the breed of men who cannot run their
own families and therefore retreat to their attics so that from
there they can run the whole world. Marx seemed to fit this
pattern. Although he seemed physically indolent, Marx was
actually capable of prodigious quantities of intellectual work
if it dealt with a subject which interested him. Otherwise, he
would not stir. As a result of these personal characteristics,
Marx never did acquire a profession, an office, a regular oc-
cupation or a dependable means of livelihood. Concerning this
phase of his career a friendly biographer states :

“Regular work bored him, conventional occupation put
him out of humor. Without a penny in his pocket, and with
his shirt pawned, he surveyed the world with a lordly air.
. . . Throughout his life he was hard up. He was ridiculously
ineffectual in his endeavors to cope with the economic needs of
his household and family; and his incapacity in monetary
matters involved him in an endless series of struggles and
catastrophies. He was always in debt; was incessantly being
dunned by creditors. . . . Half his household goods were al-
ways at the pawnshop. His budget defied all attempts to set
it in order. His bankruptcy was chronic. The thousands upon
thousands which Engels handed over to him melted away in
his fingers like snow .” 4

4 Ruhle, Otto, “kari, marx,” pp. 383-381,.

The Founders of Communism

This brings us to the only close friend Karl Marx ever
had — Friedrich Engels.

Friedrich Engels

In many ways Engels was the very opposite of Karl
Marx. He was tall, slender, vivacious and good natured. He
enjoyed athletics, liked people and was by nature an opti-
mist. He was born in Barmen, Germany, November 28, 1820,
the son of a textile manufacturer who owned large factories
both in Barmen, Germany, and in Manchester, England.
From his earliest youth Engels chafed under the iron disci-
pline of his father, and he learned to despise the textile fac-
tories and all they represented. As he matured it was natural
that he should have lined himself up with the “industrial pro-
letariat.”

For the son of a bourgeois businessman, young Engels
had a surprisingly limited education; at least it did not in-
clude any extensive university training. But what he lacked
in formal training he supplied through hard work and na-
tive talent. He spent considerable time in England and
learned both English and French with such facility that he
succeeded in selling articles to liberal magazines of both
languages.

Biographers have emphasized that while the hearty and
attractive Engels differed in personal traits from the brood-
ing, suspicious Marx, nevertheless, the two of them followed
an identical course of intellectual development. Engels, like
Marx, quarreled bitterly with his father, took to reading
Strauss’s Life of Jesus, fell in with the same radical left-
wing Hegelians who had attracted Marx, became an agnostic
and a cynic, lost confidence in the free-enterprise economy of
the Industrial Revolution and decided the only real hope for
the world was Communism.

Engels had been an admirer of Marx long before he had
a chance to meet him. It was in August, 1844, that he traveled
to Paris for the specific purpose of visiting Marx. The mag-

The Naked Communist

netic attraction between the two men was instantaneous.
After ten days both men felt it was their destiny to work to-
gether. It was during this same ten days that Marx con-
verted Engels from a Utopian Communist to an outright
revolutionist. He convinced Engels that there was no real
hope for humanity in the idealism of Robert Owen or Saint-
Simon but that conditions called for a militant revolution to
overthrow existing society. Engels agreed and proceeded
back to Germany.

Six months later Marx was expelled from France, along
with other revolutionary spirits, and took up residence in
Brussels, Belgium. Here Marx and Engels wrote The
Holy Family, a book designed to rally around them those
Communists who were willing to completely disavow any
connection with the so-called “peaceful reforms” of phil-
anthropy, Utopianism or Christian morality. The red flag
of revolution was up and Marx and Engels considered them-
selves the royal color-guard.

The strange relationship which rapidly developed
between Marx and Engels can be understood only when it is
realized that Engels considered it a privilege to be associated
with such a genius as Marx. Among other things, he counted
it an honor to be allowed to assume responsibility for Marx’s
financial support. Shortly after Marx was expelled from
France, Engels sent him all the ready cash in his possession
and promised him more : “Please take it as a matter of
course that it will be the greatest pleasure in the world to
place at your disposal the fee I hope shortly to receive for
my English literary venture. I can get along without any
money just now, for my governor (father) will have to keep
me in funds. We cannot allow the dogs to enjoy having in-
volved you in pecuniary embarrassment by their infamous be-
havior.”

This new partnership between Marx and Engels gave
them both the courage to immediately launch an International
Communist League based on the need for a violent revolution.
They planned to use the workers in Germany and France as
the backbone for their new political machine but this proved

The Founders off Communism

bitterly disappointing. After spending several months
among the French workers Engels castigated them because
they “prefer the most preposterous day-dreaming, peaceful
plans for inaugurating universal happiness.” He told Marx
that the tinder for a revolution in France was nonexistent.
Having thus failed in their plan to build their own revolu-
tionary organization, Marx and Engels decided to take over
one that was already in existence. In August, 1847, they suc-
ceeded in gaining control of the “Workers’ Educational So-
ciety” in Brussels. This immediately gave them prestige
among reform organizations in Europe. It also gave them
the first opportunity to extend their influence in England.
At this point Marx and Engels would have been surprised to
know that England rather than the Continent would become
the headquarters for their revolutionary work.

The Communist Manifesto

During November, 1847, word came from London
that the “Federation of the Just” (later known as the Com-
munist League) wanted Marx and Engels to participate in
their second congress as representatives of the Communist
organizations in Brussels. Marx and Engels not only at-
tended the congress but practically took it over. By staying up
most of the night laying their plans and by using shrewd
strategy at each of the meetings, they succeeded in getting the
congress to adopt all of their basic views. Marx and Engels
were then commissioned to write a declaration of principles
or a “Manifesto to the World.” They returned to Brussels and
immediately set to work with Marx pouring into the text his
passionate plea for a revolution. When they were through they
had announced to mankind that the new program of Interna-
tional Communism stood for: 1. the overthrow of capitalism,
2. the abolition of private property, 3. the elimination of the
family as a social unit, 4. the abolition of all classes, 5. the
overthrow of all governments, and 6. the establishment of a
communist order with communal ownership of property in a

The Naked Communist

classless, stateless society. To accomplish this, the Communist
Manifesto was crystal clear as to the course to be taken :

“In short, the Communists everywhere support every rev-
olutionary movement against existing social conditions. Let
the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The
proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have
a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!”

The Revolution of 181*8

The red glare of revolution came much sooner than
either Marx or Engels had anticipated. In February, 1848,
while the ink on the Communist Manifesto was still drying,
the revolutionary spirit of the French proletariat united with
the resentment of the bourgeoisie against Louis Philippe and
a violent uprising ensued which drove the Emperor from the
country. Immediately afterwards a provisional government
was set up which included members of the Communist
League, who promptly summoned Marx to Paris. Marx
was flushed with excitement when he arrived at the French
capitol armed with full authority from the Communist League
headquarters to set up the international headquarters in Paris
and to engineer the revolutions in other countries from there.

Marx learned that the intoxicating success of the uprising
in France had induced the radical element in the provisional
government to send “legions” into surrounding countries.
Their purpose was to launch an uprising in each country and
build the revolution into one magnificent conflagration. Al-
though this was precisely what Marx had been advocating for
several years, he suddenly sensed that such a campaign at the
present moment might backfire and cause them to lose the
support of the masses in those countries where legions were
sent. Nevertheless, the plan was adopted and the first legions
were marched off to Germany. Marx soon followed and be-
gan publishing a revolutionary periodical in his native tongue
called the Rheinische Zeitung.

The revolutionary leaders soon discovered that Marx was

The Founders of Communism

a propaganda liability. This became painfully evident when
he was sent with other members of the Communist League to
organize the workers in the Rhine Valley. Marx, when asked
to address the German Democratic Congress, badly bungled
this golden opportunity. Carl Schurz says: “I was eager to
hear the words of wisdom that would, I supposed, fall from
the lips of so celebrated a man. I was greatly disappointed.
What Marx said was unquestionably weighty, logical and
clear. But never have I seen any one whose manner was more
insufferably arrogant. He would not give me a moment’s con-
sideration to any opinion that differed from his own. He
treated with open contempt everyone who contradicted him. . . .
Those whose feelings he had wounded by his offensive manner
were inclined to vote in favor of everything which ran counter
to his wishes . . . far from winning new adherents, he repelled
many who might have been inclined to support him.” 3

From the beginning the revolution in Germany had been
anemic and by May 16, 1849, it had reached a state of in-
glorious collapse. Marx was given twenty-four hours to quit
the country. He stayed just long enough to borrow funds and
print the last edition of his paper in red ink and then hastened
away to find refuge in France.

But France was no refuge. Marx arrived in Paris penni-
less and exhausted, only to find that the Communist influence
in the new Republic had wilted and died. The National As-
sembly was in the hands of a monarchial majority.

As soon as possible he fled from France, leaving his family
to follow later because he was destitute of funds. He decided
to make his permanent exile in London.

The End of the Communist League

Although Marx had to cram his family into a cheap, one-
room apartment in the slums of London, he felt sufficiently

i Ruble, Otto, “karl marx,” pp. 157-158.

The Naked Communist

20 satisfied with their well-being to immediately concentrate his
attention once again on the task of reviving the fires of the
revolution. In spite of this spirit of dedication, however,
Marx’s effort to lead out did more harm than good. His
agitating spirit always seemed to create splinters and quarrels
in the ranks of his confederates and before long he had prac-
tically cut himself off from his former associates. The Cen-
tral Committee was taken out from under his influence and
transferred to Cologne. There it remained until 1852 when
all Communist leaders in Germany were arrested and sen-
tenced to heavy prison terms for revolutionary activity. Marx
did everything in his power to save his estranged comrades.
He gathered documents, recruited witnesses and proposed
various legal arguments which he thought might help, but
in spite of all this yeoman service the verdicts of “guilty”
pulled out of active revolutionary service every one of the
party leaders then on trial. This sounded the death knell for
the Communist League.

The Family of Karl Marx

From this time on the Marx family lived in London in
the most extreme poverty. A peculiar combination of emo-
tions was expressed by Marx in his correspondence during
this period. On the one hand he expressed soulful concern
for the welfare of his wife and children. He confessed in a
letter to Engels that the “nocturnal tears and lamentations”
of his wife were almost beyond endurance. Then, in the same
letter he blithely went about explaining how he was spending
his whole time studying history, politics, economics and social
problems so as to figure out the answers for all the problems
of the world.

In 1852 his little daughter, Francisca, died. Two years
later marked the passing of his young son, Edgar, and two
years after that a baby died at birth.

A few paragraphs from a letter written by Mrs. Marx
indicates the amazing loyalty of this woman who saw her half-

The Founders of Communism

fed children dying around her while their father spent days
and nights in the British Museum library.

“Let me describe only one day of this life, as it actually
was. . . . Since wet-nurses are exceedingly expensive here, I
made up my mind, despite terrible pains in the breasts and the
back, to nurse the baby myself. But the poor little angel
drank in so much sorrow with the milk that he was continually
fretting, in violent pain day and night. Since he has been in
the world, he has not slept a single night through, at most
two or three hours. Of late, there have been violent spasms,
so that the child is continually betwixt life and death. When
thus afflicted, he sucked so vigorously that my nipple became
sore, and bled ; often the blood streamed into his little mouth.
One day I was sitting like this when our landlady suddenly
appeared. . . . Since we could not pay this sum (of five pounds)
instantly, two brokers came into the house, and took posses-
sion of all my belongings — bedding, clothes, everything, even
the baby’s cradle and the little girls’ toys, so that the children
wept bitterly. They threatened to take everything away in
two hours. (Fortunately they did not.) If this had happened
I should have had to lie on the floor with my freezing children
beside me. . . .

“Next day we had to leave. It was cold and rainy. My
husband tried to find lodging, but as soon as he said he had
four children no one would take us. At length a friend helped
us. We paid what was owing, and I quickly sold all my beds
and bedding in order to settle accounts with the chemist, the
baker, and the milkman.

Thus the years passed. Literally hundreds of letters were
exchanged between Engels and Marx and nearly all of them
refer in one place or another to money. Engels’ letters char-
acteristically contain this phrase: “Enclosed is a post office
order for five pounds,” while Marx’s epistles are shot through
with exasperated passages such as : “My mother has positively
assured me that she will protest any bill drawn on her.”
“For ten days we have been without a sou in the house.”

“ Richie, Otto, “KARL MARX,” pp. 202-204.

The Naked Communist

“You will agree that I am dipped up to my ears in petty-
bourgeois pickle.”

At one point in this bitter existence there seemed to be
a sudden ray of hope. During a particularly desperate period
when Engels could give no relief, Marx made a trip to Hol-
land where a prosperous uncle generously handed him one hun-
dred and sixty pounds. This was enough to put Marx on his
financial feet, pay off his debts and give him a new start. But
with money in his pocket, Marx decided to take a tour of Ger-
many. He visited his mother in Treves, proceeded to Ber-
lin, undertook a number of drinking excursions with his old
friends, had himself photographed and generally played the
role of a gentleman of leisure. Two months later he returned
home. Frau Marx welcomed her tourist husband thinking
that now bills could be paid, clothing and furniture could be
purchased and better rooms rented. She was horrified to
learn that practically nothing remained of the hundred and
sixty pounds.

The Founding of the First International

In 1862 a great international exhibition was held in Lon-
don to proudly parade the industrial achievements of nine-
teenth century capitalism. The promoters of the exhibition
were desirous of creating an atmosphere of international good
will and therefore invited all countries to not only submit dis-
plays but also to send representatives of their workers to
exchange ideas and good will with the workers of other
countries who would be in attendance.

The British labor leaders, who had been gaining strength
since 1860, considered this an excellent time to set up an inter-
national workers’ organization. They therefore took every
opportunity to make firm friends with labor leaders from
Italy, Germany, France, Poland and Holland. In due time
they were able to establish a permanent “International” with
headquarters in London. One of the leaders of this move-
ment was a tailor named Eccarius who had formerly been a

The Founders of Communism

right hand man to Marx during the days of the Communist
League. As soon as the new movement began to catch on,
Marx was invited by Eccarius to participate.

Immediately Marx began to assert himself — but within
bounds. This was the lesson he had partially learned from
the failure of the Communist League. The new organization
was called the International Workingmen’s Association and
is frequently referred to as the First International. As long
as Marx restrained himself he was able to exercise consider-
able influence among the labor leaders from the various coun-
tries. By careful maneuvering behind the scenes he was able
to get nearly all of his ideas adopted in preference to weaker,
more peaceful programs suggested by “social-minded reform-
ers.” But all of this seemed mealy-mouthed and unnatural
to Marx. He admitted to Engels he had been forced to make
compromises in order to keep peace :

“My proposals were all adopted by the sub-committee.
Only one thing, I had to pledge myself to insert in the pre-
amble to the rules two phrases about ‘duty’ and ‘right’ ; also
about truth, morality and justice — but they are all so placed
that they cannot do any harm. ... It will be some time before
the reawakened movement will permit the old boldness of
speech. We must be strong in the substance, but moderate in
the form.” 7

In spite of this determination to be “moderate,” how-
ever, it was not long before the true feeling of Marx rumbled
to the surface. He was concerned about two things: first,
the need to create a hard core of disciplined revolutionists who
could inflame the workers of the major industries in all coun-
tries with a will to act, and secondly, the need to eliminate any
who might threaten Marx’s leadership in this new movement.
What Marx was contemplating was a party purge.

The first to feel the force of the new campaign was
the German labor leader, Herr von Schweitzer. All students
of Marx and Engels seem to agree that both of them were
completely without mercy when it came to dealing with a

7 Ruhle, Otto, “karl marx,” pp. 248-2i9.

The Naked Communist

comrade who was marked for party liquidation. The broad-
side of propaganda which they launched against Schweitzer
alleged that he was working for Bismarck, the Iron Man of
Germany. Although this was pure fabrication, nothing would
have been more devastating to Schweitzer’s reputation. Even
today some historians use Marx’s charges as a basis for the
claim that Schweitzer was a traitor to the cause of labor.

Another party pillar to fall under the purge was
Mikhail Bakunin, the first Russian to become interested
in revolutionary activities. He escaped from a Russian
prison and had taken up residence in Geneva. Bakunin be-
came so enthusiastic in advocating Marx’s principles that
certain elements of the labor movement began gravitating to-
ward his leadership. This was fatal. Marx immediately
set out to destroy him. The technique was the same as that
used against Schweitzer except that Marx and Engels charged
Bakunin with being an agent of the Russian Czar. This had
a ruinous effect for awhile. Then they spread a charge which
later proved to be completely false — that Bakunin had embez-
zled 25,000 francs. Finally, to administer the coup de grace,
Marx succeeded in getting the International to oust Bakunin
from the Association. By this act Marx secretly felt he had
destroyed the last man who might seriously threaten his
leadership. What Marx did not know was the fact that in
spite of this abuse, Bakunin would remain loyal to Marx’s
precepts, even translate Marx’s books into Russian and thereby
plant seeds which would ultimately bring the first nation in
the modern world under a Communist dictatorship.

However, Mark’s anxiety to purge the International of all
his personal enemies created such violent suspicion, distrust
and party dissension that it brought about the organization’s
total destruction. In fact, the end of the First International
came close on the heels of Bakunin’s expulsion. The trade
unions in England began to abandon the cause of international
revolution and the workers’ groups on the Continent began
ignoring the mandates of the Association. Finally, on Septem-
ber 8, 1873, the last congress of the International Working-
men’s Association was held at Geneva and Marx found that

The Founders off Communism

the thirteen delegates who finally agreed to attend had to be
practically “dug up out of the ground.” For all practical
intents and purpose, the First International was dead.

Marx Writes a Book to Change the World

Much of Marx’s motivation in trying to make the Inter-
national Workingmen’s Association a great world movement
was his desire to put into practice the very theories he was
struggling to put down on paper. For several years he had
pampered his two pet projects — the International and his
“book.” Both projects drained him of his normal physical
strength. This permitted an old liver ailment to flare up again
and before long he was suffering from a rash of boils which
threatened to cover his entire body. Ill health was to plague
him the remainder of his days. In a letter to Engels he poured
out his complaints against the pain and disappointment he was
suffering :

“To my extreme disgust, after being unable to sleep all
night I discovered two more first-class boils on my chest.”
Later he wrote, “I am working now like a drayhorse, seeing
that I must make the best use of all the time available for
work, and the carbuncles are still there, though they are now
giving me only local trouble, and are not interfering with my
brain.” After a particularly severe attack he wrote: “This
time it was really serious — the family did not know how
serious. If it recurs three or four times more, it will be all
up with me. I have wasted amazingly, and am still damnably
weak, not in the head, but in the trunk and limbs. . . . There
is no question of being able to sit up, but, while lying, I have
been able, at intervals, to keep digging away at my work.”"

The “work” to which Marx refers was the research and
preparation of the first volume of Capital. Marx was con-
vinced that a revolution would never succeed unless the work-
ing masses had a revolutionary philosophy of history,

s RuMe, Otto, "KARL MARX,” p. 2112.

The Naked Communist

26

economics and social progress. He wrote Capital in order
to show why the violent overthrow of the present order was
not only justified but inescapable. Elsewhere, we shall
examine the theories of Marx, but at this point it is sufficient
to point out that Marx looked upon the writing of this book as
an unpleasant mission which had to be completed before in-
ternational communism could germinate and flourish.

During 1865, when Marx was striving to prepare a final
copy of his first volume for the printer, he told Engels he
wanted to “finish it off quickly, for the thing has become a
perfect nightmare to me.” He occasionally enjoyed periods
of respite from his illness and finally wrote to Engels: “As
regards the damned book, this is how the matter stands. It
was finished in the end of December.” Engels assured Marx
that the pain and suspense of getting the book completed were
as great a trial to him as they were to Marx. He wrote : “The
day the manuscript goes to press, I shall get gloriously
drunk!”

It was not until March, 1867, that all the revisions were
finally completed and Marx set out for Germany to have the
book published in his native tongue. In a short time it began
to be distributed.

But when Capital appeared in the book stalls it was far
from the literary triumph which Marx and Engels had both
expected. Its line of reasoning was entirely too finely drawn
for the working masses and far from persuasive among in-
tellectual reformers. It remained for the intellectuals of an-

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