This film delves into the harrowing reality of the British prison system, shining a spotlight on the plight of individuals incarcerated without trial or convicted of minor offenses. It uncovers a disturbing truth: a staggering number of individuals, including first-time offenders, minors, and innocent people, find themselves trapped within a system that bears a resemblance to oppressive regimes devoid of fundamental human rights. The documentary paints a grim picture of the conditions within these prisons, where individuals endure deplorable treatment and confinement. Through firsthand accounts, viewers witness the stark and often inhumane conditions faced by inmates—overcrowded cells, unsanitary facilities, restricted movement, and limited access to essential medications. Stories of individuals forced to share cells with hardened criminals underscore the severe repercussions of the system's failings. This investigation reveals a startling statistic: a significant portion of those remanded in custody are eventually proven innocent or receive minimal penalties. This revelation prompts a critical examination of the judicial process, with insights from legal professionals highlighting the shortcomings of magistrates who may overlook crucial case details or adopt punitive attitudes without due consideration. Moreover, the documentary sheds light on the devastating mental toll exacted on prisoners, evident in the alarming rate of attempted suicides within these institutions. The despair and hopelessness experienced by those on remand serve as a poignant reminder of their dire circumstances and the absence of proper guidance and support within a justice system that feels distant and indifferent to their plight. The documentary is a powerful exposé that challenges the very essence of justice and raises poignant questions about the treatment of individuals ensnared in a system that often fails to uphold their rights and dignity. A presumption of guilt is any presumption within the criminal justice system that a person is guilty of a crime, for example a presumption that a suspect is guilty unless or until proven to be innocent.[1] Such a presumption may legitimately arise from a rule of law or a procedural rule of the court or other adjudicating body which determines how the facts in the case are to be proved, and may be either rebuttable or irrebuttable. An irrebuttable presumption of fact may not be challenged by the defense, and the presumed fact is taken as having been proved. A rebuttable presumption shifts the burden of proof onto the defense, who must collect and present evidence to prove the suspect's innocence, in order to obtain acquittal.[2] Rebuttable presumptions of fact, arising during the course of a trial as a result of specific factual situations (for example that the accused has taken flight),[3] are common; an opening presumption of guilt based on the mere fact that the suspect has been charged is considered illegitimate in many countries,[4] and contrary to international human rights standards. In the United States, an irrebuttable presumption of guilt is considered to be unconstitutional. Informal and legally illegitimate presumptions of guilt may also arise from the attitudes or prejudices of those such as judges, lawyers or police officers who administer the system. Such presumptions may result in suspects who are innocent being brought before a court to face criminal charges, with a risk of improperly being found guilty. Definition According to Herbert L. Packer, "It would be a mistake to think of the presumption of guilt as the opposite of the presumption of innocence that we are so used to thinking of as the polestar of the criminal process and which... occupies an important position in the Due Process Model."[5] The presumption of guilt prioritizes speed and efficiency over reliability, and prevails when due process is absent.[5] In State v. Brady (1902) 91 NW 801, Weaver J said "'Presumptions of guilt' and 'prima facie' cases of guilt in the trial of a party charged with crime mean no more than that from the proof of certain facts the jury will be warranted in convicting the accused of the offense with which he is charged".[6] Human rights In Director of Public Prosecutions v. Labavarde and Anor, Neerunjun C.J. said that article 11(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and article 6(2) of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms would be infringed if "the whole burden is ... cast on the defence by the creation of a presumption of guilt on the mere preferment of the criminal charge".[7][8] Inquisitorial systems It is sometimes said that in inquisitorial systems, a defendant is guilty until proven innocent.[9] It has also been said that this is a myth,[10] as well as a former "common conceit of English lawyers" who asserted this was the case in France.[11][12] A presumption of guilt is incompatible with the presumption of innocence and moves an accusational system of justice toward the inquisitional.[13] Common law presumptions There have existed at least two types of presumption of guilt under the law of England, which arose from a rule of law or a procedural rule of the court or other adjudicating body and determined how the facts in the case were to be proven, and could be either rebuttable or irrebuttable. Those were:[14] Presumption of guilt arising from the conduct of the party charged Presumption of guilt arising from the possession of provable stolen property Consequences Plea bargaining has been said to involve a presumption of guilt.[15] The American Bar Association states that people with limited resources accused of a crime "find themselves trapped by a system that presumes their guilt."[16] Presumption of guilt on the part of investigators may result in false confessions,[17] as was postulated in Making a Murderer, an American documentary television series.[18] Preventive detention, detaining an individual for a crime they may commit, has been said to involve a presumption of guilt, or something very close to one.[19][20] A fixed penalty notice or on-the-spot fine are penalties issued by police for minor offences which are difficult and expensive to appeal.[21] Unconstitutional, illegitimate and informal presumptions An irrebuttable presumption of guilt is unconstitutional in the United States.[22] An arrest, however, often becomes synonymous or "fused" with guilt, postulates Anna Roberts, a United States law professor.[23] In the minds of jurors, the person charged must have done something wrong.[18] In Japan the criminal justice system has been criticized for its wide use of detentions during which suspects are forced to make false confessions during interrogations.[24][25] In 2020, Japan's Justice Minister Masako Mori tweeted regarding the need for someone to prove their innocence in a court of law. She later deleted the tweet and called it "verbal gaffe".[26] High Court judge Sir Richard Henriques has criticized UK police training and methods which allegedly assert that "only 0.1% of rape allegations are false", and in which all complainants are treated as "victims" from the start.[27][28] It is difficult to assess the true prevalence of false rape allegations, but it is generally agreed that rape accusations are false at least 2% to 10% of the time, with a greater proportion of cases not being proven to be true or false.[29][30] The American actor and producer Jeremy Piven has spoken out against the Me Too movement, which he claims, "put lives in jeopardy without a hearing, due process or evidence". Writing about Piven's comment, journalist Brendan O'Neill, suggests that the presumption of innocence is being weakened.[31] An illegitimate presumption of guilt may be caused or motivated by factors such as racial prejudice,[32] "media frenzy",[18][33] cognitive bias,[18][32][34] and others. See also Blackstone's ratio False accusation Give me the man and I will give you the case against him Kangaroo court Prosecutor's fallacy Understanding References Raj Bhala. Modern GATT Law: A Treatise on the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Sweet & Maxwell. 2005. Page 935. Roscoe, H.; Granger, T.C.; Sharswood, G. (1852). A Digest of the Law of Evidence in Criminal Cases. T. & J.W. Johnson. Retrieved 11 March 2020. This is how presumptions have traditionally been classified: Zuckerman, The Principles of Criminal Evidence, 1989, pp 112 to 115. An irrebuttable presumption of guilt is unconstitutional in the United States: Florida Businessmen for Free Enterprise v. State of Fla. See United States Code Annotated. An example of a rebuttable presumption of guilt is (1983) 301 SE 2d 984. "The presumption of guilt arising from the flight of the accused is a presumption of fact": Hickory v United States (1896) 160 United States Reports 408 (headnote published 1899). Ralph A Newman (ed). Equity in the World's Legal Systems. Établissements Émile Bruylant. 1973. p 559. Packer, Herbert L. (November 1964). "Two Models of the Criminal Process". University of Pennsylvania Law Review. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania. 113 (1): 1–68. doi:10.2307/3310562. JSTOR 3310562. Archived from the original on 27 April 2019. Retrieved 7 May 2019. Wigmore, John Henry (1905). A Treatise on the System of Evidence in Trials at Common Law. Vol. 4. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. p. 3562, Note 1 to section 2513 – via Internet Archive. Director of Public Prosecutions v. Labavarde and Anor. (1965) 44 International Law Reports 104 at 106; Mauritius Reports, 1965 72 at 74, Mauritius, High Court Lauterpacht, E. (1972). International Law Reports. International Law Reports 160 Volume Hardback Set. Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-46389-8. Retrieved 11 March 2020. For example, Scottish International, vols 6 to 7, p 146 Dammer and Albanese. Comparative Criminal Justice Systems. Wadsworth. 2014. p 128. Roberts and Redmayne. Innovations in Evidence and Proof: Integrating Theory, Research and Teaching. Hart Publishing. Oxford and Portland, Oregon. 2007. p 379. For the origins of this belief in South Africa, see (1970) 87 South African Law Journal 413 Ingraham, Barton L. (1996). "The Right of Silence, the Presumption of Innocence, the Burden of Proof, and a Modest Proposal". Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology. 86 (2): 559. doi:10.2307/1144036. JSTOR 1144036. Retrieved 31 August 2021. Roscoe, H.; Granger, T.C. (1840). A Digest of the Law of Evidence in Criminal Cases. p. 13. Retrieved 11 March 2020. "5. The Presumption of Guilt" (1973) 82 Yale Law Journal 312; "The Skeleton of Plea Bargaing" (1992) 142 New Law Journal 1373; (1995) 14 UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal 129 & 130; (1986) 77 Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology 950; Stumpf, American Judicial Politics, Prentice Hall, 1998, pp 305 & 328; Rhodes, Plea Bargaining: Who Gains? Who Loses?, Institute for Law and Social Research, 1978, p 9. Lewis, John; Stevenson, Bryan (1 January 2014). "On the Presumption of Guilt". American Bar. Green and Heilbrun, Wrightsman's Psychology and the Legal System, 8th Ed, Wadsworth, 2014, p 169; Roesch and Zapf and Hart, Forensic Psychology and Law, Wiley, 2010, p 158, Kocsis (ed), Applied Criminal Psychology, Charles C Thomas, 2009, p 200; Michael Marshall, "Police Presumption of Guilt Key in False Confessions". 12 November 2002. University of Virginia School of Law. Findley, Keith (19 January 2016). "Opinion | The presumption of innocence exists in theory, not reality". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 18 August 2019. Retrieved 11 March 2020. "Preventive Detention: Prevention of Human Rights" (1991) 2 Yale Journal of Law and Liberation 29 at 31; Selected Decisions of the Human Rights Committee under the Optional Protocol, United Nations, 2007, vol 8, p 347 New York Review, 'How internment became legal' Archived 8 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine, John Townsend Rich, 22/6/2017 Goodman, Emily Jane (7 October 2010). "With Parking Tickets, New Yorkers Are Guilty Until Proven Innocent". Gotham Gazette. Archived from the original on 21 November 2017. Retrieved 11 March 2020. Florida Businessmen for Free Enterprise v. State of Fla (1980) 499 F.Supp. 346. See United States Code Annotated. Roberts, Anna (23 April 2018). "Arrests As Guilt". SSRN 3167521. Hirano, Keiji (13 October 2005). "Justice system flawed by presumed guilt". Japan Times Online. Archived from the original on 21 December 2014. Retrieved 10 March 2020. Kingston, Jeff (8 January 2020). "The Carlos Ghosn case shines a light into the dark corners of Japanese justice". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 29 February 2020. Retrieved 10 March 2020. Adelstein, Jake; Salmon, Andrew (13 January 2020). "'Guilty until proven guilty' in Japan and Korea". Asia Times. Archived from the original on 5 March 2020. Retrieved 10 March 2020. ""If he's clean as he says he is, then he should fairly and squarely prove his innocence in the court of law."" Marco Giannangeli, "Police must stop training 'Presumption of Guilt', says High Court judge" Archived 7 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine, Daily Express, 24 December 2017. Accessed 6 February 2018. "Former High Court judge warns calling complainants 'victims' creates presumption of guilt", Scottish Legal News, 6 August 2019 DiCanio, M. The encyclopedia of violence: origins, attitudes, consequences. New York: Facts on File, 1993. ISBN 978-0-8160-2332-5. Lisak, David; Gardinier, Lori; Nicksa, Sarah C.; Cote, Ashley M. (2010). "False Allegations of Sexual Assault: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases". Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. doi:10.1177/1077801210387747. PMID 21164210. S2CID 15377916. Archived from the original on 15 March 2017. Retrieved 7 February 2018. Brendan O'Neill, "Whatever Happened to the Presumption of Innocence?" Archived 7 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine, Los Angeles Times, 16 November 2017. Accessed 6 February 2018. Stevenson, Bryan (24 June 2017). "A Presumption of Guilt". The New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 12 December 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2020. "SHEPPARD v. MAXWELL (1966), No. 490, Argued: February 28, 1966 Decided: June 6, 1966". FindLaw's United States Supreme Court. Archived from the original on 6 December 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019. "Cognitive Bias and Its Impact on Expert Witnesses and the Court". Archived from the original on 23 December 2019. Retrieved 23 December 2019. Further reading "Prima Facie Presumptions of Guilt" (1972) 121 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 531 Fellman. "Statutory Presumptions of Guilt". The Defendant's Rights Today. University of Wisconsin Press. 1977. p 106. Martin, "The Burden of Proof as Affected by Statutory Presumptions of Guilt" (1939) 17 Canadian Bar Review 37 Roscoe, H.; Granger, T.C. (1840). A Digest of the Law of Evidence in Criminal Cases. Wharton. A Treatise on the Criminal Law of the United States. 1857. Sections 714, 727, 728 Presumption of Guilt: The Global Overuse of Pretrial Detention published by Open Society Foundations

Alternative theories have been proposed regarding the Oklahoma City bombing. These theories reject all, or part of, the official government report. Some of these theories focus on the possibility of additional co-conspirators that were never indicted or additional explosives planted inside the Murrah Federal building. Other theories allege that government employees and officials, including US President Bill Clinton, knew of the impending bombing and intentionally failed to act on that knowledge. Further theories allege that the bombing was perpetrated by government forces to frame and stigmatize the militia movement, which had grown following the controversial federal handlings of the Ruby Ridge and Waco incidents, and regain public support. Government investigations have been opened at various times to look into the theories. Overview Main article: Oklahoma City bombing The bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was one of the deadliest acts of terrorism in American history. At 9:02 a.m. CST April 19, 1995, a Ryder rental truck containing more than 6,200 pounds (2,800 kg)[1] of ammonium nitrate fertilizer, nitromethane, and diesel fuel mixture was detonated in front of the north side of the nine-story Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building.[2] The attack claimed 168 lives and left over 600 people injured.[3] Shortly after the explosion, Oklahoma State Trooper Charlie Hanger stopped 26-year-old Timothy McVeigh for driving a 1977 Mercury sedan without a license plate and arrested him for that offense and for unlawfully carrying a weapon.[4] Within days, McVeigh's old army friend Terry Nichols was arrested and both men were charged with committing the bombing. Investigators determined that they were sympathizers of a militia movement and that their motive was to retaliate against the government's handling of the Waco and Ruby Ridge incidents (the bombing occurred on the second anniversary of the Waco incident). McVeigh was executed by lethal injection on June 11, 2001 while Nichols was sentenced to life in prison. Although the indictment against McVeigh and Nichols alleged that they conspired with "others unknown to the grand jury", prosecutors, and later McVeigh himself, said the bombing was solely the work of McVeigh and Nichols. In this scenario, the two obtained fertilizer and other explosive materials over a period of months and then assembled the bomb in Kansas the day prior to its detonation. After assembly, McVeigh allegedly drove the truck alone to Oklahoma City, lit the fuse, and fled in a getaway car he had parked in the area days prior. Additional conspirators Several witnesses reported seeing a second person with McVeigh around the time of the bombing, whom investigators later called "John Doe 2".[5] In 1997, the FBI arrested Michael Brescia, a member of Aryan Republican Army, who resembled an artist's rendering of John Doe 2 based on the eyewitness accounts. However, they later released him, reporting that their investigation had indicated he was not involved with the bombing.[6] One reporter for The Washington Post reflected on the fact that a John Doe 2 has never been found: "Maybe he'll (John Doe 2) be captured and convicted someday. If not, he'll remain eternally at large, the one who got away, the mystery man at the center of countless conspiracy theories. It's possible that he never lived. It's likely that he'll never die."[6] Carol Howe, an informant for the Department of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms who had infiltrated the white supremacist enclave Elohim City, Oklahoma, filed a report in January 1995 stating that Andreas Strassmeir, Elohim City's security chief, had spoken about destroying a Federal building and had visited the Murrah building with another man.[7] Two days after the bombing, Howe reminded the ATF of the earlier report and urged investigation into a possible connection to Elohim City. McVeigh is known to have telephoned Elohim City two weeks before the bombing.[8] Jane Graham, a Housing and Urban Development employee at the Murrah building who survived the bombing, later stated that in the days before the bombing she had observed multiple suspicious persons who she suspected may have been involved (such as unfamiliar persons in maintenance or military uniforms), but that her observations were ignored by authorities.[9] Graham later identified one of these men as Andreas Strassmeir of Elohim City.[10] There are several theories that McVeigh and Nichols had a possible foreign connection or co-conspirators.[11][12] This was because Terry Nichols traveled through the Philippines while Ramzi Yousef, who committed the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, was planning his Bojinka plot in Manila.[11][13] Ramzi Yousef placed the bomb used in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing inside a rented Ryder van, the same rental company used by McVeigh, indicating a possible foreign link to Al-Qaeda.[14] Other theories link McVeigh with Islamic terrorists, the Japanese government, and German neo-Nazis.[15][16] Nichols specifically alluded to other conspirators in 2006 declaration: "There are others who assisted McVeigh whose identifies are unknown to me," but Nichols also identified two "co-conspirators".[17] In addition to unknown persons, Nichols believed Andreas Strassmeir was an agent provocateur, and FBI agent Larry A. Potts was involved in the bombing plot. Nichols went on to deny any connection to terrorist groups in the Philippines. The FBI did not reply to media requests for comment on Nichols' allegation.[18] There has also been speculation that an unmatched leg found at the bombing site may have belonged to an unidentified, additional bomber.[19] It was claimed that this bomber was either in the building when the bombing occurred, or had previously been murdered, and McVeigh had left his body in the back of the Ryder truck to hide it in the explosion.[20][21] Additional explosives One theory contends there was a cover-up of the existence of additional explosives planted within the Murrah building.[22] The theory focuses on the local news channels reporting the existence of a second and third bomb within the first few hours of the explosion.[22][23][24] Theorists point to nearby seismographs that recorded two tremors from the bombing, believing it to indicate two bombs had been used.[25] Experts dispute this, stating that the first tremor was a result of the bomb, while the second tremor was due to the collapse of the building.[15][25][26][27] Conspiracy theorists say that there are several discrepancies, such as a proposed inconsistency between the observed destruction and the bomb used by McVeigh. Physicist Samuel T. Cohen, known as the primary inventor of the neutron bomb, stated in a letter to an Oklahoma politician that he did not believe a fertilizer bomb was capable of causing the destruction at the Murrah building.[28] Similarly, Air Force Brigadier General Benton K. Partin expressed an opinion that there must have been additional explosive charges inside the Murrah building.[29] US federal government involvement Murrah Building during the recovery effort Another theory alleged that President Bill Clinton had either known about the bombing in advance or had approved the bombing.[30][31] It is also believed that the bombing was done by the government to frame the militia movement or enact antiterrorism legislation while using McVeigh as a scapegoat.[15][30][31][32] Still other theories claim that McVeigh conspired with the CIA in plotting the bombing.[15][16] In a 1993 letter to his sister, published by The New York Times in 1998, McVeigh claimed that during his time at Fort Bragg he and nine others were recruited into a secret black ops team that smuggled drugs into the United States to fund covert activities and "were to work hand-in-hand with civilian police agencies to quiet anyone whom was deemed a security risk. (We would be gov't-paid assassins!)"[33] In a 2001 declaration[34] Terry Nichols, McVeigh's convicted co-conspirator, also alleged that McVeigh reported in December 1992 how he "had been recruited to carry out undercover missions"Paragraph 10 which initially involved visiting gun shows and making contact with a loose network of anti-government and far-right sympathizers. This undercover activity allegedly escalated to armed robberies and a planned bombing under the direction of FBI agent Larry A. Potts.Paragraph 33 David Paul Hammer, a convicted murderer in the same facility as McVeigh for about two years, reported that McVeigh stated similar allegations to him: that McVeigh was an "undercover operative" for the Department of Defense, and that Andreas Strassmeir was a similar operative but with "a different handler" and they had worked together in planning the bombing.[35][non-primary source needed] Middle Eastern involvement The Third Terrorist: The Middle East Connection to the Oklahoma City Bombing by journalist Jayna Davis about evidence of Oklahoma City bombing was published in April 2004 by Nelson Current Publishers, and became a New York Times best-seller. The Justice Department initially sought, but then abandoned its search for, a Middle East suspect. In contrast to conspiracy theories that the bombing was a false flag attack perpetrated by elements of the US government or white supremacists in Elohim City, the book presents a theory that links the Oklahoma City bombers to agents of Iraq and Al-Qaeda, operating under Iranian state sponsorship.[36][37] Investigations In 2006, US Congressman Dana Rohrabacher said that the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations of the U.S. House Committee on International Relations, which he chaired, would investigate whether the Oklahoma City bombers had assistance from foreign sources.[14] On December 28, 2006, when asked about fueling conspiracy theories with his questions and criticism, Rohrabacher told CNN: "There's nothing wrong with adding to a conspiracy theory when there might be a conspiracy, in fact."[38] Among other unresolved questions, Rohrabacher also criticized the FBI for not explaining how Nichols, who did not work steadily, paid for his several trips to the Philippines and had $20,000 cash; for not finding explosives concealed in Nichols's house until a decade after the bombing; for not explaining the "rush to rule out the existence of John Doe Number 2"; and for not thoroughly investigating possible connections between McVeigh and the Aryan Republican Army and Andreas Strassmeir.[39] In March 2007, Danny Coulson, who served as deputy assistant director of FBI at the time of attacks, voiced his concerns and called for reopening of investigation.[40] On September 28, 2009, Jesse Trentadue, a Salt Lake City attorney, released security tapes that he obtained from the FBI through the Freedom of Information Act that show the Murrah building before and after the blast from four security cameras. The tapes are blank at points before 9:02 am, the time of detonation. Trentadue said that the government's explanation for the missing footage is that the tape was being replaced at the time. Said Trentadue, "Four cameras in four different locations going blank at the same time on the morning of April 19, 1995. There ain't no such thing as a coincidence."[41][42] Trentadue became interested in the case when his brother, Kenneth Michael Trentadue, died in federal custody, during what Trentadue believes was an interrogation because Kenneth was mistaken for a possible conspirator in the Oklahoma City bombing.[43] In a civil suit, the court determined Trentadue's injuries could have been self-inflicted and rejected the Trentadue family claim that he was murdered. However, the family was awarded $1.1 million for emotional distress on the findings the Bureau of Prisons mismanaged the investigation and aftermath of Trentadue's death.[44] In November 2014, John R. Schindler, a former professor at the Naval War College and National Security Agency intelligence officer, wrote "It would be good if a serious re-look at OKBOMB’s many unanswered questions were established for the event", because of "the existence of important evidence indicating there’s something we should be talking about". He stated that when he participated in a reexamination by the United States Intelligence Community after the September 11 attacks of possible foreign involvement with recent terrorist attacks, he found "as Rohrabacher’s investigators did a few years later, that the FBI and DoJ had no interest in anyone peeking into the case, which they considered closed, indeed tightly shut. Even in Top Secret channels, avenues were blocked". While cautioning that the bombing "has attracted more than its share of charlatans and self-styled experts, some of whom are eager to pin the bombing on Arabs, Masons, Jews, and perhaps space aliens", Schindler urged a resumption of Rohrabacher's investigation and cited two issues as notable: McVeigh's and Nichols's visits to the Philippines, and the activities of a German national and friend of McVeigh.[45] See also Arlington Road List of terrorist incidents Lone wolf (terrorism) 1941 Pearl Harbor advance-knowledge conspiracy theory 1962 Operation Northwoods; 1956-1990 Operation Gladio; Operation Gladio B; etc. 1963 John F. Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident 1994 AMIA bombing 1995 Oklahoma City bombing 1995 Oklahoma City bombing conspiracy theories The Third Terrorist: The Middle East Connection to the Oklahoma City Bombing, a non-fiction book Richard Snell, CSA member executed on April 19, 1995. 1999 Columbine High School Massacre 1999+ Able Danger 2001 Shijiazhuang bombings 2001/9/11 September 11 attacks 9/11 Truth movement 9/11 conspiracy theories Opinion polls about 9/11 conspiracy theories Osama bin Laden death conspiracy theories Operation Terror, a 2012 thriller film fictionalizing 9/11 2004 Madrid train bombings controversies 2005 London July bombings conspiracy theories 2011 Norway attacks 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting conspiracy theories, people who thought the school shooting was a false flag government attack False flag References Rogers, J. David; Keith D. Koper. "Some Practical Applications of Forensic Seismology" (PDF). Missouri University of Science and Technology. pp. 25–35. Retrieved March 24, 2009. Thomas, Jo (April 30, 1996). "For First Time, Woman Says McVeigh Told of Bomb Plan". The New York Times. Retrieved March 24, 2009. Shariat, Sheryll; Sue Mallonee; Shelli Stephens-Stidham (December 1998). "Oklahoma City Bombing Injuries" (PDF). Injury Prevention Service, Oklahoma State Department of Health. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2014-05-18. Retrieved 2014-08-09. Ottley, Ted (April 14, 2005). "License Tag Snag". truTV. Archived from the original on August 29, 2011. Retrieved March 24, 2009. Posner, Gerald (2013-03-09). The Third Man: Was there another bomber in Oklahoma City?. Satya ePublishing Inc. ASIN B00BRV9ORG. is the draft of a 1997 article submitted to The New Yorker about John Doe 2, and it weighs the evidence for and against another conspirator. Carlson, Peter (March 23, 1997). "In all the speculation and spin surrounding the Oklahoma City bombing, John Doe 2 has become a legend — the central figure in countless conspiracy theories that attempt to explain an incomprehensible horror. Did he ever really exist?". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 11, 2011. Retrieved April 6, 2009. Mark S. Hamm Crimes Committed by Terrorist Groups: Theory, Research, and Prevention. DIANE Publishing, p. 207. Hastings, Deborah (23 February 1997). "Elohim City on Extremists' Underground Railroad". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2009-05-13. Donald Jeffries (2016). Hidden History: An Exposé of Modern Crimes, Conspiracies, and Cover-Ups in American Politics. Skyhorse Publishing; Chapter 6: "The Clinton Years" David Hoffman (1998). The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror. Feral House. Krall, Jay (June 18, 2002). "Conspiracy buffs see Padilla, Oklahoma City link". Chicago Sun-Times. Archived from the original on October 12, 2007. Retrieved March 24, 2009. Cosby, Rita; Clay Rawson; Peter Russo (April 17, 2005). "Did Oklahoma City Bombers Have Help?". Fox News. Archived from the original on April 24, 2009. Retrieved March 25, 2009. Berger, J.M. "Did Nichols and Yousef meet?". Intelwire.com. Archived from the original on September 25, 2006. Retrieved March 25, 2009. Rohrabacher, Dana; Phaedra Dugan. "The Oklahoma City Bombing: Was There A Foreign Connection?" (PDF). Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 24, 2009. Retrieved March 25, 2009. Knight, Peter. Conspiracy Theories in American Hisw/tory. pp. 554–555. Hamm, Mark S. Apocalypse in Oklahoma. p. 205. "Declaration of Terry Lynn Nichols" (PDF). dissentradio.com. Retrieved 2024-06-01. "Nichols says bombing was FBI op". 22 February 2007. Thomas, Jo (May 23, 1997). "McVeigh Defense Team Suggests Real Bomber Was Killed in Blast". The New York Times. Retrieved June 5, 2009. Hamm, Mark S. In Bad Company. p. 228. Hamm, Mark S. Apocalypse in Oklahoma. p. 240. Taibbi, Matt (October 24, 2006). "The Low Post: Murrah Redux". Rolling Stone. Archived from the original on November 9, 2006. Retrieved April 5, 2009. "From KWTV: Breaking News: Oklahoma City Explosion". CNN Live. April 19, 1995. "Local Coverage: Oklahoma City Explosion". KYVTV Channel 9. April 19, 1995. Stickney, Brandon M. All-American Monster. p. 265. "Nichols' Lawyers Say Government Leaked Information to the Media". Rocky Mountain News. September 20, 1997. Archived from the original on May 11, 2011. Retrieved April 6, 2009. "Blast "Theories" Irritate Bomb Expert". The Oklahoman. September 24, 1995. Retrieved August 20, 2024. "It would have been absolutely impossible and against the laws of nature for a truck full of fertilizer and fuel oil ... no how much was used ... to bring the building down." As quoted by Gore Vidal (2002) Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: How We Got to Be So Hated, PublicAffairs, p. 120; ellipses as in original text. "When I first saw the pictures of the truck-bomb's asymmetrical damage to the Federal building, my immediate reaction was the pattern of damage would have been technically impossible without supplementing demolition charges at some of the reinforcing concrete column bases....For a simplistic blast truck-bomb, of the size and composition reported, to be able to reach out in the order of 60 feet and collapse a reinforced column base the size of column A-7 is beyond credulity." Vidal (2002), pp. 119-120; ellipses as in original text Crothers, Lane. Rage on the Right. pp. 135–136. Hamm, Mark S. Apocalypse in Oklahoma. p. 219. Sturken, Marita. Tourists of History. p. 159. Jo Thomas (July 1, 1998) McVeigh Letters Before Blast Show the Depth of His Anger, The New York Times, accessed 21 April 2018 Declaration of Terry Lynn Nichols Archived 2018-04-21 at the Wayback Machine, Filed Feb 21, 2001 with the US District Court "Declaration of David Paul Hammer" (PDF). dissentradio.com. Staff. "Author links man arrested in Quincy to the subject of her book on Oklahoma City bombing". The Patriot Ledger, Quincy, MA. Retrieved 2021-07-27. Crogan, Jim (7 July 2005). "The Rohrabacher Test, Congressman questions Terry Nichols about Oklahoma City bombing". LA Weekly. Archived from the original on 2012-09-24. Retrieved 2012-07-04. Edwards, David; Ron Brynaert (December 28, 2006). "CNN: Is GOP Rep. 'fueling' Oklahoma City bombing conspiracy theories?". TheRawStory.com. Archived from the original on December 15, 2018. Retrieved March 25, 2009. "In retrospect, it is not clear if federal law enforcement expended an adequate amount of time or effort exploring the links between the Aryan bank robbers, Andreas Strassmeir and Timothy McVeigh. For nearly a year after the bombing, the FBI did not interview Strassmeir. Only when he had fled the country was he queried briefly on the phone by the FBI. The agents apparently accepted his denial of any relationship with McVeigh, and there is no evidence of any further investigation into this possible link." "Call to reopen Oklahoma bomb case". BBC News. March 2, 2007. Retrieved March 25, 2009. Nolan, Clay (September 28, 2009). "Secret footage specifies chaos minutes after the Oklahoma City Bombings". The Oklahoman. Archived from the original on September 30, 2009. Retrieved September 28, 2009. "Material missing from Okla. bombing tapes, lawyer says". USA Today. Associated Press. September 27, 2009. Retrieved September 28, 2009. Witt, Howard (2006-12-10). "To him, Murrah blast isn't solved: Lawyer investigating 1995 Oklahoma City attack says loose ends indicate likelihood of neo-Nazi connections". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 2008-12-14.[dead link] Dannenberg, John E. "$1.1 Million FTCA Emotional Distress Award in BOP Suicide Death Upheld, Even Though Murder by Guards Suspected". Prison Legal News. Retrieved 3 March 2022. Schindler, John R. (2014-11-17). "Lingering OKBOMB Questions". The XX Committee. Retrieved 17 November 2014. Further reading flagOklahoma portaliconLaw portalflagUnited States portaliconPolitics portalicon1990s portal Hammer, David Paul, 2010. Deadly Secrets: Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma City Bombing. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-4520-0363-4. Crothers, Lane. Rage on the Right: The American Militia Movement from Ruby Ridge to Homeland Security. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003. ISBN 0-7425-2546-5. Hamm, Mark S. Apocalypse in Oklahoma: Waco and Ruby Ridge Revenged. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1997. ISBN 1-55553-300-0. Hamm, Mark S. In Bad Company: America's Terrorist Underground. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2002. ISBN 1-55553-492-9. Israel, Peter, Jones, Stephen. Others Unknown: Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma City Bombing Conspiracy. New York: PublicAffairs, 2001. ISBN 978-1-58648-098-1. Knight, Peter. Conspiracy Theories in American History: An Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2003. ISBN 1-57607-812-4. Stickney, Brandon M. All-American Monster: The Unauthorized Biography of Timothy McVeigh. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996. ISBN 1-57392-088-6. Sturken, Marita. Tourists of History: Memory, Kitsch, and Consumerism from Oklahoma City to Ground Zero. Durham: Duke University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-8223-4103-4. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Oklahoma City bombing. Voices of Oklahoma interview with Stephen Jones. Interview with Stephen Jones, public defender for Timothy McVeigh and author of Others Unknown: The Oklahoma City Bombing Case and Conspiracy. Conducted January 27, 2010. Original audio and transcript archived with Voices of Oklahoma oral history project. vte Conspiracy theories List of conspiracy theories Overview Core topics Antiscience Cabals deep state éminence grise power behind the throne Civil / Criminal / Political conspiracies Conspiracy Crisis actors Deception Dystopia Espionage Global catastrophe scenarios Hidden message Pseudohistory Pseudoscience Secrecy Secret societies Urban legends and myths Psychology Attitude polarization Cognitive dissonance Communal reinforcement Confirmation bias Denialism Locus of control Manipulation Mass psychogenic illness moral panics Paranoia Psychological projection Astronomy and outer space 2012 phenomenon Nibiru cataclysm Ancient astronauts Apollo Moon landings Flat Earth Hollow Moon Reptilians UFOs Alien abduction Area 51 Black Knight satellite Cryptoterrestrial / Extraterrestrial / Interdimensional hypothesis Dulce Base Estimate of the Situation (1948) Lake Michigan Triangle MJ-12 Men in black Nazi UFOs Die Glocke Project Serpo Hoaxes Dundy County (1884) Maury Island (1947) Roswell (1947) Twin Falls (1947) Aztec, New Mexico (1949) Southern England (1967) Ilkley Moor (1987) Gulf Breeze (1987–88) Alien autopsy (1995) Morristown (2009) Deaths and disappearances Assassination / suicide theories Zachary Taylor (1850) Louis Le Prince (1890) Lord Kitchener (1916) Tom Thomson (1917) Władysław Sikorski (1943) Benito Mussolini (1945) Adolf Hitler (1945) Subhas Chandra Bose (1945) Johnny Stompanato (1958) Marilyn Monroe (1962) John F. 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Robert Tosh Plumlee... has piloted and co-piloted clandestine CIA flights for over 31 years. He testified before the Church Committee in the 1970s and his CIA escapades have been well chronicled in magazine articles, books and congressional reports. Mr. Plumlee testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on August 2nd, 1990, and again in May of 1991. His testimony under oath has been classified as Top Secret. Senator John Kerry served as Chairman of the Senate Committee, John Wyner, I believe his name is, and Dick McCall, staff aides to Senator Kerry, questioned Mr. Plumlee in relation to the Contra resupply network behind closed doors. Mr. Plumlee testified to the U.S. Senate Committee and to Truth Truth Truth, Incorporated, that on the morning of November 22nd, 1963, he was a co-pilot on a top secret flight supported by the CIA. Mr. Plumlee's flight left Florida on November 21, 1963, and stopped in New Orleans and Houston before heading into Dallas, Texas, during the early morning hours of November 22nd, 1963. Mr. Plumlee testified that Philippe or Philippo Socko, alias John Roselli, a known Mafia/CIA double operative was onboard the plane to Dallas. Mr. Plumlee stated that Mr. Roselli departed the plane at Dallas Garland Airport shortly after 6:30 a.m. on the morning of November 22nd, 1963. Mr. Plumlee testified that he was informed that the flight was an abort mission, and that their assignment was to stop the assassination attempt on Kennedy's life. Mr. Plumlee testified that he was told this by his superior officers, and he has identified those officers. Mr. Plumlee testified that he was present in Dealey Plaza on the South Knoll at the time of the assassination.

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The video series delves into the secretive world of covert action, featuring insights from former CIA official John Stockwell and Louis Wolf, co-editor of the Covert Action Information Bulletin. In the initial segment, the focus lies on an overview of the CIA's operations, shedding light on its activities and nature. As the discussion progresses, attention turns to the ramifications of the "Intelligence Identities Protection Act" and the Reagan executive order on intelligence agencies. These legislative actions, as outlined by Stockwell and Wolf, seem to create an environment fostering media self-censorship. This, in turn, suppresses public scrutiny and criticism of intelligence operations, which encompass controversial actions like assassination plots, government destabilization, and other clandestine tactics. Stockwell articulates how these legal measures effectively impact the First Amendment, curbing freedoms of speech and press without undergoing the constitutional amendment process. Recorded in May 1982, during a pivotal period of political discourse, this hour-long installment prompts viewers to reconsider the balance between national security interests and the fundamental principles of transparency and free expression. The video captures a crucial juncture in history where the boundaries of government secrecy and public awareness were fiercely debated. CovertAction Quarterly (formerly CovertAction Information Bulletin) was an American journal in publication from 1978 to 2005, focused primarily on watching and reporting global covert operations. It is generally critical of US Foreign Policy, the Central Intelligence Agency, and capitalism. CovertAction relaunched in May 2018 as CovertAction Magazine. The first issue of the Covert Action Information Bulletin was launched at a press conference in Havana, Cuba, coinciding with the 11th World Festival of Youth and Students.[2][3] The magazine was founded by former CIA officer turned agency critic Philip Agee, William Schaap, James and Elsie Wilcott, Ellen Ray, William Kunstler, Michael Ratner, and Lou Wolf in 1978.[4][5][a][8] It was created in order to carry on the work of the preceding publication CounterSpy magazine, which the editors claimed had been shut down as a result of CIA harassment.[9] Contributors included critics of US foreign policy such as Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Michael Parenti[5] and Christopher Hitchens.[10] Agee said the Bulletin's goal was "a worldwide campaign to destabilize the CIA through exposure of its operations and personnel."[3][11] The Mitrokhin Archive, by ex-KGB archivist Vasili Mitrokhin and British intelligence historian Christopher Andrew, alleged that Covert Action Information Bulletin received assistance from the Soviet KGB and Cuban DGI. Mitrokhin claimed that the Soviet group RUPOR was responsible for the Bulletin, although cautioned that of the publication's members, only Agee would have been aware of the foreign government connection. KGB files recovered by Mitrokhin boasted of their ability to pass information and disinformation to Agee.[2][12][13] The magazine was based in Washington, D.C.[5][14] CovertAction Quarterly In 1992, with the issue #43, the magazine was renamed as CovertAction Quarterly.[5][3] In 1998, the magazine won an award from Project Censored for a story by Lawrence Soley in the Spring 1997 issue titled "Phi Beta Capitalism", about corporate influence on universities.[15][16] Publication of CovertAction Quarterly ceased in 2005 with issue #78, only to be resurrected as CovertAction Magazine in 2018.[17] Several articles from CovertAction Quarterly were collected in two anthologies, CovertAction: The Roots of Terrorism and Bioterror: Manufacturing Wars The American Way, both published by Ocean Press in 2003. Selected personnel Jim Wilcott, member of the Board of Advisors. He spent nine years with the CIA as a finance officer, and his wife Elsie also worked for the Agency during the same period.[18][5] Publications Anthologies CovertAction: The Roots of Terrorism, edited by Ellen Ray & William H. Schaap. Ocean Press (2003). ISBN 978-1876175849. 310 pages. Excerpts. Bioterror: Manufacturing Wars the American Way, edited by Ellen Ray & William H. Schaap. Ocean Press (2003). ISBN 978-1876175641. 80 pages. Magazines CovertAction Information Bulletin (1978-1992). Issues no. 1–42. CovertAction Quarterly (1992-2005). Issues no. 43–78. CovertAction Magazine (2018–present). Issues no. 79–present. See also CounterSpy Lobster References Notes According to Christopher Andrew (who joined the British intelligence service MI5 in order to create its official history),[6] documents in the Mitrokhin Archive indicate that the magazine was established "on the initiative of the KGB" and that the group responsible for producing it was "put together" by Soviet counterintelligence. Andrew writes that there is "no evidence" that anybody associated with the magazine, apart from Agee, was aware of the KGB's role.[7] Footnotes “History”. CovertActionMagazine.com Andrew, Christopher & Mitrokhin, Vasili (1999). The Sword and The Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. New York: Basic Books. pp. 230–234. ISBN 0-465-00310-9. OCLC 42368608. Hastedt, Glenn P. (2011). Spies, Wiretaps, and Secret Operations: An Encyclopedia of American Espionage. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-807-1. "About Us". Peter Knight (2003). Conspiracy Theories in American History: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 212–213. ISBN 978-1576078129. Retrieved February 3, 2016. David Walker (February 18, 2003). "Just How Intelligent?". The Guardian. Retrieved May 13, 2018. Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2001) [1999]. The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. New York: Basic Books. pp. 232–233. ISBN 978-0-465-00312-9. "Lou Wolf of CovertActionMagazine.com & Covert Action Information Bulletin". Internet Archive (Interview). Our Hidden History. May 31, 2018. "Covert Action Information Bulletin Premier Issue". archive.org. 1978. Christopher Hitchens on Noam Chomsky (1995), archived from the original on 2021-12-21, retrieved 2021-09-12 Baer, Robert (2010-11-10). "Foreign Policy: Spy Versus Rogue Spy". NPR. Retrieved 2022-08-29. Weiss, Michael (2016-07-26). "Russia's Long History of Messing With Americans Minds Before the DNC Hack". The Daily Beast. Retrieved 2022-08-29. Selvage, Douglas (2019). "Operation "Denver": The East German Ministry of State Security and the KGB's AIDS Disinformation Campaign, 1985–1986 (Part 1)". Journal of Cold War Studies. 21 (4): 92. doi:10.1162/jcws_a_00907. ISSN 1520-3972. Allen, Terry, and Barbara Neuwirth, Sanho Tree. "CAQ Purges Workers" (letter). (May 14, 1998). Addressed to "Everyone who has supported CAQ." "Big Business Seeks to Control and Influence U.S. Universities". Project Censored. 1998. Archived from the original on March 23, 2010. Retrieved August 10, 2010. Yee, Angie; Sims, Katie (April 30, 2010). Hurtado, Sally (ed.). "Big Business Seeks to Control and Influence U.S. Universities". Project Censored. "CovertAction Quarterly: Back Issues". Redacted News. Archived from the original on September 7, 2013. Retrieved August 8, 2015. Wilcott, Jim. "The CIA and the Media: Some Personal Experiences." CovertAction Information Bureau, no. 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980), pp. 23-24

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Rockefeller family is an American industrial, political, and banking family that owns one of the world's largest fortunes. The fortune was made in the American petroleum industry during the late 19th and early 20th centuries by brothers John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr., primarily through Standard Oil (the predecessor of ExxonMobil and Chevron Corporation).[1] The family had a long association with, and control of, Chase Manhattan Bank.[2] By 1987, the Rockefellers were considered one of the most powerful families in American history.[3] The Rockefeller family originated in Rhineland in Germany and family members moved to the Americas in the early 18th century, while through Eliza Davison, with family roots in Middlesex County, New Jersey, John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr. and their descendants are also of Scots-Irish ancestry.[4] Background The Rockefeller family originated in the Rhineland region in Germany and can be traced to the town Neuwied in the early 17th century. The American family branch is descended from Johann Peter Rockefeller (1681-1763), who migrated from the Rhineland to Philadelphia in the Province of Pennsylvania around 1723. In the US, he became a plantation owner and landholder in Somerville, and Amwell, New Jersey.[5][6][7] One of the first members of the Rockefeller family in New York was businessman William A. Rockefeller Sr., who was born to a Protestant family in Granger, New York. He had six children with his first wife Eliza Davison, a daughter of a Scots-Irish farmer,[4] the most prominent of which were oil tycoons John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr., the co-founders of Standard Oil. John D. Rockefeller (known as "Senior", as opposed to his son John D. Rockefeller Jr., known as "Junior") was a devout Northern Baptist, and he supported many church-based institutions.[8][9][10] While the Rockefeller family are mostly Baptists,[11][12] some of the Rockefellers were Episcopalians.[13] Wealth The Rockefeller brothers John D. Rockefeller Sr. William A. Rockefeller Jr. The combined wealth of the family—their total assets and investments plus the individual wealth of its members—has never been known with any precision. The records of the family archives relating to both the family and individual members' net worth are closed to researchers.[14] From the outset, the family's wealth has been under the complete control of the male members of the dynasty, through the family office. Despite strong-willed wives who had influence over their husbands' decisions—such as the pivotal female figure Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, wife of John D. Rockefeller Jr.—in all cases they received allowances only and were never given even partial responsibility for the family fortune.[15] Much of the wealth has been locked up in the family trust of 1934 (which holds the bulk of the fortune and matures on the death of the fourth generation) and the trust of 1952, both administered by Chase Bank, the corporate successor to Chase Manhattan Bank. These trusts have consisted of shares in the successor companies to Standard Oil and other diversified investments, as well as the family's considerable real estate holdings. They are administered by a trust committee that oversees the fortune. Management of this fortune today also rests with professional money managers who oversee the principal holding company, Rockefeller Financial Services, which controls all the family's investments. The Rockefeller Center is no longer owned by the family. Its present chairman and patriarch is David Rockefeller Jr. In 1992, it had five main arms: Rockefeller & Co. (Money management: Universities have invested some of their endowments in this company); Venrock Associates (Venture Capital: an early investment in Apple Computer was one of many it made in Silicon Valley entrepreneurial start-ups); Rockefeller Trust Company (Manages hundreds of family trusts); Rockefeller Insurance Company (Manages liability insurance for family members); Acadia Risk Management (Insurance Broker: Contracts out policies for the family's vast art collections, real estate and private planes.)[16] Real estate and institutions Rockefeller Center at night, December 1934 John D. Rockefeller Jr., the first president of the Rockefeller Foundation The family was heavily involved in numerous real estate construction projects in the U.S. during the 20th century.[17] Chief among them: Rockefeller Center, a multi-building complex built at the start of the Depression in Midtown Manhattan. The construction of Rockefeller Center was financed solely by the family International House of New York, New York City, 1924 (John Jr.) {Involvement: John III, Abby Aldrich, David & Peggy, David Jr., Abby O'Neill} Wren Building, College of William and Mary, Virginia, from 1927 (Renovation funded by Junior) Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia, from 1927 onwards (Junior), Abby Aldrich, John III and Winthrop, historical restoration Colonial Williamsburg Museum of Modern Art, New York City, from 1929 (Abby Aldrich, John Jr., Blanchette, Nelson, David, David Jr., Sharon Percy Rockefeller) Riverside Church, New York City, 1930 (John Jr.) The Cloisters, New York City, from 1934 (John Jr.) Rockefeller Apartments, New York City, 1936 (John Jr., Nelson)[18]: 333–334  The Interchurch Center, New York City, 1948 (John Jr.) Asia Society (Asia House), New York City, 1956 (John III) One Chase Manhattan Plaza, New York City, 1961 (David) Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza, Albany, New York, 1962 (Nelson) Lincoln Center, New York City, 1962 (John III) World Trade Center Twin Towers, New York City, 1973–2001 (David and Nelson) Embarcadero Center, San Francisco, 1974 (David) Council of the Americas/Americas Society, New York City, 1985 (David) In addition to this is Senior and Junior's involvement in seven major housing developments: Forest Hill Estates, Cleveland, Ohio City Housing Corporation's efforts, Sunnyside Gardens, Queens, New York City Thomas Garden Apartments, The Bronx, New York City Paul Laurence Dunbar Housing, Harlem, New York City Lavoisier Apartments, Manhattan, New York City Van Tassel Apartments, Sleepy Hollow, New York (formerly North Tarrytown) A development in Radburn, New Jersey[19][20] A further project involved David Rockefeller in a major middle-income housing development when he was elected in 1947 as chairman of Morningside Heights, Inc., in Manhattan by fourteen major institutions that were based in the area, including Columbia University. The result, in 1951, was the six-building apartment complex known as Morningside Gardens.[21] Senior's donations led to the formation of the University of Chicago in 1889; the Central Philippine University in the Philippines (The first Baptist university and second American university in Asia); and the Chicago School of Economics.[22] This was one instance of a long family and Rockefeller Foundation tradition of financially supporting Ivy League and other major colleges and universities over the generations—seventy-five in total. These include: Harvard University Dartmouth College Princeton University University of California, Berkeley Stanford University Yale University Massachusetts Institute of Technology Brown University Tufts University Columbia University Cornell University University of Pennsylvania Spelman College Case Western Reserve University Institutions overseas such as London School of Economics and University College London, among many others.[23] Rockefeller University Senior (and Junior) also created Rockefeller University in 1901 General Education Board in 1902, which later (1923) evolved into the International Education Board Rockefeller Sanitary Commission in 1910 Bureau of Social Hygiene in 1913 (Junior) International Health Division in 1913 China Medical Board in 1915. Rockefeller Museum, British Mandate of Palestine, 1925–30 In the 1920s, the International Education Board granted important fellowships to pathbreakers in modern mathematics, such as Stefan Banach, Bartel Leendert van der Waerden, and André Weil, which was a formative part of the gradual shift of world mathematics to the US over this period. To help promote cooperation between physics and mathematics Rockefeller funds also supported the erection of the new Mathematical Institute at the University of Göttingen between 1926 and 1929 The rise of probability and mathematical statistics owes much to the creation of the Institut Henri Poincaré in Paris, partly by the Rockefellers' finances, also around this time.[24] John D Jr. established International House at Berkeley. Junior was responsible for the creation and endowment of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, which operates the restored historical town at Williamsburg, Virginia, one of the most extensive historic restorations ever undertaken. Residences Over the generations, the family members have resided in some historic homes. A total of 81 Rockefeller residences are on the National Register of Historic Places.[25] Not including all homes owned by the five brothers, some of the more prominent of these residences are: One Beekman Place - The residence of Laurance in New York City. 10 West 54th Street - A nine-story single-family home, the former residence of Junior before he shifted to 740 Park Avenue, and the largest residence in New York City at the time, it was the home for the five young brothers; it was later given by Junior to the Museum of Modern Art.[26] 13 West 54th Street - A four-story townhouse used by Junior and Abby between 1901[27] and 1913.[26] 740 Park Avenue - Junior and Abby's famed 40-room triplex apartment in the luxury New York City apartment building, which was later sold for a record price. Bassett Hall - The house at Colonial Williamsburg bought by Junior in 1927 and renovated by 1936, it was the favourite residence of both Junior and Abby and is now a house museum at the family-restored Colonial Revival town. The Casements - A three-story house at Ormond Beach in Florida, where Senior spent his last winters, from 1919 until his death. The Eyrie - A sprawling 100-room summer holiday home on Mount Desert Island in Maine, demolished by family members in 1962. Forest Hill - The family's country estate and a summer home in Cleveland, Ohio, for four decades; built and occupied by Senior, it burned down in 1917. Golf House at Lakewood, New Jersey - The former three-story clubhouse for the elite Ocean County Hunt and Country Club, which Senior bought in 1902 to play golf on its golf course. Kykuit, also known as the John D. Rockefeller Estate - The landmark six-story, 40-room home on the vast Westchester County family estate, home to four generations of the family. The JY Ranch - The landmark ranch in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, the holiday resort home built by Junior and later owned by Laurance, which was used by all members of the family and had many prominent visitors, including presidents until Laurance donated it to the federal government in 2001. The Rocks - 1940 Shepard Street NW and 2121 Park Road NW, Washington, DC - The 12,000 square foot house sits on 15.9 acres bordering Rock Creek Park; and is the largest residential property in the District of Columbia. Built by Daisy Blodgett for her daughter Mona in 1927, the name refers to its location, not the current owner. The property was purchased by Jay Rockefeller in 1984 when he became US Senator for West Virginia. He and his wife, Sharon Percy Rockefeller continue to live there.[28] Rockwood Hall - The former home of William Rockefeller Jr. (demolished in the 1940s). Rockefeller Guest House - The guest house of Blanchette Ferry Rockefeller.[18] Kykuit, the landmark family home in Sleepy Hollow, New York Kykuit, the landmark family home in Sleepy Hollow, New York The Casements, the family's former winter residence in Florida The Casements, the family's former winter residence in Florida Rockwood Hall, Mount Pleasant, New York Rockwood Hall, Mount Pleasant, New York Rockefeller Guest House, New York City Rockefeller Guest House, New York City Politics Prominent banker David Rockefeller Sr. was the family patriarch until his death in 2017. In 1960, when his brother Nelson Rockefeller was governor of New York, David Sr. successfully pressed for a repeal of a New York state law that restricted Chase Manhattan Bank from operating outside the city. David Sr. was twice offered the post of Treasury secretary by President Richard M. Nixon, but declined on both occasions. In 1979, he used his high-level contacts to bring Mohammad Reza Shah of Iran, who had been overthrown in the Iranian Revolution and was in poor health, for medical treatment in the United States. In 1998, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton for his work on International Executive Service Corps.[29] Political offices held Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Governor Winthrop Rockefeller Senator John D. Rockefeller IV Nelson Rockefeller (1908–1979) 1st Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs, 1944–1945 1st Under Secretary Health, Education and Welfare, 1953–1954 Governor of New York, 1959–1973 U.S. Vice President, 1974–1977 Winthrop Rockefeller (1912–1973) Governor of Arkansas, 1967–1971 John Davison Rockefeller IV (b. 1937) Member of West Virginia House of Delegates, 1966–1968 Secretary of State of West Virginia, 1969–1973 Governor of West Virginia, 1977–1985 U.S. Senator from West Virginia, 1985–2015 Winthrop Paul Rockefeller (1948–2006) Lieutenant Governor of Arkansas, 1996–2006 Legacy A trademark of the dynasty over its 140-plus years has been the remarkable unity it has maintained, despite major divisions that developed in the late 1970s, and unlike other wealthy families such as the Du Ponts and the Mellons. A primary reason has been the lifelong efforts of "Junior" to not only cleanse the name from the disgrace stemming from the ruthless practices of Standard Oil but his tireless efforts to forge family unity even as he allowed his five sons to operate independently. This was partly achieved by regular brothers and family meetings, but it was also because of the high value placed on family unity by first Nelson and John III, and later especially with David.[30] Regarding achievements, in 1972, on the 100th anniversary of the founding of Andrew Carnegie's philanthropy, the Carnegie Corporation, which has had a long association with the family and its institutions, released a public statement on the influence of the family on not just philanthropy but encompassing a much wider field. Summing up a predominant view among the international philanthropic world, albeit one poorly grasped by the public, one sentence of this statement read: "The contributions of the Rockefeller family are staggering in their extraordinary range and in the scope of their contribution to humankind."[31] John D. Rockefeller gave away US$540 million over his lifetime (in dollar terms of that time), and became the greatest lay benefactor of medicine in history.[32] His son, Junior, also gave away over $537 million over his lifetime, bringing the total philanthropy of just two generations of the family to over $1 billion from 1860 to 1960.[33] Added to this, The New York Times declared in a report in November 2006 that David Rockefeller's total charitable benefactions amount to about $900 million over his lifetime.[34] The combined personal and social connections of the various family members are vast, both in the United States and throughout the world, including the most powerful politicians, royalty, public figures, and chief businessmen. Figures through Standard Oil alone have included Henry Flagler and Henry H. Rogers. Contemporary figures include Henry Kissinger, Richard Parsons (chairman and CEO of Time Warner), C. Fred Bergsten, Peter G. Peterson (Senior Chairman of the Blackstone Group), and Paul Volcker. In 1991, the family was presented with the Honor Award from the National Building Museum for four generations worth of preserving and creating some of the U.S.'s most important buildings and places. David accepted the award on the family's behalf.[35] The ceremony coincided with an exhibition on the family's contributions to the built environment, including John Sr.'s preservation efforts for the Hudson River Palisades, the restoration of Williamsburg, Virginia, construction of Rockefeller Center, and Governor Nelson's efforts to construct low- and middle-income housing in New York state.[36] The Rockefeller name is imprinted in numerous places throughout the United States, including within New York City, but also in Cleveland, where the family originates: Rockefeller Center - A landmark 19-building 22-acre (89,000 m2) complex in Midtown Manhattan established by Junior: Older section constructed from 1930 to 1939; Newer section constructed during the 1960s-1970s; Rockefeller Apartments - An apartment building in Midtown Manhattan Rockefeller University - Renamed in 1965, this is the distinguished Nobel prize-winning graduate/postgraduate medical school (formerly the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, established by Senior in 1901); Rockefeller Foundation - Founded in 1913, this is the famous philanthropic organization set up by Senior and Junior; Rockefeller Brothers Fund - Founded in 1940 by the third-generation's five sons and one daughter of Junior; Rockefeller Family Fund - Founded in 1967 by members of the family's fourth-generation; Rockefeller Group - A private family-run real estate development company based in New York that originally owned, constructed and managed Rockefeller Center, it is now wholly owned by Mitsubishi Estate Co. Ltd; Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors - is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization that advises donors in their philanthropic endeavours throughout the world; Rockefeller Research Laboratories Building - A major research centre into cancer that was established in 1986 and named after Laurance, this is located at the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center; Rockefeller Center - Home of the International Student Services office and department of philosophy, politics and law at the State University of New York at Binghamton; Rockefeller Chapel - Completed in 1928, this is the tallest building on the campus of the University of Chicago, established by Senior in 1889; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior in 1906, this building houses the Case Western Reserve University Physics Department; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior and completed in 1906, this building houses the Cornell University Physics Department;[37] Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior in 1887, who granted Vassar College a $100,000 ($2.34 million in 2006 dollars) allowance to build additional, much needed lecture space. The final cost of the facility was $99,998.75. It now houses multi-purpose classrooms and departmental offices for political science, philosophy and math; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior and completed in 1886, this is the oldest building on the campus of Spelman College; Rockefeller College - Named after John D. Rockefeller III, this is a residential college at Princeton University; Michael C. Rockefeller Arts Center - Completed in 1969 in memory of Nelson Rockefeller's son, this is a cultural centre at the State University of New York at Fredonia; The Michael C. Rockefeller Collection and the Department of Primitive Art - Completed in 1982 after being initiated by Nelson, this is a wing of the Metropolitan Museum of Art; David and Peggy Rockefeller Building - A tribute to David's wife, Peggy Rockefeller, this is a new (completed in 2004) six-story building housing the main collection and temporary exhibition galleries of the family's Museum of Modern Art; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Sculpture Garden - Completed in 1949 by David, this is a major outdoor feature of the Museum of Modern Art; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Museum - Opened in 1957 by Junior, this is a leading folk art museum just outside the historic district of Junior's Colonial Williamsburg; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Hall - The freshman residence hall on the campus of Spelman College; Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Building - Completed in 1918, it is among other things a student residence hall at Spelman College, after the wife of Senior and after whom the college was named; Rockefeller State Park Preserve - Part of the 3,400-acre (14 km2) family estate in Westchester County, this 1,233-acre (5 km2) preserve was officially handed over to New York State in 1983, although it had previously always been open to the public; Marsh-Billings-Rockefeller National Historical Park - Established as a historical museum of conservation by Laurance during the 1990s. John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway - Established in 1972 through Congressional authorization, connecting Yellowstone and Grand Teton National Parks; Rockefeller Forest - Funded by Junior, this is located within Humboldt Redwoods State Park, California's largest redwood state park; Either of two US congressional committees {in 1972 - John D. III and 1975 - Nelson dubbed the Rockefeller Commission}. Rockefeller Park, a scenic park featuring gardens dedicated to several world nations along Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd. between University Circle and Lake Erie in Cleveland. Winthrop Rockefeller Institute of the University of Arkansas System was established in 2005 with a grant from the Winthrop Rockefeller Charitable Trust. The educational center with conference and lodging facilities is located on Petit Jean Mountain near Morrilton, Arkansas, on the original grounds of Gov. Winthrop Rockefeller's model cattle farm. David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University. Rockefeller Quad at the Loomis Chaffee School Rockefeller Complex library at Niels Bohr Institute, Nørrebro, Copenhagen Municipality in Denmark John Jr., through his son Nelson, purchased and then donated the land upon which sits the United Nations headquarters, in New York, in 1946. Earlier, in the 1920s, he had also donated a substantial amount towards the restoration and rehabilitation of major buildings in France after World War I, such as the Rheims Cathedral, the Fontainebleau Palace and the Palace of Versailles, for which he was later (1936) awarded France's highest decoration, the Grand Croix of the Legion d'Honneur (subsequently also awarded decades later to his son, David Rockefeller). He also funded the excavations at Luxor in Egypt, as well as establishing a Classical Studies School in Athens. In addition, he provided the funding for the construction of the Palestine Archaeological Museum in East Jerusalem - the Rockefeller Museum.[38] Conservation Beginning with John D. Rockefeller Sr., the family has been a major force in land conservation.[39] Over the generations, it has created more than 20 national parks and open spaces, including the Cloisters, Acadia National Park, Forest Hill Park, the Nature Conservancy, the Rockefeller Forest in California's Humboldt Redwoods State Park (the largest stand of old-growth redwoods), and Grand Teton National Park, among many others. John Jr., and his son Laurance (and his son Laurance Jr. aka Larry) were particularly prominent in this area. The family was honoured for its conservation efforts in November 2005, by the National Audubon Society, one of the United States' largest and oldest conservation organizations, at which over 30 family members attended. At the event, the society's president, John Flicker, stated: "Cumulatively, no other family in America has made the contribution to conservation that the Rockefeller family has made".[39] In 2016 fifth-generation descendants of John Sr. criticized ExxonMobil, one of the successors to his company Standard Oil, for their record on climate change. The Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Rockefeller Family Fund both backed reports suggesting that ExxonMobil knew more about the threat of global warming than it had disclosed. David Kaiser, grandson of David Rockefeller Sr. and president of the Rockefeller Family Fund, said that the "...company seems to be morally bankrupt." Valerie Rockefeller Wayne, daughter of former Senator Jay Rockefeller, said, "Because the source of the family wealth is fossil fuels, we feel an enormous moral responsibility for our children, for everyone -- to move forward."[40] The Rockefeller Brothers Fund announced it was divesting from fossil fuels in September 2014, the Rockefeller Family Fund announced plans to divest in March 2016, and the Rockefeller Foundation pledged to dump their fossil fuel holdings in December 2020.[41][42][43] With a $5 billion endowment, the Rockefeller Foundation was "the largest US foundation to embrace the rapidly growing divestment movement." CNN writer Matt Egan noted, "This divestment is especially symbolic because the Rockefeller Foundation was founded by oil money."[43] In May 2021 Rockefeller descendants Rebecca Rockefeller Lambert and Peter Gill Case announced a ten-year funding initiative, the Equation Campaign, to fight new fossil fuel development.[44] The archives The Rockefeller family archives are held at the Rockefeller Archive Center in Pocantico Hills, North Tarrytown, New York.[45] At present, the archives of John D. Rockefeller Sr. William Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller Jr., Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, Abby Rockefeller Mauzé, John D. Rockefeller III, Blanchette Rockefeller, and Nelson Rockefeller are processed and open by appointment to readers in the Archive Center's reading room. Processed portions of the papers of Laurance Rockefeller are also open. In addition, the Archive Center has a microfilm copy of the Winthrop Rockefeller papers, the originals of which are held at the University of Arkansas, Little Rock. The papers of the family office, known as the Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller, are also open for research, although those portions that relate to living family members are closed.[46] Members Ancestors Godfrey Lewis Rockefeller (1783–1857) (m. 1806) Lucy Avery (1786–1867) (ten children) William Avery Rockefeller Sr.[47] (1810–1906) (m. 1837) Eliza Davison (1813–1889) (eight children) Lucy Rockefeller (1838–1878) (m. 1856) Pierson D. Briggs Clorinda Rockefeller (c. 1838–?, died young) (daughter from Nancy Brown) John Davison Rockefeller Sr. (1839–1937) (m. 1864) Laura Celestia "Cettie" Spelman (1839–1915) Cornelia Rockefeller (c. 1840–?) (daughter from Nancy Brown) William Avery Rockefeller Jr. (1841–1922) (m. 1864) Almira Geraldine Goodsell Mary Ann Rockefeller (1843–1925) (m. 1872) William Cullen Rudd Franklin "Frank" Rockefeller (1845–1917) (m. 1870) Helen Elizabeth Scofield Frances Rockefeller (1845–1847) William W. Rockefeller (1788–1851) (m. early 19th century) Eleanor Kisselbrack (1784–1859) Descendants of John Davison Rockefeller Sr. The total number of blood relative descendants as of 2006 was about 150.[citation needed] Elizabeth "Bessie" Rockefeller (1866–1906) (m.1889) Charles Augustus Strong (1862–1940) Margaret Rockefeller Strong (1897–1985) (m. 1st 1927) George de Cuevas (1885–1961), (m. 2nd 1977) Raimundo de Larrain Alice Rockefeller (1869–1870) Alta Rockefeller (1871–1962) (m.1901) Ezra Parmelee Prentice (1863–1955) John Rockefeller Prentice (1902–1972) (m. 1941) Abra Cantrill (1912–1972) Abra Prentice Wilkin (born 1942) Mary Adeline Prentice Gilbert (1907–1981) (m. 1937) Benjamin Davis Gilbert (1907–1992) Spelman Prentice (1911–2000) (m. 3rd 1972) Mimi Walters (four children) Peter Spelman Prentice (born 1940) Alexandra Sartell Prentice (born 1962) Michael Andrew Prentice (born 1964) Edith Rockefeller (1872–1932) (m. 1895) Harold Fowler McCormick John Rockefeller McCormick (1896–1901) Editha McCormick (1897–1898) Harold Fowler McCormick Jr. (1898–1973) (m. 1931) Anne "Fifi" Potter (1879–1969) Muriel McCormick (1902–1959) (m. 1931) Elisha Dyer Hubbard (1906) Mathilde McCormick (1905–1947) (m. 1923) Max Oser (1877–1942) (one child) John Davison Rockefeller Jr. (1874–1960) (m. 1st 1901) Abigail Greene "Abby" Aldrich (1874–1948) Abigail Aldrich "Babs" Rockefeller (1903–1976) (m. 1st 1925, div. 1954) David M. Milton (1900–1976) (m. 2nd 1946, d. 1949) Irving H. Pardee (1892–1949) (m. 3rd 1953, d. 1974) Jean Mauzé (1903–1974) (two children) Abigail Rockefeller "Abby" "Mitzi" Milton O'Neill (1928-2017) m. George Dorr O'Neill Sr. (six children; eighteen grandchildren) Marilyn Ellen Milton (1931–1980) (two children) John Davison Rockefeller III (1906–1978) (m. 1932) Blanchette Ferry Hooker (four children) John Davison "Jay" Rockefeller IV (born 1937) (m. 1967) Sharon Percy (four children) John Davison Rockefeller V (born 1969) m. Emily Tagliabue John Davison Rockefeller VI (born 2007) Justin Aldrich Rockefeller (born 1979) m. Indré Vengris Valerie Rockefeller Wayne Hope Aldrich Rockefeller (born 1938) (three children) Alida Ferry Rockefeller Messinger (born 1949) (m. 1st 1978–1986) Mark Dayton (m. 2nd) William Messinger (three children) Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (1908–1979) (m. 1st 1930–1962) Mary Todhunter Clark (m. 2nd 1963) Margaretta Large "Happy" Fitler (1926–2015) (seven children) Rodman Clark Rockefeller (1932–2000) (m. 1st 1953–1979) Barbara Ann Olsen (m. 2nd 1980) Alexandra von Metzler (four children) Meile Rockefeller (born 1955) Peter C. Rockefeller (m. 1987) Allison Whipple Rockefeller[48] Steven Clark Rockefeller (born 1936) Mary Clark Rockefeller (born 1938) m. 1st (1961–1974) William J. Strawbridge (three children) Michael Clark Rockefeller (1938–1961) Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller Jr. (born 1964) Mark Fitler Rockefeller (born 1967) Laurance Spelman Rockefeller (1910–2004) (m. 1934) Mary French Laura Spelman Rockefeller Chasin (1936–2015) Marion French Rockefeller (born 1938) Dr. Lucy Rockefeller Waletzky (born 1941) Laurance Rockefeller Jr. (born 1944) (m. 1982) Wendy Gordon (two children)[49] Winthrop Rockefeller (1912–1973) (m. 1st 1948, div. 1954) Jievute "Bobo" Paulekiute (1916–2008) (m. 2nd 1956, div. 1971) Jeannette Edris (1918–1997) Winthrop Paul Rockefeller (1948–2006) (m. 1st 1971, div. 1979) Deborah Cluett Sage (m. 2nd 1983) Lisenne Dudderar (seven children) Andrea Davidson Rockefeller (b. 1972) Katherine Cluett Rockefeller (b. 1974) Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Jr. (b. 1976) William Gordon Rockefeller Colin Kendrick Rockefeller (b. 1990) John Alexander Camp Rockefeller Louis Henry Rockefeller David Rockefeller (1915–2017) (m. 1940) Margaret McGrath (1915–1996) David Rockefeller Jr. (born 1941) (m. 1st divorced) Diana Newell-Rowan (m. 2nd 2008) Susan Cohn (two children) Ariana Rockefeller (born 1982) (m. 1st 2010, div. 2019) Matthew Bucklin[50] Camilla Rockefeller (born 1984)[51][52] Abigail Rockefeller (born 1943) Neva Goodwin Rockefeller (born 1944) (m. 1st divorced) Walter J. Kaiser[53] (m. 2nd) Bruce Mazlish (1923–2016)[54] David Kaiser (1969–2020)[55] Margaret Dulany "Peggy" Rockefeller[56] (born 1947) Richard Gilder Rockefeller (1949–2014);[57][58] married to Nancy King[56] (two children, two step-children)[56][57] Clayton Rockefeller Rebecca Rockefeller Eileen Rockefeller[56] (born 1952) m. Paul Growald (two children) Descendants of William Avery Rockefeller Jr. An article in The New York Times in 1937 stated that William Rockefeller had, at that time, 28 great-grandchildren.[59] Lewis Edward Rockefeller (1865–1866) Emma Rockefeller McAlpin (1868–1934) William Goodsell Rockefeller (1870–1922) (five children) William Avery Rockefeller III (1896–1973) (three children) Elsie Rockefeller m. William Proxmire Godfrey Stillman Rockefeller (1899–1983) (seven children) Godfrey Anderson Rockefeller (1924–2010) James Stillman Rockefeller (1902–2004) (four children) Georgia Rockefeller Rose Andrew Carnegie Rose Louisa d'Andelot du Pont Rose John Davison Rockefeller II (1872–1877) Percy Avery Rockefeller (1878–1934) m. Isabel Goodrich Stillman (five children) Isabel Stillman Rockefeller (1902–1980) m. Frederic Walker Lincoln IV Isabel Lincoln (1927-2016) m. Basil Beebe (Stephen Basil) Elmer Jr. (1924-2007) David Basil Elmer Lucy Lincoln Elmer Monica Elmer Veronica Hoyt Elmer m. Clinton Richard Kanaga Anthony Kanaga Joshua Kanaga Lindsey Kanaga Calista Lincoln (1930-2012) m. Henry Upham Harder (1925-2004) Frederic Walker Lincoln Harder (b. 1953) m. Karin J. E. Bolang (b. 1954) Frederic Harder Calista Harder Gertrude Upham Lincoln Harder (b. 1955) m. James Briggs Alexander Briggs George Briggs Holly Briggs Katherine Briggs Calista Harder (b. 1957) m. Jan Hollyer Elsa Hollyer Ian Hollyer Holly Harris Harder (b. 1961) m. Bruce Kenneth Catlin (b. 1956) Augustus Attilio Catlin (b. 1997) Nickolas Charles Catlin (b. 2000) Caroline Catlin Henry Upham Harder Jr. (b. 1965) m. Natalie Rae Borrok (b. 1965) Haley Rae Harder (b. 1997) Henry Rolston Harder (b. 1999) Charles Lincoln Harder (b. 2003) Percilla Avery Lincoln (1937-2019) m. William Blackstone Chappell Jr. (1935-2017) Richard Blackstone Chappell (1964-2014) Avery Lincoln Chappell (1966-2005) m. J. Kevin Smith Ellery Smith Emeline Smith Stillman Smith Florence Philena Lincoln (b. 1940) m. Thomas Lloyd Short Avery Rockefeller (1903–1986) m. 1923 Anna Griffith Mark (three children) Faith Rockefeller Model (1909–1960) Robert Model (born 1942) Geraldine Rockefeller Dodge (1882–1973) m. Marcellus Hartley Dodge Sr. Marcellus Hartley Dodge Jr. (1908–1930) Spouses Laura Celestia "Cettie" Spelman (1839–1915) – John D. Rockefeller Sr. Abby Greene Aldrich (1874–1948) – John D. Rockefeller Jr. Martha Baird Allen (1895–1971) – John D. Rockefeller Jr. Mary Todhunter Clark "Tod" (1907–1999) – Nelson Rockefeller Margaretta "Happy" Fitler (1926–2015) – Nelson Rockefeller Anne Marie Rasmussen – Steven Clark Rockefeller Blanchette Ferry Hooker (1909–1992) – John D. Rockefeller III Sharon Lee Percy – John D. Rockefeller IV Mary French (1910–1997) – Laurance Rockefeller Wendy Gordon – Laurance "Larry" Rockefeller Jr. Jievute "Bobo" Paulekiute (1916–2008) – Winthrop Rockefeller Jeannette Edris (1918–1997) – Winthrop Rockefeller Deborah Cluett Sage – Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Lisenne Dudderar – Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Margaret "Peggy" McGrath (1915–1996) – David Rockefeller Diana Newell Rowan – David Rockefeller Jr. Nancy King – Richard Gilder Rockefeller. Sarah Elizabeth "Elsie" Stillman (1872–1935) – William Goodsell Rockefeller Isabel Goodrich Stillman (1876–1935) – Percy Avery Rockefeller Family tree Network Associates The following is a list of figures closely aligned with or subordinate to the Rockefeller family. Gianni Agnelli[60][additional citation(s) needed] Nelson W. Aldrich John Dustin Archbold Jabez A. Bostwick Benjamin Brewster Samuel P. Bush Duncan Candler Daniel O'Day C. Douglas Dillon J. Richardson Dilworth Samuel Calvin Tate Dodd William Lukens Elkins[61] Henry Morrison Flagler Simon Flexner Henry Clay Folger Joseph B. Foraker Raymond B. Fosdick Herman Frasch Frederick Taylor Gates Jerome Davis Greene Harkness family Mark Hanna[62][63][64][65] William Rainey Harper E.H. Harriman[66][additional citation(s) needed] Wallace Harrison Oliver Burr Jennings William Lyon Mackenzie King Henry Kissinger Ivy Lee John J. McCloy McCormick family Charles Edward Merriam William S. Paley Richard Parsons Oliver H. Payne Charles H. Percy Peter G. Peterson Pratt family Matthew Quay Eddie Rickenbacker[67][68] Henry H. Rogers Beardsley Ruml[69] John D. Ryan Jacob Schiff[citation needed] Louis Severance James Stillman Feargus B. Squire Walter Teagle Henry Morgan Tilford Paul Volcker John C. Whitehead Businesses The following is a list of companies in which the Rockefeller family have held a controlling or otherwise significant interest. Allegheny Transportation Company Anaconda Copper Arabian-American Oil Company American Smelting & Refining Company Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway[70][71] Atlantic Petroleum[72] Baltimore & Ohio Railroad[73] Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company Buckeye Steel Castings Chase Manhattan Bank[74] Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad[75] Chrysler Corporation[76] Clivus Multrum, Inc.[77] Colorado Fuel and Iron[78] Consolidation Coal Company[79] Consolidated Edison[80][81][82] Continental Oil[72] Cranston Print Works [83] Duluth, Missabe & Northern Railway[84] Eastern Air Lines[85] Intercontinental Rubber Company of New York[86] International Basic Economy Corporation [87] Itek Kyso[72] Marquardt Corporation McDonnell Aircraft Corporation[88][89] Mutual Alliance Trust Company Ohio Oil Company[90][72] National City Bank of New York Piasecki Helicopter Public Service Corporation of New Jersey[91] RKO Pictures[92] Rockefeller Apartments Rockefeller Capital Management Rockefeller Group RockResorts Santa Fe Reporter[93] Schroder, Rockefeller & Company [94] Socal[90] Socony-Vacuum Oil[90] Sohio[95] Standard Oil Company, Inc. Standard Oil of Indiana[90] Standard Oil of New Jersey[90][95] Union Sulphur Company Union Tank Car Company United Gas Improvement Corporation[61] U.S. Steel (1901–1911)[96][97] Venrock Associates Western Maryland Railway[98][61][99] Wheeling & Lake Erie Railway[100][99] Charities, colleges, and nonprofit organizations Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Museum Asia Society Central Philippine University China Medical Board Council of the Americas Council on Foreign Relations David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies General Education Board Great Smoky Mountains National Park Group of 30 Industrial Relations Counselors, Inc. Historic Hudson Valley Institute for Pacific Relations International House of New York Jackson Hole Preserve, Inc. John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Heredity & Eugenics Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center Michael Rockefeller Wing of the Met Museum of Automobiles Museum of Modern Art National Institute of Social Sciences[101] Nelson A. Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy New York Cancer Hospital Population Council Rockefeller Archeological Museum Rockefeller Archive Center Rockefeller Brothers Fund Rockefeller College Rockefeller Foundation Rockefeller Institute of Government Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors Rockefeller University Social Science Research Council Spelman College Trilateral Commission United Nations Association[citation needed] University of Chicago Winrock International Winthrop Rockefeller Institute Buildings, estates and historic sites Bassett Hall Colonial Williamsburg The Casements The Cloisters Eliza Davison House Elm Tree House[102] Embarcadero Center The Eyrie Summer Home First Baptist Church of Tarrytown Forest Hill Park (Ohio) Giralda Farms Grand Teton National Park Greenacre Park Headquarters of the United Nations The Interchurch Center JY Ranch Kykuit Lincoln Center Marsh-Billings-Rockefeller National Historical Park Mount Hope Farm [103] Ocean County Park One Chase Manhattan Plaza Overhills [104] Riverside Church Rockefeller Center Rockefeller Golf House Rockefeller Guest House Rockefeller State Park Preserve The Rocks [28] Rockwood Hall Strong House (Vassar College) Standard Oil Building Villa Le Balze Virgin Islands National Park William Murray Residences World Trade Center (1973–2001) See also Gilded Age References Citations World's largest private fortune - see Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr., London: Warner Books, 1998. (p.370) The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money, and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis, David N. Gibbs, University of Chicago Press 1991, page 113 The Rockefeller inheritance, Alvin Moscow, Doubleday 1977, page 418 Chernow, Ron (1998). Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller. New York: Vintage Books. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-4000-7730-4. "[William Rockefeller Sr.] met his future wife, Eliza Davison, at her father's farmhouse.... A prudent, straitlaced Baptist of Scottish-Irish descent, deeply attached to his daughter, John Davison must have sensed the world of trouble that awaited Eliza..." Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (p. 3). 2007 John Thomas Flynn, God's Gold: The Story of Rockefeller and His Times (p. 9). 1933 Henry Oscar Rockefeller, Benjamin Franklin Rockefeller. The Transactions of the Rockefeller Family Association for 1905. Knickerbocker Press, 1915 Martin, Albro (1999), "John D. Rockefeller", Encyclopedia Americana, vol. 23 Chernow 1998, p. 52 "The 9 most amazing facts about John D. Rockefeller". Oil Patch Asia. Archived from the original on January 2, 2014. Alsop, Stewart (2016). Nixon & Rockefeller: A Double Portrait. Open Road Media. ISBN 9781480446007. "Although the Nixon family was Quaker and the Rockefeller family Baptist" Schmiesing, Kevin (2016). Merchants and Ministers: A History of Businesspeople and Clergy in the United States. Lexington Books. p. 115. ISBN 9781498539258. W. Williams, Peter (2016). Religion, Art, and Money: Episcopalians and American Culture from the Civil War to the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press. p. 176. ISBN 9781469626987. "The names of fashionable families who were already Episcopalian, like the Morgans, or those, like the Fricks, who now became so, goes on interminably: Aldrich, Astor, Biddle, Booth, Brown, Du Pont, Firestone, Ford, Gardner, Mellon, Morgan, Procter, the Vanderbilt, Whitney. Episcopalians branches of the Baptist Rockefellers and Jewish Guggenheims even appeared on these family trees." "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, JDR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Women in the family with no control over the family fortune—see Bernice Kert, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller: The Woman in the Family. New York: Random House, 1993. (p.100) Managing the family wealth, 1992 New York Times article Rockefeller Family Tries to Keep A Vast Fortune From Dissipating (see External Links). (Note: The names and nature of these departments may have changed since 1992.) The Edifice Complex: The Architecture of Power, By Deyan Sudjic, Penguin, April 7, 2011, page 245–255 White, Norval; Willensky, Elliot; Leadon, Fran (2010). AIA Guide to New York City (5th ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19538-386-7. "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, OMR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. "John D. Rockefeller Jr. and the Van Tassel Apartments, Rockefeller Archive Newsletter, Fall 1997" (PDF). Retrieved February 19, 2013. The Morningside Heights housing project - see David Rockefeller, Memoirs, New York: Random House, 2002. (pp.385-87). "UChicago.edu, "News, Nobel"". News.uchicago.edu. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Funded colleges and Ivy League universities - see Robert Shaplen, Toward the Well-Being of Mankind: Fifty Years of the Rockefeller Foundation, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1964. (passim) Siegmund-Schultze, Reinhard (April 1, 2003). Google Books: Rockefeller and the Internationalization of Mathematics. Springer. ISBN 9783764364687. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Gregor, Sharon (2006). Amazon Books: Forest Hill. Arcadia. ISBN 0738540943. Gray, Christopher (May 22, 1994). "Streetscapes/The Rockefeller City House; Pied-a-Terre Off Fifth for a Parsimonious Billionaire". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 25, 2021. "New Home for John D. Rockefeller Jr". The New York Times. September 26, 1901. p. 16. Retrieved May 24, 2021. Elliot Carter (October 16, 2016). "Check Out The Rockefeller Mansion in Rock Creek Park". Architect of the Capital.org. Smith, Timothy R. "David Rockefeller Sr., steward of family fortune and Chase Manhattan Bank, dies at 101". The Washington Post. Retrieved November 6, 2017. Family unity maintained over the decades - see John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, The Rockefeller Century: Three Generations of America's Greatest Family, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988. (pp.370-71, passim); David's unifying influence - see Memoirs (pp.346-7) Carnegie.Org "Rockefellers" Archived August 31, 2006, at the Wayback Machine Greatest benefactor of medicine in history - see Ron Chernow, Titan: op.cit. (p.570) "Rockefeller Archive Center "JDR Jr"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. New York Times, November 21, 2006 Barbara Gamarekian (March 15, 1991). "Museum Honors All Rockefellers and Gifts". The New York Times. Jene Stonesifer (March 14, 1991). "Rockefellers and Design". The Washington Post. Cornell.Edu "Infobase" Retrieved January 30, 2007. Restorations and constructions in France, Egypt, Greece and Jerusalem - see Memoirs, (pp.44-48). Depalma, Anthony (November 15, 2005). "They Saved Land Like Rockefellers". The New York Times. Retrieved March 23, 2008. "Rockefeller descendants speak out against company to which they owe their prosperity". CBS News. December 2, 2016. Retrieved February 7, 2018. Schwartz, John (September 21, 2014). "Rockefellers, Heirs to an Oil Fortune, Will Divest Charity of Fossil Fuels". The New York Times. Retrieved September 23, 2014. Wade, Terry; Driver, Anna (March 24, 2016). "Rockefeller Family Fund hits Exxon, divests from fossil fuels". Reuters. Retrieved March 18, 2018. Egan, Matt (December 18, 2020). "Exclusive: A $5 billion foundation literally founded on oil money is saying goodbye to fossil fuels". CNN.com. Retrieved December 20, 2020. "Heirs to Rockefeller fortune launch effort to slow oil and gas growthg". The Hill. May 6, 2021. Retrieved May 6, 2021. Haskell, Mary B. (Winter 1996). "Brother, Can You Share a Dime?: The Rockefeller Family and Libraries". Libraries & Culture. 31 (1): 130–143. JSTOR 25548427. "DIMES: Online Collections and Catalog of Rockefeller Archive Center". dimes.rockarch.org. Retrieved January 4, 2019. Chernow, R. (1998). Titan: The life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. "Allison H. Whipple, Broker, Marries Peter C. Rockefeller". The New York Times. December 20, 1987. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved June 2, 2022. Deutsch, Claudia H. (January 15, 2006). "AT LUNCH WITH: WENDY GORDON; Living Green, but Allowing for Shades of Gray". The New York Times. Sipher, Devan (September 18, 2010). "Ariana Rockefeller and Matthew Bucklin". The New York Times. Retrieved July 22, 2020. "World's Richest Heirs | Mom.com". mom.com. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Conley, Kevin (May 11, 2016). "How the Name Rockefeller Came to Mean More Than Just Wealth". Town & Country. Retrieved July 22, 2020. "Neva Rockefeller Engaged to Wed Walter J. Kaiser; Niece of Governor Will Be Bride of Professor at Harvard, Author". The New York Times. October 18, 1966. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Vitello, Paul (November 29, 2016). "Bruce Mazlish, Who Fused Psychoanalysis and History in His Books, Dies at 93". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Schwartz, John (July 16, 2020). "David Kaiser, Rockefeller Heir Who Fought Exxon Mobil, Dies at 50". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Berger, Joseph, "A Rockefeller Known Not for Wealth but for His Efforts to Help", New York Times, June 23, 2014. Retrieved June 24, 2014. Santora, Marc, "Richard Rockefeller Killed in New York Plane Crash", New York Times, June 13, 2014. Retrieved June 13, 2014. Fallows, James, "Richard Rockefeller, MD What would you do, if you could do anything? An inspiring answer to that question.", June 14, 2014. Retrieved June 14, 2014. "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, JDR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. [verification needed] Association with David Rockefeller – see his Memoirs, New York: Random House, 2002 (pp. 208, 479, 481) Flynn, John T. (1932). God's Gold: The Story of Rockefeller and His Times. Quinn & Boden Company. p. 347. ISBN 978-1-61016-411-5. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. New York City, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp. 11–12. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "[John D. Rockefeller] had few friends in Cleveland's Central High School...although he did form a lasting bond with classmate Mark Hanna, later to be a U.S. senator, presidential kingmaker, and political fixer for the Standard Oil trust." Chernow 1999, p. 332. Chernow 1999, p. 388. Chernow 1999, p. 508. Josephson, Matthew (October 27, 2015) [1934]. The Robber Barons: The Classic Account of the Influential Capitalists Who Transformed America's Future. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. pp. 432–433. ISBN 978-0-15-676790-3. "...[T]he various invasions of Harriman would have been impossible without tremendous draughts upon the reservoir of money at 26 Broadway. Else he could not have seized and rebuilt so quickly the Union Pacific; nor added to this Colis Huntington's huge Southern Pacific…To carry these enterprises, Harriman's biographer tells us, the men of the Standard Oil family ' gave Harriman financial support when he needed tens of millions of dollars, in credit or cash'." Daly Bednarek, Janet Rose; Launius, Roger D. (2003). Reconsidering a Century of Flight. UNC Press Books. p. 120. ISBN 978-0-8078-5488-4. Retrieved August 1, 2014. Chernow 1999, pp. 658–659. Domhoff, G.William (1996). State Autonomy or Class Dominance?: Case Studies on Policy Making In America. Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter. pp. 60–61. ISBN 0-202-30512-0. Bryant Jr., Keith L.; Frailey, Fred W. (2020). History of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway. University of Nebraska Press. p. 185. ISBN 9781496214102. White, Leslie A. (2016). Modern Capitalist Culture. New York City, NY: Routledge. p. 379. ISBN 978-1-59874-157-5. Auzanneau, Matthieu (2018) [2015]. Oil, Power and War: A Dark History. Chelsea Green Publishing. p. 80. ISBN 978-1-60358-743-3. "The dismantling of Standard Oil appears to have been only a formality. The subsidiaries sold their products under the same brand and divided the sales territories; during the next two or three decades, there was virtually no perceptible competition between them...¶Above all, the main shareholders remained the same as before, beginning with John D. Rockefeller, who retained about one-quarter of the shares of each of the thirty-three companies created after the Supreme Court ruling." Chernow 1999, p. 373. Caro, Robert (1975) [1974]. The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. Random House, Inc. p. 1067. ISBN 0-394-72024-5. "There is scarcely a bank in New York State with which the Rockefellers do not have some link, direct or hidden. As for the state's largest bank, the Chase Manhattan Bank that is probably the most powerful financial institution anywhere on earth, Chase is, as [Theodore H.] White notes, 'the last great bank controlled by an individual family—the Rockefellers." "Who Built the Roads? A Modern Parable". The Railroad Telegrapher: Volume 39, Part 2. Order of Railroad Telegraphers. 1922. pp. 937–938. Retrieved March 4, 2023. "William Rockefeller, brother of John D., died a few weeks ago in his palatial home on the Hudson." “Nomination of Nelson A. Rockefeller to be Vice President of the United States” Hearings before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Third Congress, Second Session, November 21, 1974, (Serial No. 45), p.1069. "As for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, in 1972 more than half of the 15 persons listed as trustees were members of the [Rockefeller] Family's investment counselors...[T]he Fund portfolio's largest holdings are in Exxon, Standard Oil of California, Chase Manhattan Bank, and Rockefeller Center, all considered controlled by, or heavily influenced by, the Rockefeller Family. The next largest holding is in the Chrysler Corporation where in the period 1966-1970, they held 80,000 shares of Chrysler common stock plus $1.6 million in notes of the Chrysler Financial and Realty Corporation. Remember that J.Richardson Dilworth has been a director of Chrysler since 1962, when the Rockefellers bought a major stock position in that company." McCandlish, Laura (May 22, 2005). "Indoor composting toilets waste not, want not". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved September 29, 2021. Chernow 1999, p. 571. "Rockefellers in the Consolidation Coal Co". The Big Sandy News. Louisa, KY. February 2, 1917. Retrieved May 26, 2021. Groner, Alex (1972). The American Heritage History of American Business & Industry. American Heritage Publishing Company. p. 213. ISBN 0070011567. U.S. Congress House Committee on the Judiciary (1974). Nomination of Nelson A. Rockefeller to be Vice President of the United States: Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary (Report). U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 665. Retrieved March 3, 2024. "Consolidated Edison—[Nelson] Rockefeller's conflict of interest statement on file with the N.Y. Secretary of State, shows the [Rockefeller] family ownership of this big utility. With ownership goes control, of course." Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "Nelson [Rockefeller] and Laurance's Great-Uncle William Rockefeller had been, in fact, one of the original owners of Con Ed, and based on figures Junior had given TNEC investigators in 1937, the [Rockefeller] family's current holdings would amount to better than $10 million." "Godfrey S. Rockefeller, Dies; Executive in Textiles Was 83". The New York Times. February 25, 1983. Retrieved November 30, 2016. Drury 2007, p. 398. Kaufman, Michael T. (July 11, 2004). "Laurance Rockefeller, Venture Capitalist and Philanthropist, Dies at 94". The New York Times. New York City. Retrieved May 26, 2021. "In the late 1930's, [Laurance Rockefeller] provided much of the capital to help Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker, the World War I fighter pilot, start Eastern Airlines and was for many years the airline's largest stockholder." Hart, John Mason. Empire and Revolution: The Americans in Mexico since the Civil War. Berkeley: University of California Press 2002, pp. 183–84. Schroy, John Oswin. "The International Basic Economy Corporation, IBEC, CRESCINCO, Nelson Rockefeller, and the Brazilian Capital Market". www.capital-flow-analysis.com. Chernow 1999, p. 659. Kaufman, Michael T. (July 11, 2004). "Laurance Rockefeller, Venture Capitalist and Philanthropist, Dies at 94". The New York Times. Retrieved March 3, 2023. White, Leslie A. (2016). Modern Capitalist Culture. New York City, NY: Routledge. p. 379. ISBN 978-1-59874-157-5. "The Rockefeller family owned enough stock in five of the 200 largest non-financial corporations to insure virtual control over them. They were: (1) Standard Oil Company (New Jersey) of whose stock 13.5 percent was owned by members of the Rockefeller family and by family foundations; this was by far the largest block of stock extant. (2) Socony Vacuum Oil Company, Inc, 16.3 percent of whose common stock was owned by members of the Rockefeller family; (3) Standard Oil (Indiana), 11.4 percent of common stock owned by family and foundations; (4) Standard Oil Company of California, 11.9 percent of common stock held by family, 0.5 percent by foundations; (5) Ohio Oil Company, family held 9.5 percent, foundations held 9.1 percent of common stock; family and foundations each owned about 10 percent of the preferred stock" Shannon, David A. (1977). Twentieth Century America, Volume I: The Progressive Era. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally College Publishing Company. pp. 73–74. Lasky, Betty (1984). RKO, The Biggest Little Major of Them All. Prentice Hall, Inc. p. 55. ISBN 0-13-781451-8. "Wrestling toward the Truth". Santa Fe Reporter. June 25, 2014. Retrieved December 22, 2022. "ROCKEFELLER KIN IN BANKING FIELD; Avery, Grandson of William Rockefeller, a Founder of New Investment Concern. A PRINCIPAL STOCKHOLDER Schroder, Rockefeller & Co., Inc., Will Do Underwriting and Securities Business". The New York Times. July 9, 1936. Retrieved February 16, 2023. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "The [Standard Oil] trust was dead, but Rockefeller continued to hold controlling interest[s] in the constituent companies. As late as 1931, he had some 23 percent of Standard Oil of New Jersey, 18 percent of Standard of Ohio, 15 percent of Standard Oil of California, and 10 percent Standard of Indiana" Chernow 1999, pp. 392–393. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "[Rockefeller's] agreement with Morgan on the Mesabi property had made him the largest stockholder in U.S. Steel and given him a seat on the board of directors." United States Congress Joint Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce (1918). Interstate and Foreign Transportation: Hearings Before the Joint Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Congress of the United States, Pursuant to Public J. Res. 25, a Joint Resolution Creating a Joint Subcommittee from the Membership of the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce and the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce to Investigate the Conditions Relating to Interstate and Foreign Commerce, and the Necessity of Further Legislation Relating Thereto, and Defing the Powers and Duties of Such Subcommittee, Volume 4, Parts 13-14 (Report). U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 2109. Retrieved February 28, 2024. Grant, H. Roger (2019) [2004]. "Follow the Flag": A History of the Wabash Railroad Company. Northern Illinois University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-1-5017-4777-9. Price & Spillane 1917, p. 455. "Gold Medal Honorees". "Mrs. E. Parmalee Prentice Dies; Daughter of J.D. Rockefeller Sr" (PDF). The New York Times. June 22, 1962. Retrieved May 3, 2019. "J. R. Prentice Dies; Cattle Breeder, 69". The New York Times. June 16, 1972. Retrieved May 3, 2019. Irwin, Jeffrey D.; O'Shea, Kaitlin (2008). Overhills. Arcadia Publishing. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-0-7385-5433-4. Other sources Chernow, Ron (1999). Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr. New York City, United States: Vintage Books; Random House, Inc. ISBN 0-679-75703-1. Depalma, Anthony, They Saved Land Like Rockefellers, The New York Times Archive, November 15, 2005. Drury, George H. (2007). "Duluth, Missabe & Iron Range Railway". In Middleton, William D.; Smerk, George M.; Diehl, Roberta L. (eds.). Encyclopedia of North American Railroads. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. pp. 398–399. ISBN 978-0-253-34916-3. O'Connell, Dennis, Top 10 Richest Men Of All Time, AskMen.com, undated. Price, Theodore H.; Spillane, Richard, eds. (1917). "The Economic Panorama of the Week". Commerce and Finance, Volume 6. pp. 452–457. Retrieved February 29, 2024. Rose, Kenneth W., Select Rockefeller Philanthropies, Booklet (pdf, 23 pages) of the Rockefeller Archive Center, 2004. Strom, Stephanie, Manhattan: A Rockefeller Plans a Huge Bequest, The New York Times Archive, November 21, 2006. Origin of Rockenfeld, in German Descendants of Goddard Rockenfeller Listing of University of Chicago Nobel Laureates, News Office, University of Chicago website, undated. Carnegie Corporation of New York, Celebrating 100 years of Andrew Carnegie's Philanthropy - awarding the inaugural Andrew Carnegie Medal of Philanthropy to David and Laurance Rockefeller, 2001. The Rockefeller Archive Center, John D. Rockefeller, Junior, 1874–1960, Overview of his life and philanthropy, 1997. Further reading Abels, Jules. The Rockefeller Billions: The Story of the World's Most Stupendous Fortune. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1965. Aldrich, Nelson W. Jr. Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988. Allen, Gary. The Rockefeller File. Seal Beach, California: 1976 Press, 1976. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans: The Democratic Experience. New York: Vintage Books, 1974. Brown, E. Richard. Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979. Caro, Robert (1974). The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. New York: Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-48076-3. OCLC 834874. Chernow, Ron. Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. London: Warner Books, 1998. Collier, Peter, and David Horowitz. The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1976. Elmer, Isabel Lincoln. Cinderella Rockefeller: A Life of Wealth Beyond All-Knowing. New York: Freundlich Books, 1987. Ernst, Joseph W., editor. "Dear Father"/"Dear Son:" Correspondence of John D. Rockefeller and John D. Rockefeller Jr. New York: Fordham University Press, with the Rockefeller Archive Cen

Secret history of the CIA: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This intriguing video delves into a myriad of historical events and lesser-known stories that have largely evaded mainstream media coverage. It sheds light on significant yet overlooked occurrences, including Eisenhower's World War II death camps for Germans, a chapter seldom discussed in history books that led to the loss of a staggering one million lives. The narrative extends to Lithuania's prominence as a superstate during the 1300s and 1400s, offering insights into a pivotal period often overshadowed by more widely recognized historical epochs. Additionally, the video explores the controversial bombing of the Pan-Am plane over Scotland, attributing the act to a renegade CIA faction and its agents—a perspective divergent from the commonly accepted narrative. It highlights a remarkable instance of Mexican villagers mobilizing to oust local governing officials, showcasing grassroots efforts in governance. Further, it touches upon John Stockwell's assessment of Nicaraguan elections, presenting an alternative viewpoint often omitted from mainstream discussions. Intriguingly, the video also discusses the unconventional use of "Mountain Dew" as an alternative to urine for drug testing. Moreover, it delves into the fascinating phenomenon of psychedelic frogs found in both Australia and the U.S., offering a glimpse into the natural world's intriguing facets. Pan Am Flight 103 (PA103/PAA103) was a regularly scheduled Pan Am transatlantic flight from Frankfurt to Detroit via a stopover in London and another in New York City. The transatlantic leg of the route was operated by Clipper Maid of the Seas, a Boeing 747 registered N739PA. Shortly after 19:00 on 21 December 1988, while the aircraft was in flight over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, it was destroyed by a bomb that had been planted on board, killing all 243 passengers and 16 crew in what became known as the Lockerbie bombing.[1] Large sections of the aircraft crashed in a residential street in Lockerbie, killing 11 residents. With a total of 270 fatalities, it is the deadliest terrorist attack in the history of the United Kingdom. Following a three-year joint investigation by Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary and the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), arrest warrants were issued for two Libyan nationals in November 1991. In 1999, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi handed over the two men for trial at Camp Zeist, the Netherlands, after protracted negotiations and UN sanctions. In 2001, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, a Libyan intelligence officer, was jailed for life after being found guilty of 270 counts of murder in connection with the bombing. In August 2009, he was released by the Scottish government on compassionate grounds after being diagnosed with prostate cancer. He died in May 2012 as the only person to be convicted for the attack. In 2003, Gaddafi accepted Libya's responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing and paid compensation to the families of the victims, although he maintained that he had never given the order for the attack.[2] Acceptance of responsibility was part of a series of requirements laid out by a UN resolution for sanctions against Libya to be lifted. Libya said it had to accept responsibility due to Megrahi's status as a government employee.[3] During the First Libyan Civil War in 2011, former Minister of Justice Mustafa Abdul Jalil claimed that the Libyan leader had personally ordered the bombing,[2] while investigators have long believed that Megrahi did not act alone, and have been reported as questioning retired Stasi agents about a possible role in the attack. Some relatives of the dead, including Lockerbie campaigner Jim Swire, believe the bomb was planted at Heathrow Airport, and not sent via feeder flights from Malta, as per the US and UK governments. A sleeper cell belonging to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command had been operating in West Germany in the months before the Pan Am bombing.[4] In 2020, US authorities indicted the Tunisia resident and Libyan national Abu Agila Mohammad Mas'ud Kheir Al-Marimi, who was 37 years old at the time of the incident,[5] for participating in the bombing. He was taken into custody in December 2022.[6] Aircraft N739PA as Clipper Morning Light at San Francisco International Airport in 1978 N739PA as Clipper Maid of the Seas at Los Angeles International Airport in 1987. The explosion occurred almost directly under the second A in "Pan Am" on this side of the fuselage, in the forward cargo hold. The aircraft operating Pan Am Flight 103 was a Boeing 747-121, registered N739PA[7] and named Clipper Maid of the Seas;[8] prior to 1979, it had been named Clipper Morning Light.[9] It was the 15th 747 built, and was delivered in February 1970,[10][11] one month after the first 747 entered service with Pan Am.[10][12] In 1978, as Clipper Morning Light, it had appeared in "Conquering the Atlantic", the fourth episode of the BBC Television documentary series Diamonds in the Sky, presented by Julian Pettifer.[13] Flight Pan Am 103 originated as a feeder flight at Frankfurt Airport, West Germany, using a Boeing 727 and the flight number PA103-A. Both Pan Am and TWA routinely changed the type of aircraft operating different legs of a flight. PA103 was bookable as either a single Frankfurt–New York or a Frankfurt–Detroit itinerary, though a scheduled change of aircraft took place in London's Heathrow Airport. After the bombing, the flight number was changed, in accordance with standard practice among airlines after disasters. Within days, the Frankfurt–London–New York–Detroit route was being served by Pan Am Flight 3 until the company's demise in 1991.[14] Explosion and collision timeline Departure On its arrival at Heathrow Terminal 3 on the day of the disaster, the passengers and their luggage (as well as an unaccompanied suitcase which was part of the interline luggage on the feeder flight) were transferred directly to Clipper Maid of the Seas, whose previous flight had originated from Los Angeles and arrived via San Francisco. The plane, which operated the flight's transatlantic leg, pushed back from the terminal at 18:04 and took off from runway 27R at 18:25, bound for New York JFK Airport and then Detroit Metropolitan Wayne County Airport. Contrary to many popular accounts of the disaster (though repeated, with reference, below), the flight, which had a scheduled gate departure time of 18:00, left Heathrow airport on time.[15][16] Loss of contact At 18:58, the aircraft established two-way radio contact with Shanwick Oceanic Area Control in Prestwick on 123.95 MHz. Clipper Maid of the Seas approached the corner of the Solway Firth at 19:01, and crossed the coast at 19:02 UTC. On scope, the aircraft showed transponder code, or "squawk", 0357 and flight level 310. At this point, the Clipper Maid of the Seas was flying at 31,000 feet (9,400 metres) on a heading of 316° magnetic, and at a speed of 313 kn (580 km/h; 360 mph) calibrated airspeed. Subsequent analysis of the radar returns by RSRE concluded that the aircraft was tracking 321° (grid) and travelling at a ground speed of 803 km/h (499 mph; 434 kn).[citation needed] At 19:02:44, Alan Topp, the clearance delivery officer at Shanwick, transmitted its oceanic route clearance. The aircraft did not acknowledge this message. Clipper Maid of the Seas' "squawk" then flickered off. Air traffic control tried to make contact with the flight, with no response. Then a loud noise was recorded on the cockpit voice recorder (CVR) at 19:02:50. Five radar echoes fanning out appeared, instead of one.[17][18] Comparison of the CVR to the radar returns showed that, eight seconds after the explosion, the wreckage had a 1-nautical-mile (1.9 km) spread.[19] A British Airways pilot, flying the London–Glasgow shuttle near Carlisle, called Scottish authorities to report that he could see a huge fire on the ground.[20] Disintegration of aircraft Air Accident Investigation Branch model showing fuselage and tail fracture lines and ground locations of parts: Green—southern wreckage trail; red—northern wreckage trail; grey—impact crater; yellow—Rosebank (Lockerbie); white—not recovered/identified.[19]: 15–19  The explosion punched a 50 cm (20 in) hole on the left side of the fuselage. Investigators from the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) concluded that no emergency procedures had been started in the cockpit.[21] The CVR, located in the tail section of the aircraft, was found in a field by police searchers within 24 hours. No distress call was recorded; a 180-millisecond hissing noise could be heard as the explosion destroyed the aircraft's communications center.[22] The explosion in the aircraft hold was magnified by the uncontrolled decompression of the fuselage - a large difference in pressure between the aircraft's interior and exterior. The aircraft's elevator- and rudder-control cables had been disrupted and the fuselage pitched downwards and to the left.[23] Investigators from the Air Accidents Investigation Branch of the British Department for Transport concluded that the nose of the aircraft was blown off and separated from the main fuselage within three seconds of the explosion. The nose cone was briefly held on by a band of metal, but facing aft, like the lid of a can. It then sheared off, up, and backwards to starboard, striking off the number-three engine and landing some distance outside the town, on a hill in Tundergarth. Fuselage impact The fuselage continued moving forward and down until it reached 19,000 ft (5,800 m), when its dive became nearly vertical.[19]: 44  Due to the extreme flutter, the vertical stabilizer disintegrated, which in turn produced large yawing movements. As the forward fuselage continued to disintegrate, the flying debris tore off both of the horizontal stabilizers, while the rear fuselage, the remaining three engines, and the fin torque box separated.[21] The rear fuselage, parts of the baggage hold, and three landing gear units landed at Rosebank Crescent.[19]: 44  The fuselage consisting of the main wing box structure landed in Sherwood Crescent, destroying three homes and creating a large impact crater. The 200,000 lb (91,000 kg) of jet fuel ignited by the impact started fires, which destroyed several additional houses.[19]: 4  Investigators determined that both wings had landed in the Sherwood Crescent crater, saying, "the total absence of debris from the wing primary structure found remote from the crater confirmed the initial impression that the complete wing box structure had been present at the main impact."[19]: 16  The British Geological Survey 23 kilometres (14 mi) away at Eskdalemuir registered a seismic event at 19:03:36 measuring 1.6 on the moment magnitude scale, which was attributed to the impact. According to the report, the rest of the wreckage composed of "the complete fuselage forward of approximately station 480 to station 380 and incorporating the flight deck and nose landing gear was found as one piece in a field approximately 4 kilometres (2.5 mi) east of Lockerbie."[19]: 16  This field, located opposite Tundergarth Church, is where the wreckage most easily identified with images of the accident in the media fell, having fallen "almost flat on its left side, but with a slight nose-down attitude."[19]: 16  Victims Nationality Passengers Crew Ground Total Argentina Argentina 2 - - 2 Belgium Belgium 1 - - 1 Bolivia Bolivia 1 - - 1 Canada Canada 3 - - 3 France France 2 1 - 3 West Germany West Germany 3 1 - 4 Hungary Hungary 4 - - 4 India India 3 - - 3 Republic of Ireland Ireland 3 - - 3 Israel Israel 1 - - 1 Italy Italy 2 - - 2 Jamaica Jamaica 1 - - 1 Japan Japan 1 - - 1 Philippines Philippines 1 - - 1 South Africa South Africa 1 - - 1 Spain Spain - 1 - 1 Sweden Sweden 2 1 - 3 Switzerland Switzerland 1 - - 1 Trinidad and Tobago Trinidad and Tobago 1 - - 1 United Kingdom United Kingdom 31 1 11 43 United States United States 179 11 - 190 Total 243 16 11 270 All 243 passengers and 16 crew members were killed, as were 11 residents of Lockerbie on the ground. Of the 270 total fatalities, 190 were American citizens and 43 were British citizens. Nineteen other nationalities were represented, with four or fewer passengers per country.[8][24] Crew Flight 103 was under the command of Captain James B. MacQuarrie (55), a Pan Am pilot since 1964 with almost 11,000 flight hours, of which over 4,000 had been accrued in 747 aircraft. He previously served three years in the U.S. Navy and five years in the Massachusetts Air National Guard, where he held the rank of major. First Officer Raymond R. Wagner (52), a pilot with Pan Am since 1966 with almost 5,500 hours in the 747 and a total of nearly 12,000 hours, had previously served eight years in the New Jersey National Guard. Flight Engineer Jerry D. Avritt (46), who joined Pan Am in 1980 after 13 years with National Airlines, had more than 8,000 hours of flying time, with nearly 500 hours in the 747. The cockpit crew was based at John F. Kennedy International Airport.[19] Six of the 13 cabin crew members became naturalized U.S. citizens while working for Pan Am. The cabin crew was based at Heathrow and lived in the London area or commuted from around Europe. All were originally hired by Pan Am and seniority ranged from 9 months to 28 years. The captain, first officer, flight engineer, a flight attendant and several first-class passengers were found still strapped to their seats inside the nose section when it crashed in Tundergarth. A flight attendant was found alive by a farmer's wife, but died before help could be summoned. Some passengers may have remained alive briefly after impact; a pathologist's report concluded that at least two of these passengers might have survived if they had been found soon enough.[25][18][26] Passengers Syracuse University students Thirty-five of the passengers were students from Syracuse University, who participated in the university's Division of International Programs Abroad (abbreviated as "DIPA Program" and renamed to "Syracuse University Abroad" in 2006, while also known as "Syracuse Abroad" and "Study Abroad Program") and were returning home for Christmas following a semester in Syracuse's London and European campuses. Ten of these students were from other universities and colleges (including but not limited to Colgate University and University of Colorado) with collaborative relationships with Syracuse. Many of their bodies were found at Rosebank Crescent, 1⁄2 mi (0.8 km) from Sherwood Crescent. The rear fuselage of the plane, where many of them sat, destroyed one of the houses of Rosebank Crescent, 71 Park Place, the home of Lockerbie resident Ella Ramsden, who survived. The bodies of two of these students were never recovered.[citation needed] Notable passengers Dryfesdale Cemetery memorial stone dedicated to Bernt Carlsson Prominent among the passenger victims was the 50-year-old UN Commissioner for Namibia (then South West Africa), Bernt Carlsson, who would have attended the signing ceremony of the New York Accords at the UN headquarters the following day.[27] James Fuller, an American automotive executive who worked for Volkswagen, was returning home from a meeting with Volkswagen executives in Germany. Also aboard was Irish Olympic sailor Peter Dix[28] and rock musician Paul Jeffreys and his wife.[29][30] US government officials Aboard the flight were U.S. Department of State Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) Special Agents Daniel Emmett O'Connor and Ronald Albert Lariviere.[31][32] Matthew Gannon, the Central Intelligence Agency's deputy station chief in Beirut, Lebanon, was sitting in seat 14J, which was located in the business class (branded as "Clipper Class") cabin.[33] A group of US intelligence specialists was on board the flight. Their presence gave rise to speculations and conspiracy theories that one or more of them had been targeted.[34] Lockerbie residents Eleven Lockerbie residents on Sherwood Crescent were killed when the wing section hit the house at 13 Sherwood Crescent at more than 800 km/h (500 mph) and exploded, creating a crater 47 m (154 ft) long and with a volume of 560 m3 (20,000 cu ft; 730 cu yd).[19] The property was completely destroyed and its two occupants were killed. Their bodies were never found. Several other houses and their foundations were destroyed, and 21 others were damaged beyond repair. A family of four was killed when their house at 15 Sherwood Crescent exploded.[35] A couple and their daughter were killed by the explosion in their house at 16 Sherwood Crescent. Their son witnessed a fireball engulfing his home from a neighbour's garage, where he had been repairing his sister's bicycle.[36] The other Lockerbie residents who died were two widows aged 82 and 81, who also both lived in Sherwood Crescent; they were the two oldest victims of the disaster.[37] Patrick Keegans, Lockerbie's Roman Catholic priest, was preparing to visit friends around 7:00 that evening with his mother, having recently been appointed a parish priest of the town.[38] Keegans' house at 1 Sherwood Crescent was the only one on the street that was not either destroyed by the impact or gutted by fire.[39] According to a BBC article on the fire published in 2018, Keegans had gone upstairs to make sure that he had hidden his mother's Christmas present, and recalls, "Immediately after that, there was an enormous explosion". The same source claims that, following this, "the shaking stopped and to his surprise he was uninjured". Keegans' mother was also unharmed, having been shielded from debris by a refrigerator-freezer.[38] Many of the passengers' relatives, most of them from the US, arrived there within days to identify the dead. Volunteers from Lockerbie set up and staffed canteens which stayed open 24 hours a day and offered relatives, soldiers, police officers, and social workers free sandwiches, hot meals, beverages, and counseling. The people of the town washed, dried, and ironed every piece of clothing that was found once the police had determined they were of no forensic value, so that as many items as possible could be returned to the relatives. The BBC's Scotland correspondent, Andrew Cassell, reported on the 10th anniversary of the bombing that the townspeople had "opened their homes and hearts" to the relatives, bearing their own losses "stoically and with enormous dignity", and that the bonds forged then continue to this day.[40] Prior alerts Two alerts were released shortly before the bombing. Helsinki warning On 5 December 1988 (16 days prior to the attack), the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) issued a security bulletin saying that, on that day, a man with an Arabic accent had telephoned the US Embassy in Helsinki, Finland, and told them that a Pan Am flight from Frankfurt to the United States would be blown up within the next two weeks by someone associated with the Abu Nidal Organization; he said a Finnish woman would carry the bomb on board as an unwitting courier.[41] The anonymous warning was taken seriously by the US government and the State Department cabled the bulletin to dozens of embassies. The FAA sent it to all US carriers, including Pan Am, which had charged each of the passengers a $5 security surcharge, promising a "program that will screen passengers, employees, airport facilities, baggage, and aircraft with unrelenting thoroughness";[42] the security team in Frankfurt found the warning under a pile of papers on a desk the day after the bombing.[18] One of the Frankfurt security screeners, whose job was to spot explosive devices under X-ray, told ABC News that she had first learned what Semtex (a plastic explosive) was during her ABC interview 11 months after the bombing.[43] On 13 December, the warning was posted on bulletin boards in the US Embassy in Moscow and eventually distributed to the entire American community there, including journalists and businessmen.[44] PLO's warning Just days before the bombing, security forces in European countries, including the UK, were put on alert after a warning from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) that extremists might launch terrorist attacks to undermine the then-ongoing dialogue between the United States and the PLO.[45] Claims of responsibility CIA analysis of various claims of responsibility for the bombing On the day of the bombing, the French Directorate-General for External Security was informed by their British counterpart that the UK suspected the Libyans to be behind the bombing.[46] According to a CIA analysis dated 22 December 1988, several groups were quick to claim responsibility in telephone calls in the United States and Europe: A male caller claimed that a group called the "Guardians of the Islamic Revolution" had destroyed the plane in retaliation for Iran Air Flight 655 being shot down by US forces in the Persian Gulf the previous July. A caller claiming to represent the Islamic Jihad Organization told ABC News in New York that the group had planted the bomb to commemorate Christmas. Another caller claimed the plane had been downed by Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service.[47][48] The list's author noted, "We consider the claims from the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution as the most credible one received so far," but the analysis concluded, "We cannot assign responsibility for this tragedy to any terrorist group at this time. We anticipate that, as often happens, many groups will seek to claim credit."[47][48] Muammar Gaddafi took responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing and paid compensation to the victims' families in 2003, though he maintained that he had not ordered the attack.[2] On 22 February 2011, during the Libyan Civil War, former Minister of Justice Mustafa Abdul Jalil stated in an interview with the Swedish newspaper Expressen that Gaddafi had personally ordered the bombing.[49] Jalil claimed to possess "documents that prove [his allegations] and [that he is] ready to hand them over to the international criminal court."[50] In December 2013, the original prime suspects in the bombing were revealed to have been the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), a Syria-based group led by Ahmed Jibril. A flood of warnings immediately preceding the disaster had included one that read: 'team of Palestinians not associated with PLO intends to attack US targets in Europe. Time frame is present. Targets specified are Pan Am Airlines and US military bases.' Five weeks before this warning, Jibril's right-hand man, Haffez Dalkamoni, had been arrested in Frankfurt with a known bomb-maker, Marwen Khreesat. "Later US intelligence officials confirmed that members of the group had been monitoring Pan Am's facilities at Frankfurt airport. On Dalkamoni's account bombs made by Khreesat were at large somewhere."[51] A deep-cover CIA agent was told by up to 15 high-level Syrian officials that the PFLP-GC was involved and that officials interacted with Jibril "on a constant basis".[52] In 2014, an Iranian ex-spy asserted that Iran ordered the attack.[53] The Iranian foreign ministry swiftly denied any involvement.[54] Investigation Main article: Pan Am Flight 103 bombing investigation Civil investigation Crash site Cassette player similar to the one used in the disaster The initial investigation into the crash site by Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary involved many helicopter surveys, satellite imaging, and a search of the area by police and soldiers. The wreckage of the crash was scattered over 2,000 square kilometers (770 sq mi), and AAIB investigators were confronted by a massive jigsaw puzzle in trying to piece the plane back together. In total, 4 million pieces of wreckage were collected and registered on computer files. More than 10,000 pieces of debris were retrieved, tagged, and entered into a computer tracking system. The perpetrators had apparently intended the plane to crash into the sea, destroying any traceable evidence, but its explosion over land left a trail of evidence.[55] The fuselage of the aircraft was reconstructed by air accident investigators, revealing a 20-inch (510 mm) hole consistent with an explosion in the forward cargo hold. Examination of the baggage containers revealed that the container nearest the hole had blackening, pitting, and severe damage, indicating a "high-energy event" had taken place inside it. A series of test explosions was carried out to confirm the precise location and quantity of explosive used. Fragments of a Samsonite suitcase believed to have contained the bomb were recovered, together with parts and pieces of circuit board identified as components of a Toshiba 'Bombeat' RT-SF16, radio cassette player, similar to that used to conceal a Semtex bomb seized by West German police from the Palestinian militant group PLO-GC two months earlier. Items of baby clothing, which were subsequently proven to have been made in Malta, were thought to have come from the same suitcase. Witnesses The clothes were traced to a Maltese merchant, Tony Gauci, who became a key prosecution witness, testifying that he sold the clothes to a man of Libyan appearance. Gauci was interviewed 23 times, giving contradictory evidence about who had bought the clothes, that person's age and appearance, and the date of purchase, but later identified Abdelbaset al-Megrahi. As Megrahi had only been in Malta on 7 December, that date was assumed to be the purchase date. This date is in doubt, as Gauci had testified that Malta's Christmas lights had not been on when the clothes had been purchased; the lights were later found to have been switched on on 6 December. Scottish police had also failed to inform the defence that another witness had testified seeing Libyan men making a similar purchase on a different day.[56] An official report, providing information not made available to the defence during the original trial, stated that on 19 April 1999, four days before identifying al-Megrahi for the first time, Gauci had seen a picture of al-Megrahi in a magazine that connected him to the bombing, a fact that could have distorted his judgement.[57] Gauci was shown the same magazine during his testimony at al-Megrahi's trial and asked if he had identified the photograph in April 1999 as being the person who purchased the clothing; he was then asked if that person was in the court. Gauci then identified al-Megrahi for the court, stating, "He is the man on this side. He resembles him a lot".[58] A circuit board fragment, allegedly found embedded in a piece of charred material, was identified as part of an electronic timer similar to one found on a Libyan intelligence agent who had been arrested 10 months previously for carrying materials for a Semtex bomb. The timer was allegedly traced through its Swiss manufacturer, Mebo, to the Libyan military, and Mebo employee Ulrich Lumpert identified the fragment at al-Megrahi's trial. Mebo's owner, Edwin Bollier, testified at the trial that the Scottish police had originally shown him a fragment of a brown eight-ply circuit board from a prototype timer which had never been supplied to Libya. Yet the sample he was asked to identify at the trial was a green 9-ply circuit board that Mebo had indeed supplied to Libya. Bollier wanted to pursue this discrepancy, but was told by trial judge Lord Sutherland that he could not do so.[59] Bollier claimed that in 1991 he had declined an offer of $4 million from the FBI (equivalent to $7.2 million in 2021 dollars) in exchange for his support of the main line of inquiry.[60] Criminal inquiry Known as the Lockerbie bombing and the Lockerbie air disaster in the UK, it was described by Scotland's Lord Advocate as the UK's largest criminal inquiry led by the smallest police force in Britain, Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary.[61] After a three-year joint investigation by Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary and the US FBI, during which 15,000 witness statements were taken, indictments for murder were issued on 13 November 1991 against Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, a Libyan intelligence officer and the head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines (LAA), and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, the LAA station manager in Luqa Airport, Malta. UN sanctions against Libya and protracted negotiations with Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi secured the handover of the accused on 5 April 1999 to Scottish police at Camp Zeist, the Netherlands, which was selected as a neutral venue for their trial. Both of the accused chose not to give evidence in court. On 31 January 2001, Megrahi was convicted of murder by a panel of three Scottish judges, and sentenced to life imprisonment, but Fhimah was acquitted. Megrahi's appeal against his conviction was refused on 14 March 2002, and his application to the European Court of Human Rights was declared inadmissible in July 2003. On 23 September 2003, Megrahi applied to the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC) for his conviction to be reviewed, and on 28 June 2007, the SCCRC announced its decision to refer the case to the High Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh after it found he "may have suffered a miscarriage of justice".[62] Megrahi served just over 10 years of his sentence (beginning 5 April 1999),[63] first in Barlinnie prison, Glasgow, and later in Greenock prison, Renfrewshire, throughout which time he maintained that he was innocent of the charges against him. He was released from prison on compassionate grounds on 20 August 2009.[64] In October 2015, Scottish prosecutors announced that they wanted to interview two Libyan nationals, whom they had identified as new suspects, over the bombing.[65] On 21 December 2020, the 32nd anniversary of the disaster, the United States attorney general announced that Abu Agela Mas'ud Kheir Al-Marimi, a Libyan national in custody in Libya, had been charged with terrorism-related crimes in connection with the bombing, accusing him of involvement in constructing the bomb.[66] On 11 December 2022, the United States advised they had Abu Agila Mohammad Mas'ud Kheir Al-Marimi in custody.[67] Trial, appeals, and release Main article: Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial On 3 May 2000, the trial of Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah began. Megrahi was found guilty of 270 counts of murder on 31 January 2001, and was sentenced to life imprisonment in Scotland; his co-defendant, Fhimah, was found not guilty.[68] The Lockerbie judgment stated: From the evidence which we have discussed so far, we are satisfied that it has been proved that the primary suitcase containing the explosive device was dispatched from Malta, passed through Frankfurt, and was loaded onto PA103 at Heathrow. It is, as we have said, clear that with one exception, the clothing in the primary suitcase was the clothing purchased in Mr Gauci's shop on 7 December 1988. The purchaser was, on Mr Gauci's evidence, a Libyan. The trigger for the explosion was an MST-13 timer of the single solder mask variety. A substantial quantity of such timers had been supplied to Libya. We cannot say that it is impossible that the clothing might have been taken from Malta, united somewhere with a timer from some source other than Libya and introduced into the airline baggage system at Frankfurt or Heathrow. When, however, the evidence regarding the clothing, the purchaser, and the timer is taken with the evidence that an unaccompanied bag was taken from KM180 to PA103A, the inference that that was the primary suitcase becomes, in our view, irresistible. As we have also said, the absence of an explanation as to how the suitcase was taken into the system at Luqa is a major difficulty for the Crown case, but after taking full account of that difficulty, we remain of the view that the primary suitcase began its journey at Luqa. The clear inference which we draw from this evidence is that the conception, planning and execution of the plot which led to the planting of the explosive device was of Libyan origin. While no doubt organisations such as the PFLP-GC and the PPSF were also engaged in terrorist activities during the same period, we are satisfied that there was no evidence from which we could infer that they were involved in this particular act of terrorism, and the evidence relating to their activities does not create a reasonable doubt in our minds about the Libyan origin of this crime.[69] Appeal The defence team had 14 days in which to appeal against Megrahi's conviction, and an additional six weeks to submit the full grounds of the appeal. These were considered by a judge sitting in private who decided to grant Megrahi leave to appeal. The only basis for an appeal under Scots law is that a "miscarriage of justice" had occurred, which is not defined in statute, so the appeal court must determine the meaning of these words in each case.[70] Because three judges and one alternate judge had presided over the trial, five judges were required to preside over the Court of Criminal Appeal: Lord Cullen, Lord Justice-General, Lord Kirkwood, Lord Osborne, Lord Macfadyen, and Lord Nimmo Smith. In what was described as a milestone in Scottish legal history, Lord Cullen granted the BBC permission in January 2002 to televise the appeal, and to broadcast it on the Internet in English with a simultaneous Arabic translation. William Taylor QC, leading the defence, said at the appeal's opening on 23 January 2002 that the three trial judges sitting without a jury had failed to see the relevance of "significant" evidence and had accepted unreliable facts. He argued that the verdict was not one that a reasonable jury in an ordinary trial could have reached if it were given proper directions by the judge. The grounds of the appeal rested on two areas of evidence where the defence claimed the original court was mistaken: the evidence of Maltese shopkeeper, Tony Gauci, which the judges accepted as sufficient to prove that the "primary suitcase" started its journey in Malta; and, disputing the prosecution's case, fresh evidence would be adduced to show that the bomb's journey actually started at Heathrow. That evidence, which was not heard at the trial, showed that at some time in the two hours before 00:35 on 21 December 1988, a padlock had been forced on a secure door giving access air side in Terminal 3 of Heathrow airport, near to the area referred to at the trial as the "baggage build-up area". Taylor claimed that the PA 103 bomb could have been planted then.[71] On 14 March 2002, Lord Cullen took less than three minutes to deliver the decision of the High Court of Judiciary. The five judges rejected the appeal, ruling unanimously that "none of the grounds of appeal was well-founded", adding "this brings proceedings to an end". The following day, a helicopter took Megrahi from Camp Zeist to continue his life sentence in Barlinnie Prison, Glasgow. SCCRC review Megrahi's lawyers applied to the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC) on 23 September 2003 to have his case referred back to the Court of Criminal Appeal for a fresh appeal against conviction. The application to the SCCRC followed the publication of two reports in February 2001 and March 2002 by Hans Köchler, who had been an international observer at Camp Zeist, appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Köchler described the decisions of the trial and appeal courts as a "spectacular miscarriage of justice".[72] Köchler also issued a series of statements in 2003, 2005, and 2007 calling for an independent international inquiry into the case and accusing the West of "double standards in criminal justice" in relation to the Lockerbie trial on the one hand and the HIV trial in Libya on the other.[73][74][75] On 28 June 2007, the SCCRC announced its decision to refer Megrahi's case to the High Court for a second appeal against conviction.[76] The SCCRC's decision was based on facts set out in an 800-page report that determined that "a miscarriage of justice may have occurred".[77] Köchler criticised the SCCRC for exonerating police, prosecutors and forensic staff from blame in respect of Megrahi's alleged wrongful conviction. He told The Herald of 29 June 2007: "No officials to be blamed, simply a Maltese shopkeeper."[78] Köchler also highlighted the role of intelligence services in the trial and stated that proper judicial proceedings could not be conducted under conditions in which extrajudicial forces are allowed to intervene.[79] Second appeal A procedural hearing at the Appeal Court took place on 11 October 2007 when prosecution lawyers and Megrahi's defence counsel, Maggie Scott QC, discussed a number of legal issues with a panel of three judges.[80] One of the issues concerned a number of documents that were shown before the trial to the prosecution, but were not disclosed to the defence. The documents are understood to relate to the Mebo MST-13 timer that allegedly detonated the PA103 bomb.[81] Maggie Scott also asked for documents relating to an alleged payment of $2 million made to Maltese merchant, Tony Gauci, for his testimony at the trial, which led to the conviction of Megrahi.[82] On 15 October 2008, five Scottish judges decided unanimously to reject a submission by the Crown Office, which sought to limit the scope of Megrahi's second appeal to the specific grounds of appeal that were identified by the SCCRC in June 2007.[83] In January 2009, it was reported that, although Megrahi's second appeal against conviction was scheduled to begin in April 2009, the hearing could last as long as 12 months because of the complexity of the case and volume of material to be examined.[84] The second appeal began on 28 April 2009, lasted for one month and was adjourned in May 2009. On 7 July 2009, the court reassembled for a procedural hearing and was told that because of the illness of one of the judges, Lord Wheatley, who was recovering from heart surgery, the final two substantive appeal sessions would run from 2 November to 11 December 2009, and 12 January to 26 February 2010. Megrahi's lawyer Maggie Scott expressed dismay at the delays: "There is a very serious danger that my client will die before the case is determined."[85] Compassionate release and controversy Further information: Release of Abdelbaset al-Megrahi On 25 July 2009, Megrahi applied to be released from jail on compassionate grounds.[86] Three weeks later, on 12 August 2009, Megrahi applied to have his second appeal dropped and was granted compassionate release for his terminal prostate cancer.[87][88] On 20 August 2009, Megrahi was released from prison and travelled by chartered jet to Libya.[89][90][91] His survival beyond the approximate "three-month" prognosis generated some controversy. It is believed that, following his release, Al-Megrahi was prescribed abiraterone and prednisone, a combination that extends median survival by an average of 14.8 months. After hospital treatment ended, he returned to his family home. Following his release, Megrahi published evidence on the Internet that was gathered for the abandoned second appeal which he claimed would clear his name.[92] Allegations have been made that the UK government and BP sought Al-Megrahi's release as part of a trade deal with Libya. In 2008, the UK government "decided to 'do all it could' to help the Libyans get Al-Megrahi home ... and explained the legal procedure for compassionate release to the Libyans."[93] Megrahi was released on licence, so was obliged to remain in regular contact with East Renfrewshire Council. On 26 August 2011, it was announced that the whereabouts of Al-Megrahi were unknown due to the social upheaval in Libya and that he had not been in contact for some time.[94] As reported on 29 August, he had been located and both the Scottish government and council issued a statement confirming that they had been in contact with his family and that his licence had not been breached. MP Andrew Mitchell said Al-Megrahi was comatose and near death. CNN reporter Nic Robertson said he was "just a shell of the man he once was" and was surviving on oxygen and an intravenous drip. In an interview on BBC Radio 5 Live, former US ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton called for Al-Megrahi to be extradited. To me it will be a signal of how serious the rebel government is for good relations with the United States and the West if they hand over Megrahi for trial. Mohammed al-Alagi, justice minister for the new leadership in Tripoli, said "the council would not allow any Libyan to be deported to face trial in another country ... Abdelbaset al-Megrahi has already been judged once, and will not be judged again."[95] Megrahi died of prostate cancer in Libya on 20 May 2012.[96] Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond said that people should use the occasion to remember the Lockerbie victims.[96] 2020 indictment In 2020, US authorities indicted Libyan national, Abu Agila Mohammad Mas'ud Kheir Al-Marimi, for participating in the bombing.[97] In December 2022, the United States government obtained custody of 71-year-old Mas'ud.[98][99] According to The New York Times, Mas'ud was born in Tunisia in 1951, before he became a citizen of Libya as a child after he moved to Tripoli, Libya.[100] Beginning at the age of 22 in 1973, he began working with bombs for the Libyan intelligence service for the next 38 years. Shortly after finishing his longtime run at the job, Mas'ud was arrested and imprisoned in Misurata, Libya before being moved to Al-Hadba prison in Tripoli, which happened shortly after the fall of Colonel el-Qaddafi in 2011.[101] After the United States government obtained custody of Mas'ud, heads of the Defense and Foreign Affairs Committees of the Libyan Parliament, Talal al-Mihoub and Youssef al-Aqouri, demanded an urgent investigation into the extradition of Mas'ud, calling it a blatant violation of national sovereignty and an infringement of the rights of the Libyan citizen. They stressed that the case file had been completely closed politically and legally, according to the text of the agreement signed between the United States and Libya in 2003.[102] Alleged motives Libya Gulf of Sidra Until 2002, Libya had never formally admitted carrying out the 1988 Lockerbie bombing. On 16 August 2003, Libya formally admitted responsibility for Pan Am Flight 103 in a letter presented to the president of the United Nations Security Council. Felicity Barringer of The New York Times said that the letter had "general language that lacked any expression of remorse" for the people killed in the bombing.[103] The letter stated that it "accepted responsibility for the actions of its officials".[104] The motive that is generally attributed to Libya can be traced back to a series of military confrontations with the US Navy that took place in the 1980s in the Gulf of Sidra, the whole of which Libya claimed as its territorial waters. First, there was the Gulf of Sidra incident (1981) when two Libyan fighter aircraft were shot down by two US Navy F-14 Tomcat fighters. Then, two Libyan radio ships were sunk in the Gulf of Sidra. Later, on 23 March 1986, a Libyan Navy patrol boat was sunk in the Gulf of Sidra,[105] followed by the sinking of another Libyan vessel on 25 March 1986.[106] The Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, was accused of retaliating for these sinkings by ordering the April 1986 bombing of La Belle, a West Berlin nightclub frequented by US military personnel, killing three people and injuring 230.[107] The US National Security Agency's (NSA) alleged interception of an incriminatory message from Libya to its embassy in East Berlin provided US President Ronald Reagan with the justification for Operation El Dorado Canyon on 15 April 1986, with US Navy and US Marine Corps warplanes launching from three aircraft carriers in the Gulf of Sidra and US Air Force warplanes launching from two British bases[108][109]—the first US military strikes from Britain since World War II—against Tripoli and Benghazi in Libya. The Libyan government claimed the air strikes killed Hana Gaddafi, a daughter Gaddafi claimed he adopted (her reported age has varied between 15 months and seven years).[110] To avenge his daughter's supposed death (Hana or Hanna's actual fate remains disputed), Gaddafi is said to have sponsored the September 1986 hijacking of Pan Am Flight 73 in Karachi, Pakistan.[111] In turn, the US encouraged the Chadian National Armed Forces (FANT) and it also aided them by supplying them with satellite intelligence during the Battle of Maaten al-Sarra. The attack resulted in a devastating defeat for Gaddafi's forces, following which he had to accede to a ceasefire ending the Chadian-Libyan conflict and his dreams of African dominance. Gaddafi blamed the defeat on French and US "aggression against Libya".[112] The result was Gaddafi's lingering animosity against the two countries which led to Libyan support for the bombings of Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA Flight 772.[113] Demands for independent inquiry Prior to the abandonment of Megrahi's second appeal against conviction and while new evidence could be still tested in court, there had been few calls for an independent inquiry into the Lockerbie bombing. Demands for such an inquiry emerged later, and became more insistent. On 2 September 2009, former MEP Michael McGowan demanded that the UK government call for an urgent, independent inquiry led by the UN to find out the truth about Pan Am flight 103. "We owe it to the families of the victims of Lockerbie and the international community to identify those responsible," McGowan said.[114] Two online petitions were started: one calling for a UK public inquiry into the Lockerbie bombing;[115] the other a UN inquiry into the murder of UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, in the 1988 Lockerbie bombing. In September 2009, a third petition which was addressed to the President of the United Nations General Assembly demanded that the UN should "institute a full public inquiry" into the Lockerbie disaster.[116] On 3 October 2009, Malta was asked to table a UN resolution supporting the petition, which was signed by 20 people including the families of the Lockerbie victims, authors, journalists, professors, politicians and parliamentarians, as well as Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The signatories considered that a UN inquiry could help remove "many of the deep misgivings which persist in lingering over this tragedy" and could also eliminate Malta from this terrorist act. Malta was brought into the case because the prosecution argued that the two accused Libyans, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, had placed the bomb on an Air Malta aircraft before it was transferred at Frankfurt airport to a feeder flight destined for London's Heathrow airport, from which Pan Am Flight 103 departed. The Maltese government responded saying that the demand for a UN inquiry was "an interesting development that would be deeply considered, although there were complex issues surrounding the event."[117] On 24 August 2009, Lockerbie campaigner Dr Jim Swire wrote to Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, calling for a full inquiry, including the question of suppression of the Heathrow evidence. This was backed up by a delegation of Lockerbie relatives, led by Pamela Dix, who went to 10 Downing Street on 24 October 2009 and handed over a letter addressed to Gordon Brown calling for a meeting with the Prime Minister to discuss the need for a public inquiry and the main issues that it should address.[118] An op-ed article by Pamela Dix, subtitled "The families of those killed in the bombing have not given up hope of an inquiry to help us learn the lessons of this tragedy", was published in The Guardian on 26 October 2009.[119] On 1 November 2009, it was reported that Gordon Brown had ruled out a public inquiry into Lockerbie, saying in response to Dr Swire's letter: "I understand your desire to understand the events surrounding the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 but I do not think it would be appropriate for the UK government to open an inquiry of this sort." UK ministers explained that it was for the Scottish Government to decide if it wants to hold its own, more limited, inquiry into the worst terrorist attack on British soil. The Scottish Government had already rejected an independent inquiry, saying it lacks the constitutional power to examine the international dimensions of the case.[120] Concluding his extensive reply dated 27 October 2009 to the Prime Minister, Dr Swire said: You have now received a much more comprehensive letter requesting a full inquiry from our group 'UK Families-Flight 103'. I am one of the signatories. I hope that the contents of this letter underline some of the reasons as to why I cannot possibly accept that any inquiry should be limited to Scotland, and I apologise if my previous personal letter of 24 August misled you over the main focus that the inquiry will need to address. That focus lies in London and at the door of the then inhabitant of Number 10 Downing Street. I look forward to hearing your comments both to our group's letter and to the contents of this one.[121] Claims of Gaddafi involvement On 23 February 2011, amidst the Libyan Civil War, Mustafa Abdul Jalil, former Libyan Justice Minister (and later member and Chairman of the anti-Gaddafi National Transitional Council), alleged that he had evidence that Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, had personally ordered Abdelbaset al-Megrahi to bomb Pan Am Flight 103.[122][123] In a July 2021 interview, Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam said that his father "had stopped riding his horse after the humiliation of the American bombing of Tripoli in 1986 and resumed riding it after the Lockerbie bombing."[124] Alternative theories Main article: Pan Am Flight 103 conspiracy theories Based on a 1995 investigation by journalists Paul Foot and John Ashton, alternative explanations of the plot to commit the Lockerbie bombing were listed by The Guardian's Patrick Barkham in 1999.[125] Following the Lockerbie verdict in 2001 and the appeal in 2002, attempts have been made to re-open the case amid allegations that Libya was framed. One theory suggests the bomb on the plane was detonated by radio. Another theory suggests the CIA prevented the suitcase containing the bomb from being searched. Iran's involvement is alleged, either in association with a Palestine militant group, or in loading the bomb while the plane was at Heathrow. The US Defense Intelligence Agency alleges that Ali Akbar Mohtashamipur (Ayatollah Mohtashemi), a member of the Iranian government, paid US$10 million for the bombing: Ayatollah Mohtashemi: (...) and was the one who paid the same amount to bomb Pan Am Flight 103 in retaliation for the 310.[126] Other theories implicate Libya and Abu Nidal, and apartheid South Africa. French investigative journalist Pierre Péan accused Thomas Thurman, a Federal Bureau of Investigation explosives expert, of fabricating false evidence against Libya in both the Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA Flight 772 sabotages.[127][128] PCAST statement On 29 September 1989, President Bush appointed Ann McLaughlin Korologos, former Secretary of Labor, to chair the President's Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism (PCAST) to review and report on aviation security policy in the light of the sabotage of flight PA103. Oliver Revell, the FBI's Executive Assistant Director, was assigned to advise and assist PCAST in their task.[129] Before they submitted their report, the PCAST members met a group of British PA103 relatives at the US embassy in London on 12 February 1990. One of the British relatives, Martin Cadman, alleges that a member of President Bush's staff told him: "Your government and ours know exactly what happened but they are never going to tell."[130] The statement first came to public attention in the 1994 documentary film The Maltese Double Cross – Lockerbie and was published in both The Guardian of 12 November 1994, and a special report from Private Eye magazine entitled Lockerbie, the flight from justice May/June 2001. Compensation From Libya On 29 May 2002, Libya offered up to US$2.7 billion to settle claims by the families of the 270 killed in the Lockerbie bombing, representing US$10 million per family. The Libyan offer was that 40% of the money would be released when United Nations sanctions, suspended in 1999, were cancelled; another 40% when US trade sanctions were lifted; and the final 20% when the US State Department removed Libya from its list of states sponsoring terrorism.[131] Jim Kreindler of the New York law firm Kreindler & Kreindler, which orchestrated the settlement, said: "These are uncharted waters. It is the first time that any of the states designated as sponsors of terrorism have offered compensation to families of terror victims." The US State Department maintained that it was not directly involved. "Some families want cash, others say it is blood money", said a State Department official.[131] Compensation for the families of the PA103 victims was among the steps set by the UN for lifting its sanctions against Libya. Other requirements included a formal denunciation of terrorism—which Libya said it had already made—and "accepting responsibility for the actions of its officials".[132][131] On 15 August 2003, Libya's UN ambassador, Ahmed Own, submitted a letter to the UN Security Council formally accepting "responsibility for the actions of its officials" in relation to the Lockerbie bombing.[133] The Libyan government then proceeded to pay compensation to each family of US$8 million (from which legal fees of about US$2.5 million were deducted) and, as a result, the UN cancelled the sanctions that had been suspended four years earlier, and US trade sanctions were lifted. A further US$2 million would have gone to each family had the US State Department removed Libya from its list of states regarded as supporting international terrorism, but as this did not happen by the deadline set by Libya, the Libyan Central Bank withdrew the remaining US$540 million in April 2005 from the escrow account in Switzerland through which the earlier US$2.16 billion compensation for the victims' families had been paid.[134] The United States announced resumption of full diplomatic relations with Libya after deciding to remove it from its list of countries that support terrorism on 15 May 2006.[135] On 24 February 2004, Libyan Prime Minister Shukri Ghanem stated in a BBC Radio 4 interview that his country had paid the compensation as the "price for peace" and to secure the lifting of sanctions. Asked if Libya did not accept guilt, he said, "I agree with that." He also said there was no evidence to link Libya with the April 1984 shooting of police officer Yvonne Fletcher outside the Libyan Embassy in London. Gaddafi later retracted Ghanem's comments, under pressure from Washington and London.[136] A civil action against Libya continued until 18 February 2005 on behalf of Pan Am and its insurers, which went bankrupt partly as a result of the attack. The airline was seeking $4.5 billion for the loss of the aircraft and the effect on the airline's business.[137] In the wake of the SCCRC's June 2007 decision, there have been suggestions that, if Megrahi's second appeal had been successful and his conviction had been overturned, Libya could have sought to recover the $2.16 billion compensation paid to the relatives.[138] Interviewed by French newspaper Le Figaro on 7 December 2007, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi said that the seven Libyans convicted for the Pan Am Flight 103 and the UTA Flight 772 bombings "are innocent". When asked if Libya would therefore seek reimbursement of the compensation paid to the families of the victims (US$33 billion in total), Saif Gaddafi replied: "I don't know".[139] Following discussions in London in May 2008, US and Libyan officials agreed to start negotiations to resolve all outstanding bilateral compensation claims, including those relating to UTA Flight 772, the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing and Pan Am Flight 103.[140] On 14 August 2008, a US-Libya compensation deal was signed in Tripoli by US Assistant Secretary of State David Welch and Libya's Foreign Ministry head of America affairs, Ahmed al-Fatroui. The agreement covers 26 lawsuits filed by American citizens against Libya, and three by Libyan citizens in respect of the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi in April 1986 which killed at least 40 people and injured 220.[141] In October 2008 Libya paid $1.5 billion into a fund which will be used to compensate relatives of the Lockerbie bombing victims with the remaining 20% of the sum agreed in 2003; American victims of the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing; American victims of the 1989 UTA Flight 772 bombing; and, Libyan victims of the 1986 US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi. As a result, President Bush signed Executive Order 13477 restoring the Libyan government's immunity from terror-related lawsuits and dismissing all of the pending compensation cases in the US, the White House said.[142] US State Department spokesman, Sean McCormack, called the move a "laudable milestone ... clearing the way for a continued and expanding US-Libyan partnership."[143] In an interview shown in BBC Two's The Conspiracy Files: Lockerbie[144] on 31 August 2008, Saif Gaddafi said that Libya had admitted responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing simply to get trade sanctions removed. He went on to describe the families of the Lockerbie victims as very greedy: "They were asking for more money and more money and more money".[145] Several of the victims families refused to accept compensation due to their belief that Libya was not responsible.[146] February 2011 In an interview with Swedish newspaper Expressen on 23 February 2011, Mustafa Abdul Jalil, former Justice Secretary of Libya, claimed to have evidence that Gaddafi personally ordered Al-Megrahi to carry out the bombing.[122] Quotes: "[Jalil] told Expressen Khadafy [sic] gave the order to Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the only man convicted in the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which killed all 259 people on board and 11 on the ground on 21 December 1988. 'To hide it, he (Khadafy) did everything in his power to get al-Megrahi back from Scotland,' Abdel-Jalil was quoted as saying."[147] Al Jalil's commentary to the Expressen came during widespread political unrest and protests in Libya calling for the removal of Ghaddafi from power. The protests were part of a massive wave of unprecedented uprisings across the Arab world in: Tunisia, Morocco, Bahrain and Egypt, where Egyptian protesters effectively forced the removal of long-term ruler, Hosni Mubarak, from office. Jalil's comments came on a day when Ghaddafi's defiance and refusal to leave his command prompted his brutal attacks on Libyan protesters. Abdel-Jalil stepped down as minister of justice in protest over the violence against anti-government demonstrations.[147] Contingency fees for lawyers On 5 December 2003, Jim Kreindler revealed that his Park Avenue law firm would receive an initial contingency fee of around US$1 million from each of the 128 American families Kreindler represents. The firm's fees could exceed US$300 million eventually. Kreindler argued that the fees were justified, since "Over the past seven years we have had a dedicated team working tirelessly on this and we deserve the contingency fee we have worked so hard for, and I think we have provided the relatives with value for money."[134] Another top legal firm in the US, Speiser Krause, which represented 60 relatives, of whom half were UK families, concluded contingency deals securing them fees of between 28 and 35% of individual settlements. Frank Granito of Speiser Krause noted that "the rewards in the US are more substantial than anywhere else in the world but nobody has questioned the fee whilst the work has been going on, it is only now as we approach a resolution when the criticism comes your way."[148] In March 2009, it was announced that US lobbying firm, Quinn Gillespie & Associates, received fees of $2 million for the work it did from 2006 through 2008 helping the PA103 relatives obtain payment by Libya of the final $2 million compensation (out of a total of $10 million) that was due to each family.[149] From Pan Am In 1992, a US federal court found Pan Am guilty of willful misconduct due to lax security screening caused by not implementing baggage reconciliation, a new security program mandated by the FAA prior to the incident, which requires unaccompanied luggage to be searched by hand and to ensure passengers board flights onto which they have checked baggage; Pan Am relied more on the less-effective method of x-ray screening. Two of Pan Am's subsidiaries, Alert Management Inc., which handles Pan Am's security at foreign airports, and Pan American World Services, were also found guilty.[150] Memorials and tributes Lockerbie Cairn in Arlington National Cemetery, U.S. Inscription on memorial at Arlington National Cemetery There are several private and public memorials to the PA103 victims. Dark Elegy is the work of sculptor Suse Lowenstein of Long Island, whose son Alexander, then 21, was a passenger on the flight. The work consists of 43 nude statues of the wives and mothers who lost a husband or a child. Inside each sculpture there is a personal memento of the victim.[151] United States Syracuse University's memorial in Syracuse, New York On 3 November 1995, then-US President Bill Clinton dedicated a Memorial Cairn to the victims at Arlington National Cemetery,[152] and there are similar memorials at Syracuse University; Dryfesdale Cemetery, near Lockerbie; and in Sherwood Crescent, Lockerbie.[153] Syracuse University holds a memorial week every year called "Remembrance Week" to commemorate its 35 lost students. Every 21 December, a service is held in the university's chapel at 14:03 (19:03 UTC), marking the moment the bomb on board the aircraft was detonated.[154] The university also awards university tuition fees to two students from Lockerbie Academy each year, in the form of its Lockerbie scholarship. In addition, the university annually awards 35 scholarships to seniors to honour each of the 35 students killed.[155][156] The "Remembrance Scholarships" are among the highest honors a Syracuse undergraduate can receive. SUNY Oswego also gives out scholarships in memorial of Colleen Brunner to a student who is studying abroad.[157] A memorial plaque and garden in memory of its two students lost in the bombing is set in the University of Rochester's Eastman Quadrangle.[158] Memorial Plaque in Honor of Eric Coker and Katharine Hollister, Eastman Quadrangle, University of Rochester At Cornell University funds from the Libyan payment were used to establish a memorial professorship in honor of student Kenneth J. Bissett.[159] The Women of Lockerbie The Women of Lockerbie (2003) is a play written by Deborah Brevoort which depicts a woman from New Jersey roaming the hills of Lockerbie, Scotland. This mother tragically lost her son in the bombing of the Pan Am Flight 103. While in Lockerbie, 7 years after the flight, she meets the women who witnessed and were affected by the crash itself while she attempts to find closure.[160] This play has received the Silver Medal from the Onassis International Playwriting Competition and the Kennedy Center Fund for New American Plays award.[161] Lockerbie Memorial at Dryfesdale Cemetery The main UK memorial is at Dryfesdale Cemetery about one mile (1.5 kilometres) west of Lockerbie. There is a semicircular stone wall in the garden of remembrance with the names and nationalities of all the victims along with individual funeral stones and memorials. Inside the chapel at Dryfesdale there is a book

Fredrick Allen Hampton Sr. (August 30, 1948 – December 4, 1969) was an American activist. He came to prominence in Chicago as deputy chairman of the national Black Panther Party and chair of the Illinois chapter. As a progressive African American, he founded the anti-racist, anti-classist Rainbow Coalition,[4] a prominent multicultural political organization that initially included the Black Panthers, Young Patriots (which organized poor whites), and the Young Lords (which organized Hispanics), and an alliance among major Chicago street gangs to help them end infighting and work for social change. A Marxist–Leninist,[5][6] Hampton considered fascism the greatest threat, saying, "nothing is more important than stopping fascism, because fascism will stop us all.”[7] In 1967, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) identified Hampton as a radical threat. It tried to subvert his activities in Chicago, sowing disinformation among black progressive groups and placing a counterintelligence operative in the local Panthers organization. In December 1969, Hampton was drugged,[8][9] shot and killed in his bed during a predawn raid at his Chicago apartment by a tactical unit of the Cook County State's Attorney's Office, who received aid from the Chicago Police Department and the FBI leading up to the attack. Law enforcement sprayed more than 100 gunshots throughout the apartment; the occupants fired once.[10] During the raid, Panther Mark Clark was also killed and several others were seriously wounded. In January 1970, the Cook County Coroner held an inquest; the jury concluded that Hampton's and Clark's deaths were justifiable homicides.[11][12][13][14] A [15]civil lawsuit was later filed on behalf of the survivors and the relatives of Hampton and Clark. It was resolved in 1982 by a settlement of $1.85 million (equivalent to $5.19 million in 2021); the U.S. federal government, Cook County, and the City of Chicago, each paid one-third to a group of nine plaintiffs. Given revelations about the illegal COINTELPRO program and documents associated with the killings, many scholars now consider Hampton's death an assassination at the FBI's initiative.[1][2][3][16][17] Biography Early life and youth Hampton in a 1966 yearbook Hampton was born on August 30, 1948, in present-day Summit Argo, Illinois (generally shortened to Summit), and moved with his parents to another Chicago suburb, Maywood, at age 10.[18] His parents had come from Louisiana as part of the Great Migration of African Americans in the early 20th century out of the South. They both worked at the Argo Starch Company, a corn starch processor. As a youth, Hampton was gifted both in the classroom and athletically, and hoped to play center field for the New York Yankees.[19] Fred couldn't accept injustice anywhere.[20] At 10 years old, he started hosting weekend breakfasts for other children from the neighborhood, cooking the meals himself in what could be described as a precursor to the Panthers’ free breakfast program.[20] In high school, he led walkouts protesting black students' exclusion from the competition for homecoming queen and calling on officials to hire more black teachers and administrators.[20] Hampton graduated from Proviso East High School with honors and varsity letters, and a Junior Achievement Award, in 1966.[21] He enrolled at Triton Junior College in nearby River Grove, Illinois, where he majored in pre-law. He planned to become more familiar with the legal system to use it as a defense against police. When he and fellow Black Panthers later followed police in his community supervision program, watching out for police brutality, they used his knowledge of the law as a defense.[citation needed] In 1966, Fred Hampton turned 18.[22] At that time, he started identifying with the Third World socialist struggles, as well as reading communist revolutionaries Che Guevara, Ho Chi Minh, and Mao Zedong.[22] Shortly after, Hampton urged not only peace in the Vietnam War, but also North Vietnam's victory.[22] Hampton became active in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and assumed leadership of its West Suburban Branch's Youth Council. In his capacity as an NAACP youth organizer, he demonstrated natural leadership abilities: from a community of 27,000, he was able to muster a youth group of 500 members strong. He worked to get more and better recreational facilities established in the neighborhoods and to improve educational resources for Maywood's impoverished black community. Activity in Chicago We got to face some facts. That the masses are poor, that the masses belong to what you call the lower class, and when I talk about the masses, I'm talking about the white masses, I'm talking about the black masses, and the brown masses, and the yellow masses, too. We've got to face the fact that some people say you fight fire best with fire, but we say you put fire out best with water. We say you don't fight racism with racism. We're gonna fight racism with solidarity. We say you don't fight capitalism with no black capitalism; you fight capitalism with socialism" —Fred Hampton on solidarity.[23] At about the same time that Hampton was successfully organizing young African Americans for the NAACP, the Black Panther Party (BPP) was rising to national prominence. Hampton was quickly attracted to the Black Panthers' approach, which was based on a Ten-Point Program that integrated black self-determination with class and economic critique from Maoism.[citation needed] He joined the party and relocated to downtown Chicago. In November 1968, he joined the party's nascent Illinois chapter, founded in late 1967 by Bob Brown, a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organizer.[citation needed] In 1968, Hampton was accused of assaulting an ice cream truck driver, stealing $71 worth of ice cream bars, and giving them to kids in the street. He was convicted in May 1969 and sentenced to two to five years in prison.[8] In a memoir, Frank B. Wilderson III places this incident in the context of COINTELPRO efforts to disrupt the Black Panthers of Chicago by the "leveling of trumped-up charges".[17] In 1969, Hampton, now deputy chairman of the BPP Illinois chapter, conducted a meeting condemning sexism.[24] After 1969, the party considered sexism counter-revolutionary.[25] In 1970, about 40–70% of party members were women.[26] Over the next year, Hampton and his friends and associates achieved many successes in Chicago. Perhaps the most important was a nonaggression pact among Chicago's most powerful street gangs. Emphasizing that racial and ethnic conflict among gangs would only keep its members entrenched in poverty, Hampton strove to forge an anti-racist, class-conscious, multiracial alliance among the BPP, the Young Patriots Organization, and the Young Lords under the leadership of Jose Cha Cha Jimenez, leading to the Rainbow Coalition.[27] Hampton met the Young Lords in Chicago's Lincoln Park neighborhood the day after they were in the news for occupying a police community workshop at the Chicago 18th District Police Station. He was arrested twice with Jimenez at the Wicker Park Welfare Office, and both were charged with "mob action" at a peaceful picket of the office. Later, the Rainbow Coalition was joined nationwide by Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the Brown Berets, AIM, and the Red Guard Party.[28][29] In May 1969, Hampton called a press conference to announce that the coalition had formed. What the coalition groups would do was based on common action. Some of their joint issues were poverty, anti-racism, corruption, police brutality, and substandard housing.[30][31] If there was a protest or a demonstration, the groups would attend the event and support each other.[31][32] Jeffrey Haas, who was Hampton's lawyer, has praised some of Hampton's politics and his success in unifying movements.[33] But Haas criticizes the way Hampton and the BPP organized in a pyramidal/vertical structure, contrasting this with the horizontal structure of Black Lives Matter: "They may also have picked up on the vulnerability of a hierarchical movement where you have one leader, which makes the movement very vulnerable if that leader is imprisoned, killed, or otherwise compromised. I think the fact that Black Lives Matter says 'We're leaderfull, not leaderless' perhaps makes them less vulnerable to this kind of government assault."[33] Hampton and Benjamin Spock (right) at a protest rally outside the Everett McKinley Dirksen U.S. Courthouse in Chicago, October 1969 Hampton rose quickly in the Black Panthers based on his organizing skills, oratorical gifts, and charisma. Once he became leader of the Chicago chapter, he organized weekly rallies, participated in strikes, worked closely with the BPP's local People's Clinic, taught political education classes every morning at 6 am, and launched a project for community supervision of the police. Hampton was also instrumental in the BPP's Free Breakfast Program. When Bob Brown left the party with Kwame Ture, in the FBI-fomented SNCC/Panther split, Hampton assumed chairmanship of the Illinois state BPP. This automatically made him a national BPP deputy chairman. As the FBI's COINTELPRO began to decimate the nationwide Panther leadership, Hampton's prominence in the national hierarchy increased rapidly and dramatically. Eventually, he was in line to be appointed to the party's Central Committee Chief of Staff. He would have achieved this position had he not been killed on December 4, 1969.[28][29] FBI investigation The FBI believed that Hampton's leadership and talent for communication made him a major threat among Black Panther leaders. It began keeping close tabs on his activities. Investigations have shown that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was determined to prevent the formation of a cohesive Black movement in the United States. Hoover believed the Panthers, Young Patriots, Young Lords, and similar radical coalitions that Hampton forged in Chicago were a stepping stone to the rise of a revolution that could cause a radical change in the U.S. government.[34] The FBI opened a file on Hampton in 1967. It tapped Hampton's mother's phone in February 1968 and by May placed Hampton on the bureau's "Agitator Index" as a "key militant leader".[28] In late 1968, the Racial Matters squad of the FBI's Chicago field office recruited William O'Neal to work with it; he had recently been arrested twice for interstate car theft and impersonating a federal officer. In exchange for having his felony charges dropped and receiving a monthly stipend, O'Neal agreed to infiltrate the BPP as a counterintelligence operative.[35] O'Neal joined the party and quickly rose in the organization, becoming Director of Chapter Security and Hampton's bodyguard. In 1969, the FBI Special Agent in Charge (SAC) in San Francisco wrote Hoover that the agent's investigation had found that, in his city at least, the Panthers were primarily feeding breakfast to children. Hoover responded with a memo implying that the agent's career prospects depended on his supplying evidence to support Hoover's view that the BPP was "a violence-prone organization seeking to overthrow the Government by revolutionary means".[36] Using anonymous letters, the FBI sowed distrust and eventually instigated a split between the Panthers and the Blackstone Rangers. O'Neal instigated an armed clash between them on April 2, 1969. The Panthers became effectively isolated from their power base in the Chicago ghetto, so the FBI worked to undermine its ties with other radical organizations. O'Neal was instructed to "create a rift" between the party and Students for a Democratic Society, whose Chicago headquarters was near that of the Panthers. The FBI released a batch of racist cartoons in the Panthers' name,[37] aimed at alienating white activists. It also launched a disinformation program to forestall the formation of the Rainbow Coalition, but the BPP did make an alliance with the Young Patriots and Young Lords. In repeated directives, Hoover demanded that COINTELPRO personnel investigate the Rainbow Coalition, "destroy what the [BPP] stands for", and "eradicate its 'serve the people' programs".[38] Documents secured by Senate investigators in the early 1970s revealed that the FBI actively encouraged violence between the Panthers and other radical groups; this provoked multiple murders in cities throughout the country.[39] On July 16, 1969, an armed confrontation between party members and the Chicago Police Department resulted in one BPP member being mortally wounded and six others arrested on serious charges. In early October, Hampton and his girlfriend Deborah Johnson (now known as Akua Njeri), who was pregnant with their child (Fred Hampton Jr.), rented a four-and-a-half-room apartment at 2337 West Monroe Street to be closer to BPP headquarters. O'Neal reported to his superiors that much of the Panthers' "provocative" arms stockpile was stored there. He drew them a map of the apartment. In early November, Hampton traveled to California on a speaking engagement with the UCLA Law Students Association. He met with the remaining BPP national hierarchy, who appointed him to the party's central committee. He was soon to take the position of chief of staff and major spokesman.[40] Assassination Prelude On the night of November 13, 1969, while Hampton was in California, Chicago police officers John J. Gilhooly and Frank G. Rappaport were killed in a gun battle with Panthers; one died the next day.[41] A total of nine police officers were shot. Spurgeon Winter Jr, a 19-year-old Panther, was killed by police. Another Panther, Lawrence S. Bell, was charged with murder. In an unsigned editorial headlined "No Quarter for Wild Beasts", the Chicago Tribune urged that Chicago police officers approaching suspected Panthers "should be ordered to be ready to shoot."[42] As part of the larger COINTELPRO operation, the FBI was determined to prevent any improvement in the effectiveness of the BPP leadership.[43] The FBI orchestrated an armed raid with the Chicago police and Cook County State's Attorney on Hampton's Chicago apartment. They had obtained detailed information about the apartment, including a layout of furniture, from O'Neal. An augmented, 14-man team of the SAO (state Special Prosecutions Unit) was organized for a predawn raid; they were armed with a search warrant for illegal weapons.[28][29] On the evening of December 3, Hampton taught a political education course at a local church, which was attended by most Panther members. Afterward, as was typical, he was accompanied to his Monroe Street apartment by Johnson and several Panthers: Blair Anderson, James Grady, Ronald "Doc" Satchell, Harold Bell, Verlina Brewer, Louis Truelock, Brenda Harris and Mark Clark. O'Neal was already there, having prepared a late dinner, which the group ate around midnight. O'Neal had slipped the secobarbital into a drink that Hampton consumed during the dinner to sedate Hampton so he would not awaken during the subsequent raid. O'Neal left after dinner. At about 1:30 am, December 4, Hampton fell asleep mid-sentence while talking to his mother on the telephone.[44][45][46][47] Although Hampton was not known to take drugs, Cook County chemist Eleanor Berman later reported that she had run two tests, each showing evidence of barbiturates in Hampton's blood. An FBI chemist failed to find similar traces, but Berman stood by her findings.[48] Raid Site of Black Panther Party Raid, Fred Hampton's Death The bed and room where Hampton was fatally shot during the raid, showing a large amount of blood on his side of the mattress and numerous bullet holes in the walls. The office of Cook County State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan organized the raid, using officers attached to his office.[49] Hampton had recently strongly criticized Hanrahan, saying that Hanrahan's talk about a "war on gangs" was really rhetoric used to enable him to carry out a "war on black youth".[50] At 4 am, the heavily armed police team arrived at the site, divided into two teams, eight for the front of the building and six for the rear. At 4:45 am, they stormed the apartment. Mark Clark, sitting in the front room of the apartment with a shotgun in his lap, was on security duty. The police shot him in the chest, killing him instantly.[51] An alternative account said that Clark answered the door and police immediately shot him. Either way, Clark's gun discharged once into the ceiling.[52] This single round was fired when he suffered a reflexive death-convulsion after being shot.[53] This was the only shot fired by the Panthers.[29][54][55][40] Hampton, drugged by barbiturates, was sleeping on a mattress in the bedroom with Johnson, who was nine months pregnant with their child.[51][40] Police officers removed her from the room while Hampton lay unconscious in bed.[56] Then the raiding team fired at the head of the south bedroom. Hampton was wounded in the shoulder by the shooting.[40] According to the National Archives and Records Administration, "upon that discovery, an officer shot him twice in his head and killed him".[40] Fellow Black Panther Harold Bell said that he heard the following exchange:[57] "That's Fred Hampton." "Is he dead?... Bring him out." "He's barely alive." "He'll make it." The injured Panthers said they heard two shots. According to Hampton's supporters, the shots were fired point-blank at Hampton's head.[58] According to Johnson, an officer then said: "He's good and dead now."[57] Chicago police removing Hampton's body Hampton's body was dragged into the bedroom doorway and left in a pool of blood. The officers directed their gunfire at the remaining Panthers who had been sleeping in the north bedroom (Satchel, Anderson, Brewer, and Harris).[51] Brewer, Satchel, Anderson, and Harris were seriously wounded,[51] then beaten and dragged into the street. They were arrested on charges of aggravated assault and attempted murder of the officers. They were each held on $100,000 bail.[52] In the early 1990s, Jose "Cha Cha" Jimenez, a former president and co-founder of the Young Lords who had developed close ties to Hampton and the Chicago Black Panther Party during the late 1960s, interviewed Johnson about the raid. She said: I believe Fred Hampton was drugged. The reason why is because when he woke up when the person [Truelock] said, "Chairman, chairman," he was shaking Fred's arm, you know, Fred's arm was folded across the head of the bed. And Fred—he just raised his head up real slow. It was like watching a slow motion. He raised. His eyes were open. He raised his head up real slow, you know, with his eyes toward the entranceway, toward the bedroom and laid his head back down. That was the only movement he made [...][56] The seven Panthers who survived the raid were indicted by a grand jury on charges of attempted murder, armed violence, and other weapons charges. These charges were subsequently dropped. During the trial, the Chicago Police Department claimed that the Panthers were the first to fire shots. But a later investigation found that the Chicago police fired between 90 and 99 shots, while the only Panthers shot was from Clark's dropped shotgun.[52][59] After the raid, the apartment was left unguarded. The Panthers sent some members to investigate, accompanied by videographer Mike Gray and stills photographer Norris McNamara to document the scene. This footage was instrumental in proving the raid was an assassination. The footage was later released as part of the 1971 documentary The Murder of Fred Hampton. After a break-in at an FBI office in Pennsylvania, the existence of COINTELPRO, an illegal counter-intelligence program, was revealed and reported. With this program revealed, many activists and others began to suspect that the police raid and Hampton's killing were conducted under this program. One of the documents released after the break-in was a floor plan of Hampton's apartment. Another document outlined a deal that the FBI brokered with US deputy attorney general Richard Kleindienst to conceal the FBI's role in Hampton's death and the existence of COINTELPRO.[59] Aftermath Mourners passing the bier of Hampton. His funeral in December was attended by over 5,000 people. At a press conference the next day, the police announced the arrest team had been attacked by the "violent" and "extremely vicious" Panthers and defended themselves accordingly.[60] In a second press conference on December 8, the police leadership praised the assault team for their "remarkable restraint", "bravery", and "professional discipline" in not killing all the Panthers present. Photographic evidence was presented of "bullet holes" allegedly made by shots fired by the Panthers, but reporters soon challenged this claim.[61] An internal investigation was undertaken, and the police claimed that their colleagues on the assault team were exonerated of any wrongdoing, concluding that they "used lawful means to overcome the assault".[62] Five thousand people attended Hampton's funeral. He was eulogized by black leaders, including Jesse Jackson and Ralph Abernathy, Martin Luther King Jr.'s successor as head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In his eulogy, Jackson said that "when Fred was shot in Chicago, black people in particular, and decent people in general, bled everywhere."[63] On December 6, members of the Weather Underground destroyed numerous police vehicles in a retaliatory bombing spree at 3600 N. Halsted Street, Chicago.[64] The police called their raid on Hampton's apartment a "shootout". The Black Panthers called it a "shoot-in", because so many shots were fired by police.[65][66] On December 11 and 12, the two competing daily newspapers, the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun-Times, published vivid accounts of the events but drew different conclusions. The Tribune has long been considered the politically conservative newspaper, and the Sun-Times the liberal paper.[67] On December 11, the Tribune published a page 1 article titled, "Exclusive – Hanrahan, Police Tell Panther Story." The article included photographs supplied by Hanrahan's office that depicted bullet holes in a thin white curtain and door jamb as evidence that the Panthers fired multiple bullets at the police.[68][69] Jack Challem, editor of the Wright College News, the student newspaper at Wright Junior College in Chicago, had visited the apartment on December 6, when it was still unsecured. He took numerous photographs of the crime scenes. A member of the Black Panthers was allowing visitors to tour the apartment. Challem's photographs did not show the bullet holes reported by the Tribune. On the morning of December 12, after the Tribune article had appeared with the Hanrahan-supplied photos, Challem contacted a reporter at the Sun-Times, showed him his own photographs, and encouraged the other reporter to visit the apartment. That evening, the Sun-Times published a page 1 article with the headline: "Those 'bullet holes' aren't." According to the article, the alleged bullet holes (supposedly the result of the Panthers shooting in the direction of the police) were nail heads.[70] Four weeks after witnessing Hampton's death at the hands of the police, Johnson gave birth to their son, Fred Hampton Jr.[71] Civil rights activists Roy Wilkins and Ramsey Clark, styled as "The Commission of Inquiry into the Black Panthers and the Police", alleged that the Chicago police had killed Hampton without justification or provocation and had violated the Panthers' constitutional rights against unreasonable search and seizure.[72] "The Commission" further alleged that the Chicago Police Department had imposed a summary punishment on the Panthers.[73] A federal grand jury did not return any indictment against any of the individuals involved with the planning or execution of the raid, including the officers involved in killing Hampton.[74] O'Neal, who had given the FBI the floor plan of the apartment and drugged Hampton, later admitted his involvement in setting up the raid.[75] He committed suicide on January 15, 1990.[48][76] Inquest Shortly after the raid, Cook County Coroner Andrew Toman began forming a special six-member coroner's jury to hold an inquest into the deaths of Hampton and Clark.[77] On December 23, Toman announced four additions to the jury, who included two African-American men: physician Theodore K. Lawless and attorney Julian B. Wilkins, the son of J. Ernest Wilkins Sr.[77] He said the four were selected from a group of candidates submitted to his office by groups and individuals representing both Chicago's black and white communities.[77] Civil rights leaders and spokesmen for the black community were reportedly disappointed with the selection.[78] An official with the Chicago Urban League said, "I would have had more confidence in the jury if one of them had been a black man who has a rapport with the young and the grass roots in the community."[78] Gus Savage said that such a man to whom the community could relate need not be black.[78] The jury eventually included a third black man, who had been a member of the first coroner's jury sworn in on December 4.[12] The blue-ribbon panel convened for the inquest on January 6, 1970. On January 21, they ruled the deaths of Hampton and Clark to be justifiable homicides.[12][11][13][14] The jury qualified their verdict on Hampton's death as "based solely and exclusively on the evidence presented to this inquisition";[12] police and expert witnesses provided the only testimony during the inquest.[79] Jury foreman James T. Hicks stated that they could not consider the charges made by surviving Black Panthers who had been in the apartment; they had told reporters that the police had entered the apartment shooting. The survivors were reported to have refused to testify during the inquest because they faced criminal charges of attempted murder and aggravated assault during the raid.[79] Attorneys for the Hampton and Clark families did not introduce any witnesses during the proceedings but called the inquest "a well-rehearsed theatrical performance designed to vindicate the police officers".[12] Hanrahan said the verdict was recognition "of the truthfulness of our police officers' account of the events".[12] Federal grand jury Released on May 15, 1970, the reports of a federal grand jury criticized the actions of the police, the surviving Black Panthers, and the Chicago news media.[80][81] The grand jury called the police department's raid "ill conceived" and said many errors were committed during the post-raid investigation and reconstruction of the events. It said that the surviving Black Panthers' refusal to cooperate hampered the investigation, and that the press "improperly and grossly exaggerated stories".[80][81] 1970 civil rights lawsuit In 1970, the survivors and relatives of Hampton and Clark filed a civil suit, stating that the civil rights of the Black Panther members were violated by the joint police/FBI raid and seeking $47.7 million in damages.[82] Twenty-eight defendants were named, including Hanrahan as well as the City of Chicago, Cook County, and federal governments.[82] It took years for the case to get to trial, which lasted 18 months. It was reported to have been the longest federal trial up to that time.[82] After its conclusion in 1977, Judge Joseph Sam Perry of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois dismissed the suit against 21 of the defendants before jury deliberations.[82] After jurors deadlocked on a verdict, Perry dismissed the suit against the remaining defendants.[82] The plaintiffs appealed. In 1979, the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in Chicago found that the government had withheld relevant documents, thereby obstructing the judicial process.[82] Reinstating the case against 24 of the defendants, the Court of Appeals ordered a new trial.[82] The Supreme Court of the United States heard an appeal by defendants but voted 5–3 in 1980 to remand the case to the District Court for a new trial.[82] In 1982, the City of Chicago, Cook County, and the federal government agreed to a settlement in which each would pay $616,333 (equivalent to $1.73 million per payee in 2021) to a group of nine plaintiffs, including the mothers of Hampton and Clark.[82] The $1.85 million settlement (equivalent to $5.19 million in 2021) was believed to be the largest ever in a civil rights case.[82] G. Flint Taylor, one of the attorneys representing the plaintiffs, said, "The settlement is an admission of the conspiracy that existed between the FBI and Hanrahan's men to murder Fred Hampton."[83] Assistant United States Attorney Robert Gruenberg said the settlement was intended to avoid another costly trial and was not an admission of guilt or responsibility by any of the defendants.[83] Controversy Ten days afterward, Bobby Rush, the then deputy minister of defense for the Illinois Black Panther Party, called the raiding party an "execution squad".[84] As is typical in settlements, the three government defendants did not acknowledge claims of responsibility for plaintiffs' allegations. Michael Newton is among the writers who have concluded that Hampton was assassinated.[85] In his 2016 book Unsolved Civil Rights Murder Cases, 1934–1970, Newton writes that Hampton "was murdered in his sleep by Chicago police with FBI collusion."[86] This view is also presented in Jakobi Williams's book From the Bullet to the Ballot: The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party and Racial Coalition Politics in Chicago.[87] Personal life Hampton was very close with Chicago Black Catholic priest George Clements, who served as his mentor and as a chaplain for the local Panther outfit. Hampton and the Panthers also used Clements's parish, Holy Angels Catholic Church in Chicago, as a refuge in times of particular surveillance or pursuit from the police. They also provided security for several of Clements's "Black Unity Masses", part of his revolutionary activities during the Black Catholic Movement. Clements spoke at Hampton's funeral, and also said a Requiem Mass for him at Holy Angels.[88][89][90] Legacy Legal and political effects According to a 2007 Chicago Tribune report, "The raid ended the promising political career of Cook County State's Atty. Edward V. Hanrahan, who was indicted but cleared with 13 other law-enforcement agents on charges of obstructing justice. Bernard Carey, a Republican, defeated him in the next election, in part because of the support of outraged black voters."[91] The families of Hampton and Clark filed a $47.7 million civil suit against the city, state, and federal governments. The case went to trial before Federal Judge J. Sam Perry. After more than 18 months of testimony and at the close of the plaintiff's case, Perry dismissed the case. The plaintiffs appealed, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit reversed, ordering the case to be retried. More than a decade after the case had been filed, the suit was finally settled for $1.85 million.[74] The two families each shared in the settlement.[92] Jeffrey Haas, with his law partners G. Flint Taylor and Dennis Cunningham and attorney James D. Montgomery, were the attorneys for the plaintiffs in the federal suit Hampton v. Hanrahan, conducted additional research and wrote a book about these events. It was published in 2009. He said that Chicago was worse off without Hampton: Of course, there's also the legacy that, without a young leader, I think the West Side of Chicago degenerated a lot into drugs. And without leaders like Fred Hampton, I think the gangs and the drugs became much more prevalent on the West Side. He was an alternative to that. He talked about serving the community, talked about breakfast programs, educating the people, community control of police. So I think that that's unfortunately another legacy of Fred's murder.[66] In 1990, the Chicago City Council unanimously passed a resolution, introduced by then-Alderman Madeline Haithcock, commemorating December 4, 2004, as Fred Hampton Day in Chicago. The resolution read in part: "Fred Hampton, who was only 21 years old, made his mark in Chicago history not so much by his death as by the heroic efforts of his life and by his goals of empowering the most oppressed sector of Chicago's Black community, bringing people into political life through participation in their own freedom fighting organization."[93] Monuments and streets A public pool was named in his honor in his hometown of Maywood, Illinois.[94] On September 7, 2007, a bust of Hampton by sculptor Preston Jackson was erected outside the Fred Hampton Family Aquatic Center in Maywood.[95] In March 2006, supporters of Hampton's charity work proposed the naming of a Chicago street in his honor. Chicago's chapter of the Fraternal Order of Police opposed this effort.[96] Weather Underground reaction Two days after the killings of Hampton and Clark, on December 6, 1969, members of the Weathermen destroyed numerous police vehicles in a retaliatory bombing spree at 3600 N. Halsted Street in Chicago.[97] After that, the group became more radical. On May 21, 1970, the group issued a "Declaration of War" against the U.S. government and, for the first time, used its new name, the "Weather Underground Organization". They adopted fake identities and decided to pursue covert activities only. These initially included preparations to bomb a U.S. military non-commissioned officers' dance at Fort Dix, New Jersey, in what Brian Flanagan later said was intended to be "the most horrific hit the United States government had ever suffered on its territory".[98] "We've known that our job is to lead white kids into armed revolution... Kids know the lines are drawn: revolution is touching all of our lives. Tens of thousands have learned that protest and marches don't do it. Revolutionary violence is the only way." —Bernardine Dohrn[99] Media and popular culture In film A 27-minute documentary, Death of a Black Panther: The Fred Hampton Story,[100] was used as evidence in the civil suit.[101] The 2002 documentary The Weather Underground shows in detail how that group was deeply influenced by Hampton and his death—as well as showing that Hampton kept his distance from them for being what he called "adventuristic, masochistic and Custeristic".[102] Much of the first half of Eyes on the Prize episode 12, "A Nation of Law?", chronicles Hampton's leadership and extrajudicial killing. The events of his rise to prominence, Hoover's targeting of him, and Hampton's subsequent death are also recounted with footage in the 2015 documentary The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution. The Murder of Fred Hampton is a documentary shot from within the movement, released in 1971. It has no narration, relying solely on footage shot from within the Black Panther organization and portraying Hampton and his colleagues on their own terms. In the 1999 TV miniseries The 60s, Hampton appears serving free breakfast with the BPP. David Alan Grier plays Hampton.[103] The Trial of the Chicago 7 (2020) features Kelvin Harrison Jr. as Hampton, in which he advises Bobby Seale as he was denied counsel, with the Chicago Seven.[104][105][106] Judas and the Black Messiah is a 2021 film about O'Neal's betrayal of Hampton. The film stars Daniel Kaluuya as Hampton and was directed by Shaka King. It premiered at the Sundance Film Festival on February 1, 2021. For his performance, Kaluuya won the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor.[107][108] In literature Jeffrey Haas wrote an account of Hampton's death, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther (2009).[109] Stephen King refers to Hampton in the novel 11/22/63 (2012), in which a character discusses the ripple effect of traveling back in time to prevent John F. Kennedy's assassination. He postulates that other events would follow that could have prevented Hampton's assassination as well.[110] In music American rapper and businessman Jay-Z has made multiple references in his music to being born on the day Hampton died.[111] American rock band Rage Against the Machine referenced Hampton in their 1996 song Down Rodeo, saying, "They ain't gonna send us campin' like they did my man Fred Hampton."[112] Kendrick Lamar refers to Hampton in his song HiiiPoWeR, which also contains references to black civil rights activists Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and Huey Newton.[113] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Hampton

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Additionally, it highlights the challenges and moral dilemmas faced by these foot soldiers, discussing the ethical implications of their actions, such as involvement in false flag operations or instances of alleged terrorism that have been attributed to Gladio. This episode aims to provide a closer look at the human elements within these clandestine operations, shedding light on the individuals who operated on the front lines of this secretive Cold War program. Notes "History of the CIA". Central Intelligence Agency. Archived from the original on June 12, 2007. Retrieved March 28, 2014. "CIA Observes 50th Anniversary of Original Headquarters Building Cornerstone Laying". Central Intelligence Agency. Archived from the original on March 24, 2010. Retrieved September 18, 2012. Gellman, Barton; Miller, Greg (August 29, 2013). "U.S. spy network's successes, failures and objectives detailed in 'black budget' summary". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on September 1, 2013. 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Only once in these nearly thousand pages of documentation did a U.S. official raise something that resembled a faint moral objection to U.S.-government sponsored terrorism." Schoultz, Lars (2009). "State Sponsored Terrorism". That infernal little Cuban republic: the United States and the Cuban Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. pp. 170–211. ISBN 9780807888605. Archived from the original on August 15, 2021. Retrieved February 2, 2020. "What more could be done? How about a program of sabotage focused on blowing up "such targets as refineries, power plants, micro wave stations, radio and TV installations, strategic highway bridges and railroad facilities, military and naval installations and equipment, certain industrial plants and sugar refineries." The CIA proposed just that approach a month after the Bay of Pigs, and the State Department endorsed the proposal... 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Retrieved August 26, 2017. Shorrock, Tim (May 29, 2008). "Former high-ranking Bush officials enjoy war profits". Salon.com. Archived from the original on June 2, 2008. Retrieved June 16, 2008. Hurt III, Harry (June 15, 2008). "The Business of Intelligence Gathering". The New York Times. Archived from the original on November 5, 2015. Retrieved June 18, 2008. Butler, Amy (March 20, 2005). "SBIRS High in the Red Again". Aviation Week. Archived from the original on April 29, 2011. Retrieved January 14, 2008. Taubman, Philip (November 11, 2007). "In Death of Spy Satellite Program, Lofty Plans and Unrealistic Bids". The New York Times. Archived from the original on April 8, 2022. Retrieved April 29, 2013. Rich, Ben R. (1996). Skunk Works: A Personal Memoir of My Years of Lockheed. Back Bay Books. ISBN 0-316-74330-5. Bevins, Vincent (2020). The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. pp. 266–267. ISBN 978-1-5417-4240-6. References Immerman, Richard H. (1982). The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-71083-2. Weiner, Tim (2007). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-51445-3. OCLC 82367780. Further reading Library resources about Central Intelligence Agency Resources in your library Resources in other libraries Wise, David; Ross, Thomas B. (1964). The Invisible Government. Random House. ISBN 978-0394430775. Hilsman, Roger. To Move a Nation: The Politics of Foreign Policy in the Administration of John F. Kennedy (1967) pp 63–88. McCoy, Alfred W. (1972). The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. Harper Colophon. ISBN 978-0-06-090328-2. McGarvey, Patrick J. (1972). CIA: The Myth and the Madness. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-003753-1. Marchetti, Victor; John D. Marks (1974). The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence. Knopf. ISBN 0-394-48239-5. Agee, Philip (1975). Inside the Company: CIA Diary. Harmondsworth: Penguin. ISBN 0-140-04007-2. Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. American Espionage: From Secret Service to CIA (Free Press, 1977) ISBN 978-0029163603. Powers, Thomas (1979). The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms & the CIA. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0394507774. Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. The CIA and American Democracy (Yale University Press, 1989) ISBN 978-0300041491. Johnson, Loch K. (1991). America's Secret Power: The CIA in a Democratic Society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505490-3. Ranelagh, John. CIA: A History (1992) very favorable review Sheymov, Victor (1993). Tower of Secrets. U.S. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-764-8. Andrew, Christopher (1996). For the President's Eyes Only. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-00-638071-9. Prados, John. Presidents' Secret Wars: CIA and Pentagon Covert Operations from World War II Through the Persian Gulf War (1996) ISBN 978-1566631082 Aldrich, Richard J. (2001). The Hidden Hand: Britain, America and Cold War Secret Intelligence. London: John Murray. ISBN 0-7195-5423-3. OCLC 46513534. Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. Cloak and Dollar: A History of American Secret Intelligence (Yale University Press, 2002) ISBN 978-0300101591. Baer, Robert (2003). Sleeping with the Devil: How Washington Sold Our Soul for Saudi Crude. Crown. ISBN 1-4000-5021-9. Bearden, Milton; James Risen (2003). The Main Enemy: The Inside Story of the CIA's Final Showdown With the KGB. Random House. ISBN 0-679-46309-7. Kessler, Ronald (2003). The CIA at War: Inside the Secret Campaign Against Terror. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-31932-0. Kinzer, Stephen (2003). All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0470185490. Smith, W. Thomas Jr. (2003). Encyclopedia of the Central Intelligence Agency. Facts on File. ISBN 0-8160-4667-0. Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Penguin Group. ISBN 978-1594200076. Mahle, Melissa Boyle (2004). Denial and Deception: An Insider's View of the CIA from Iran-Contra to 9/11. Nation Books. ISBN 1-56025-649-4. McCoy, Alfred W. (2006). A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, from the Cold War to the War on Terror. New York: Owl Books (Henry Holt & Co.). ISBN 0-8050-8248-4. OCLC 78821099. Turner, Stansfield (2006). Burn Before Reading: Presidents, CIA Directors, and Secret Intelligence. Hyperion. ISBN 0-7868-8666-8. Wallace, Robert; Melton, H. Keith; Schlesinger, Henry R. (2008). Spycraft: The Secret History of the CIA's Spytechs, from Communism to al-Qaeda. New York: Dutton. ISBN 978-0-525-94980-0. OCLC 18255288. Jones, Ishmael (2010). The Human Factor: Inside the CIA's Dysfunctional Intelligence Culture. Encounter Books. ISBN 978-1-59403-223-3. Dujmovic, Nicholas, "Drastic Actions Short of War: The Origins and Application of CIA's Covert Paramilitary Function in the Early Cold War," Journal of Military History, 76 (July 2012), 775–808 Jones, Milo; Silberzahn, Philippe (2013). Constructing Cassandra, Reframing Intelligence Failure at the CIA, 1947–2001. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804793360. Gibson, Bryan R. (2015). Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-137-48711-7. Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. "Antecedents and Memory as Factors in the Creation of the CIA", Diplomatic History, 40/1 (January 2016): 140–54. Jacobsen, Annie (2019). Surprise, Kill, Vanish, The Secret History of CIA Paramilitary Armies, Operators, and Assassins. Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0316441438. Sorkin, Amy Davidson, "Spooked: What's wrong with the C.I.A.?", The New Yorker, 10 October 2022, pp. 60–65. "The paramilitary pursuits of the C.I.A. – including assassination attempts, coup plots, and drone strikes – seldom end well." (p. 61.) Perlez, Jane, "Behind Enemy Lines: The CIA's Cold War in China" (review of John Delury, Agents of Subversion: The Fate of John T. Downey and the CIA's Covert War in China, Cornell University Press, 2022, 408 pp.; and John T. Downey, Thomas J. Christensen, and Jack Lee Downey, Lost in the Cold War: The Story of Jack Downey, America's Longest-Held POW, Columbia University Press, 2022, 344 pp.), Foreign Affairs, vol. 102, no. 2 (March/April 2023), pp. 162–167. "[T]he misguided policies Americans hatched some 70 years ago provide a warning of what not to do in a moment of deteriorating U.S.-Chinese relations." (p. 167.)

How the CIA worked with the Mafia to assassinate foreign leaders: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/anything-can-come-back-to-haunt-us How the FBI got corrupted by the Mafia: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/working-with-made-men?utm_source=profile&utm_medium=reader2 "ON COMPANY BUSINESS (PART I) " is an extensive and unflinching examination of the Central Intelligence Agency. Allan Francovich's award-winning documentary, crafted over five years of meticulous research, provides a comprehensive overview of the CIA's operations. Delving into the highest echelons of policy-making, front organizations, field operations, and their impact, this film paints a disturbing yet revealing picture of the agency's actions worldwide. Spanning three hours, the documentary eschews a narrative voice, letting archival footage, interviews, and firsthand accounts speak volumes. Former CIA personnel, including directors and whistleblowers, offer insights into the agency's workings, alongside voices of individuals directly affected by CIA operations. In its initial part, the film explores the agency's inception, showcasing government officials' manipulations, deceit, and armed interventions in countries like Guatemala and Cuba. It unearths assassination plots against political leaders and illuminates the controversial collaboration between the CIA and the Mafia. Released in December 1983, this groundbreaking documentary challenges viewers with its dense information and poignant portrayal of the consequences of covert operations. It stands as a powerful testament to the complexities and repercussions of CIA actions, prompting reflection and examination of its role in global affairs. Salvatore Mooney Giancana[1] (/dʒiɑːnˈkɑːnə/; born Gilormo Giangana;[nb 1] Italian: [dʒiˈlɔrmo dʒaŋˈɡaːna]; May 24, 1908[nb 2] – June 19, 1975) was an American mobster who was boss of the Chicago Outfit from 1957 to 1966. Giancana was born in Chicago to Italian immigrant parents. He joined the 42 Gang as a teenager, developing a reputation in organized crime, which gained him the notice of the leaders of the Chicago Outfit, which he joined during the late 1930s. From the 1940s through the 1950s, he controlled illegal gambling, illegal liquor distribution, and political rackets in Louisiana. In the early 1940s, Giancana was involved in Chicago's African-American lottery payout system for the Outfit. In 1957, he became the boss of the Chicago Outfit. According to some sources, Giancana and the Mafia were involved in John F. Kennedy's victory in the 1960 presidential election. During the 1960s, he was recruited by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in a plot to assassinate Cuban leader Fidel Castro. Conspiracy theorists consider Giancana, along with Mafia leaders Santo Trafficante Jr. and Carlos Marcello, to be associated with the assassination of John F. Kennedy. In 1965, Giancana was convicted of contempt of court, serving one year in prison. After his release from prison, Giancana fled to Cuernavaca, Mexico. In 1974, he was deported to the United States, returning to Chicago. Giancana was murdered on June 19, 1975, in Oak Park, Illinois, shortly before he was scheduled to appear before the Church Committee. Early life Giancana was born Gilormo Giangana[nb 1] on May 24, 1908,[nb 2] in The Patch neighborhood of Chicago to Antonio Giangana and Antonia DeSimmona,[nb 3] Italian immigrants from Castelvetrano, Sicily, Italy. His father immigrated in 1905, while his mother immigrated in 1906;[7] he had seven siblings.[2] Antonia died in 1910 and his father married Mary Leonardi.[8] On September 23, 1933, Giancana married Angeline DeTolve, the daughter of immigrants from the Italian region of Basilicata. They had three daughters: Antoinette, born 1935; Bonnie, born 1938; and Francine, born 1945.[2] Angeline died on April 23, 1954, leaving him to raise his daughters.[9][2] Criminal career Giancana joined the 42 Gang, a juvenile street crew working for political boss Joseph Esposito. The 42 Gang's name was a reference to Ali Baba and the 40 Thieves. They thought they were one better, hence 42. Giancana soon developed a reputation as an excellent getaway driver, a high earner, and a vicious killer. After Esposito's murder, in which Giancana was allegedly involved, the 42 Gang was transformed into a de facto extension of the Chicago Outfit with leaders such as Frank "the Enforcer" Nitti, Paul "the Waiter" Ricca, and Tony "Joe Batters" Accardo. He was first arrested in 1925 for auto theft. He soon graduated to "triggerman" and by the age of 20 had been the prime subject of three murder investigations but never tried for any of them.[10] In 1929, Giancana was convicted of burglary and larceny, and sentenced to one to five years in the Joliet Correctional Center. He was released in 1932 after serving three years and nine months.[11] During the late 1930s, Giancana became the first 42er to join the Chicago Outfit. From the early 1940s through the 1950s, he controlled most illegal gambling, liquor distribution, and other political rackets in Louisiana through longtime friend H. A. (Hol) Killian. Killian controlled the majority of the liquor license issuance by his associations with longtime New Orleans business associate Carlos Marcello.[citation needed] In 1939, Giancana was convicted of bootlegging and sentenced to four years in Leavenworth Prison and Terre Haute Federal Correctional Complex.[11] Rise to power After his release from prison in 1942, Giancana made a name for himself by convincing Accardo, then the Outfit's underboss, to stage a takeover of Chicago's African-American "policy" (lottery) payout system for the Outfit. Giancana's crew is believed to have convinced Eddie Jones to quit his racket and leave the country. Giancana's crew was also responsible for the August 4, 1952 murder of African-American gambling boss Theodore Roe. Jones and Roe were major South Side gambling bosses. Roe had refused to surrender control of his operation as the Outfit had demanded, and on June 19, 1951, Roe fatally shot Leonard "Fat Lennie" Caifano, a made man of Giancana's crew.[12] The Outfit's South Side "policy"-game takeover was not complete until another Outfit member, Jackie "the Lackey" Cerone, scared "Big Jim" Martin to Mexico with two bullets to the head that did not kill him. When the lottery money started rolling in for the Outfit after this gambling war, the amount this game produced for the Outfit was in the millions of dollars a year, bringing Giancana further notice. It is believed to have been a major factor in his being "anointed" as the Outfit's new boss in 1957. Accardo joined Ricca in semi-retirement, becoming the Outfit's consigliere.[13] However, it was generally understood that Accardo and Ricca still had the real power. Giancana was required to consult Accardo and Ricca on all important Outfit affairs. Giancana was present at the Mafia's 1957 Apalachin meeting at the Upstate New York estate of Joseph Barbara.[14] Later, Buffalo crime boss Stefano Magaddino and Giancana were overheard on a wiretap saying the meeting should have occurred in the Chicago area. Giancana claimed that the Chicago area was "the safest place in the world" for a major underworld meeting because he had several police chiefs on his payroll. If the syndicate ever wanted to hold a meeting in or around Chicago, Giancana said, they had nothing to fear because they had the area "locked up tight".[15] Some journalists claimed that Giancana and his Chicago crime syndicate "played a role" in John F. Kennedy's victory in the 1960 presidential election.[16][17] Hyman Larner was an associate of Giancana's who helped expand the Outfit's gambling and smuggling operations to Panama and Iran,[18] moving the Miami operation's headquarters to Panama where money laundering was more easily facilitated by local banks. These operations were conducted as a partnership between the Mafia and the CIA. By 1966, this partnership had developed into arms smuggling to the Middle East for the Israeli Mossad, all via Panama.[19] Richard Cain, a corrupt police officer, also made "frequent trips" to and from Mexico as Giancana's courier and financial adviser.[20] Alleged CIA connections It is widely reputed and was partially corroborated by the Church Committee hearings that during the Kennedy administration, the CIA recruited Giancana and other mobsters to assassinate Fidel Castro. Giancana reportedly said that CIA and the Cosa Nostra were "different sides of the same coin".[21] Judith Exner claimed to be the mistress of both Giancana and JFK, and that she delivered communications between them about Castro.[22] Giancana's daughter Antoinette has stated that her father was performing a scam to pocket millions of CIA dollars.[23] Documents released in 1997 revealed that some Mafiosi worked with CIA on assassination attempts against Castro.[24] CIA documents released in 2007 confirmed that in September 1960, the CIA recruited ex-FBI agent Robert Maheu to meet with the West Coast representative of the Chicago mob, Johnny Roselli. When Maheu contacted Roselli, Maheu hid that he was sent by the CIA, instead portraying himself as an advocate for international corporations. He offered $150,000 to have Castro killed, but Roselli refused any pay. Roselli introduced Maheu to two men he called Sam Gold and Joe. "Sam Gold" was Giancana; "Joe" was Santo Trafficante Jr., the Tampa syndicate boss and one of the most powerful mobsters in prerevolution Cuba.[25] Glenn Kessler of The Washington Post explained: "After Fidel Castro led a revolution that toppled the government of Fulgencio Batista in 1959, CIA was desperate to eliminate Castro. So, the agency sought out a partner equally worried about Castro—the Mafia, which had lucrative investments in Cuban casinos."[26] According to the declassified CIA "Family Jewels" documents, Giancana and Trafficante were contacted in September 1960 about the possibility of an assassination attempt by Maheu after Maheu had contacted Roselli, a Mafia member in Las Vegas and Giancana's number-two man. Maheu had presented himself as a representative of numerous international businesses in Cuba that Castro was expropriating. He offered $150,000 for the "removal" of Castro through this operation, though the documents suggest that neither Roselli, Giancana, nor Trafficante accepted any payment for the job. Giancana suggested using poison pills to dose Castro's food and drink. CIA gave these pills to Giancana's nominee, Juan Orta, whom Giancana presented as a corrupt official in the new Cuban government and who had access to Castro. After six attempts to introduce the poison into Castro's food, Orta abruptly demanded to be relieved of his role in the mission, giving the job to another, unnamed participant. Later, Giancana and Trafficante made a second attempt using Anthony Verona, the commander of the Cuban Exile Junta, who had, according to Trafficante, become "disaffected with the apparent ineffectual progress of the Junta." Verona requested $10,000 in expenses and $1,000 worth of communications equipment. How much work was performed for the second attempt is unknown, as the program was canceled soon after due to the Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961.[27][28][29] According to the "Family Jewels", Giancana asked Maheu to wire the room of his then mistress Phyllis McGuire, singer of the McGuire Sisters, whom he suspected of having an affair with comedian Dan Rowan. Although documents suggest Maheu acquiesced, the device was not planted because the agent who had been given the task of planting it was arrested. According to the documents, Robert F. Kennedy prohibited the prosecution of the agent and Maheu, who was soon linked to the wire attempt, at the CIA's request.[29] Giancana and McGuire, who had a long-lasting affair, were originally introduced by Frank Sinatra.[30] According to Antoinette Giancana, during part of the affair, McGuire had a concurrent affair with President Kennedy.[31] Downfall When Giancana was called before a grand jury on June 1, 1965, he remained silent despite having been granted immunity, which resulted in his jailing for contempt for more than a year, the duration of the grand jury.[32] Meanwhile, Giancana was deposed as operational boss by Ricca and Accardo, and replaced by Joseph "Joey Doves" Aiuppa.[33] After his release from prison in 1966, Giancana fled to Cuernavaca, Mexico, to avoid further grand jury questioning.[34][35] He was arrested by Mexican authorities on July 19, 1974, and deported to the United States.[34][35] He arrived back in Chicago on July 21, 1974.[36] Death Giancana mausoleum at Mount Carmel Cemetery After Giancana's return to the United States, police detailed officers to guard his house in Oak Park, Illinois, but on the night of June 19, 1975, shortly before he was scheduled to appear before the Church Committee,[37] which was investigating CIA and Cosa Nostra collusion,[38] a gunman entered the home through the basement and shot Giancana in the head and neck seven times with a .22 caliber pistol. At around 11 p.m., Joseph DiPersio, Giancana's caretaker, found his body on the floor of the basement kitchen where he was said to be frying sausage and peppers.[39][40] A week before his death, Giancana had gall bladder surgery in Houston.[39] Giancana was interred next to his wife, Angeline, in a family mausoleum at Mount Carmel Cemetery, in Hillside, Illinois. Within days of Giancana's murder, Michael J. Corbitt, the police chief of Willow Springs, Illinois, and a mobster associate, was told by Chicago Outfit's capo Salvatore Bastone that "Sam sure loved that little guy in Oak Park... Tony Spilotro. Yeah, he was fuckin' crazy about him. Sam put Tony on the fuckin' map, thought he was gonna be a big fuckin' man someday. Did you know that after Marshall Caifano got out of Vegas, it was Sam who wanted Tony Spilotro out there? Even lately, with all the problems with the skim and all, Sam always stood behind the guy. Tony was over to Sam's house all the time. He lived right by there. Did you know Tony even figured out a way where he could get in through the back of Sam's place without anybody seeing him? He'd go through other people's yards, go over fences, all sorts of shit."[41] When Corbitt asked for the reason for the murder, Bastone quipped, "There's never just one reason for shit like what happened to Sam. There's a million of 'em. Let's just say that Sam should've remembered what happened to Bugsy Siegel."[41] Other theories Although longtime associate Dominic "Butch" Blasi was with Giancana the night he was murdered and questioned by police as a suspect, neither the FBI nor Antoinette Giancana considers him Giancana's killer.[42][43] Hitman Nicholas Calabrese told the FBI during the 2000s that he knew that Tony Accardo was part of the killing and Angelo LaPietra got rid of the gun which used a suppressor made by Frank Calabrese Sr. and Ronnie Jarret.[44] Another theory is that Santo Trafficante Jr. ordered Giancana's murder due to fears he would testify about the Mafia's involvement in CIA plots to kill Castro. Although Trafficante would have needed permission from Outfit bosses Accardo and Joseph Aiuppa, Giancana's murder coincided with the discovery of the decomposing remains of Johnny Roselli in an oil drum floating off Miami; he had been shot and chopped up before being dumped in the sea. Some suspected that Roselli was killed on Trafficante's orders.[45] There were rumors that the CIA may have killed Giancana because of his links to the Agency.[citation needed]. Former CIA Director William Colby said, "We had nothing to do with it."[46] John Whitten mentioned during the Scelso deposition that he suspected William Harvey, a CIA assassin who was in the area. In popular culture - Movies: Giancana played a major role in the J. X. Williams movie Peep Show (1965). The TV film Mafia Princess (1986) starring Tony Curtis as Giancana. News footage of Giancana is featured in the movie JFK (1991). Carmine Caridi played Giancana in the movie Ruby (1992). The HBO made-for-TV movie Sugartime (1995) depicts Giancana's relationship with singer Phyllis McGuire with Giancana played by John Turturro. Robert Miranda played Giancana in the television movie The Rat Pack (1998). Peter Friedman played Giancana in the movie Power and Beauty (2002). In the movie The Good Shepherd (2006), the character played by Joe Pesci, Joseph Palmi, was a mix of several mobsters, including Giancana, Santo Trafficante Jr., and Carlos Marcello, who were involved with the CIA's operation Family Jewels. Matt Damon's character, Edward Wilson, is depicted proposing that Palmi assist in assassinating Castro. Al Linea plays Giancana in the movie The Irishman (2019). Television: Giancana features in the first episode of the documentary series Mafia's Greatest Hits, on the UK history TV channel Yesterday.[47] Rod Steiger portrayed Giancana in the TV miniseries Sinatra (1992). Serge Houde portrays Giancana as a major nemesis of the Kennedy family in the television miniseries The Kennedys (2011). The character Mob Man (uncredited) from The X-Files episode "Musings of a Cigarette Smoking Man", who is present at a planning meeting on the assassination of JFK, is likely based on Giancana. Giancana is portrayed by Emmett Skilton in the 8-part AMC television miniseries The Making of the Mob: Chicago (2016). Giancana's image is included in the opening credits of the Starz TV series Magic City (2012–13). Giancana is seen and referenced at a Las Vegas casino in the TV series Timeless in the episode Atomic City (2016). Literature: Giancana is a major character in Max Allan Collins's novels Chicago Confidential and Road to Paradise. Giancana plays a major role in James Ellroy's fiction, most notably American Tabloid and its sequels The Cold Six Thousand and Blood's a Rover. Giancana is the subject of the biography Mafia Princess, written by his daughter Antoinette. Giancana is a character in Robert J. Randisi's Rat Pack novels.[citation needed] Giancana is a notable character in Norman Mailer's 1991 historical fiction Harlot's Ghost. The book Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America tells the story of Giancana's life. Written by his brother Chuck Giancana, and his godson and namesake Sam Giancana, the book includes revelations about the deaths of JFK, Marilyn Monroe, and RFK.[48] Giancana is mentioned in Charles Brandt's narrative nonfiction book I Heard You Paint Houses (2004). The fictional character Louie Russo in Mark Winegardner's 2004 novel The Godfather Returns may be based on Giancana. Giancana is a character in Robert Littell's 2002 CIA novel The Company. The fictional character "Sam" in Steve Peters and Kay Stephens's novel The Outlaw Sandra Love (2013)[49] is based on Giancana.[citation needed] In the 2013 novel The Outlaw, the protagonist Sandra Love is said to have had a four-year relationship with a man named Sam, the head of the Chicago Outfit during the early 1960s. Music: Influential rapper Kool G Rap once stated that the "G" in his name stands for Giancana. Kool G Rap released an album called The Giancana Story (2002). Giancana may be mentioned in the Shyne song "Edge", on his second album, Godfather Buried Alive. "Fuck comma rap's, Sam Giancana", although this is sometimes rendered as "same G and canna". Giancana is mentioned in the song "Dope money" by The Lox ("Bring Drama 'cause Giancana got Kennedy Killed") on the album Ryde or Die Vol. 1. See also: List of organized crime killings in Illinois List of unsolved murders Notes: Gilormo Giangana is the birth name according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[2][3] however, Momo Salvatore Giancana (Italian: [ˈmɔːmo salvaˈtoːre dʒaŋˈkaːna]) is the birth name according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191.[2] May 24, 1908, is the birth date according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[4] however, June 15, 1908, is the birth date according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191, and the birth date Giancana celebrated.[5][2] Antonino Giangana and Antonia DiSimonna are the names according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[2][6] however, Antonio Giancana and Antonia DiSimone, are the names according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191.[2] References: Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. p. 242. ISBN 9780446516242. "We want name our son after you... Samuel Mooney Giancana." "Sam Giancana" (PDF). Federal Bureau of Investigation. September 12, 1960. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 27, 2020. Retrieved June 9, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. "Sam Giancana on Biography.com". biography.com. Archived from the original on April 10, 2019. Retrieved May 24, 2017. Congress, United States (1960). Reports and Documents, Volume 27. p. 816. Retrieved June 15, 2020 – via Google Books. "Investigator Salinger testified to Giancana's criminal record: In 1929 he was convicted of burglary-larceny, and sentenced to 1 to 5 years in the Joliet Penitentiary. In 1939, he was convicted of conspiracy to violate the Internal Revenue laws related to liquor and was sentenced to 4 years and fined $2,700. He served, of that 4-year-sentence, 3 years and 2 months in Leavenworth and Terre Haute Federal Penitentiaries." Chepesiuk, Ron (2007). Black Gangsters of Chicago. Barricade Books. p. 95. ISBN 9781569803318. Roemer, William F. Jr. (1995). Accardo: The Genuine Godfather. D.I. Fine. pp. 125–129. ISBN 978-1-55611-467-0. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. pp. 190–195–197. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Sifakis, Carl (1987). The Mafia Encyclopedia. New York City: Facts on File. ISBN 0-8160-1856-1. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Greenberg, David (October 16, 2000). "Was Nixon Robbed?". Slate. Archived from the original on September 8, 2011. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "Sinatra was 'go-between for Mafia and JFK'". The Guardian. October 7, 2000. Archived from the original on April 15, 2018. Retrieved April 16, 2018. Gibson, Ray (February 18, 2003). "'Double' life: Dealing with the mob, CIA". Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on November 7, 2018. Retrieved June 8, 2020. Giancana 2004, pp. 113–115 "Cain played mob game and lost big". Chicago Tribune. December 21, 1973. pp. 1–8. Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. p. 215. ISBN 9780446516242. O'Brien, Michael (December 1, 1999). "The Exner File. (Judith Campbell Exner, John F. Kennedy's mistress)". Washington Monthly. Archived from the original on March 11, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Television documentary Mafia Women, Discovery Channel: "CIA offered mafia $150,000 to kill Castro". 1997. Retrieved June 15, 2020. "The CIA offered $150,000 to have Cuban leader Fidel Castro assassinated in the early 1960s, but the mob insisted on taking the job for free, according to a newly declassified document." "MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence; SUBJECT: ROSELLI, Johnny" (PDF). The New York Times. June 26, 2007. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "he agreed to introduce him a friend, Sam Gold, who knew the "Cuban crowd". Roselli made it clear he did not want any money for his part and believed Sam would feel the same way. Neither of these individuals was ever paid out of Augency funds. During the week of September 25, Maheu was introduced to Sam who was staying at the Fontainebleau Hotel, Miami Beach. It was several weeks after his meeting with Sam and Joe, [...] They were identified as Momo Salvatore Giancana and Santos Trafficant, respectively." Kessler, Glenn (June 27, 2007). "Trying to Kill Fidel Castro". The Washington Post. Washington, D.C. Archived from the original on October 28, 2013. Retrieved May 23, 2013. Holland, Steve; Sullivan, Andy (June 26, 2007). "CIA tried to get Mafia to kill Castro". Reuters. Archived from the original on April 29, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Blanton, Thomas (June 26, 2007). ""Family Jewels" Archive". National Security Archive. Archived from the original on May 3, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Johnson, M. Alex (June 27, 2006). "CIA opens the book on a shady past Declassified 'family jewels' detail assassination plots, break-ins, wiretaps". NBC News. Archived from the original on October 27, 2017. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. pp. 259–284, 287–293, 347–348. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 179. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. "In Re Grand Jury Investigation of Sam Giancana, Appellant.in the Matter of the Application for Writ of Habeas Corpus, Sam Giancana, Appellant, v. United States of America, Appellee, 352 F.2d 921 (7th Cir. 1965)". US Law, Case Law, Codes, Statutes & Regulations. October 8, 1965. Archived from the original on September 12, 2015. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "Sam Giancana has appealed, in case No. 15178, from an order of the district court entered June 1, 1965, adjudging him in contempt of court for failure to obey an order of that court dated June 1, 1965, and he has also appealed, in case No. 15179, from an order of that court entered June 2, 1965, denying his petition for a writ of habeas corpus." Sifakis, Carl (2005). The Mafia Encyclopedia. Infobase Publishing. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-8160-6989-7. "Crime boss' death linked to his discomfiture to mob". The Spokesman-Review. Vol. 93, no. 38. Spokane, Washington. June 21, 1975. p. 16. Archived from the original on January 25, 2016. Retrieved October 30, 2015. "After his release from prison, Giancana stepped down and left Chicago's mob in the hands of his former boss, Accardo, himself going into self-imposed exile in Cuernavaca, Mexico to avoid more grand jury questioning. [...] In July 19, 1974, Mexican police ended his fling, grabbing the pajamlad Giancana while he tended his tomatoes plants They dumped across the orders of the FBI agents (LAT-WP)" Glionna, John M. (November 21, 2014). "Sam Giancana's daughter aims to cash in on gangster's memorabilia". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on November 21, 2014. Retrieved October 30, 2014. "Giancana lived most of his final years in Mexico, on the lam from federal authorities, but was deported back to the U.S. in 1974." Michael Branigan (2011). A History of Chicago's O'Hare Airport. The History Press. pp. 134. ISBN 978-1-60949-434-6. Archived from the original on January 25, 2016. Retrieved January 1, 2016. Cronkite, Walter; Lovejoy, Sharron; Schorr, Daniel (June 20, 1975). "GIANCANA KILLED". CBS News. Safire, William (December 31, 1975). "Murder Most Foul". The Times-News. Archived from the original on March 7, 2016. Retrieved January 1, 2016. King, Seth S. (June 21, 1975). "Giancana, Gangster, Slain; Tied to C.I.A. Castro Plot". The New York Times. p. 1. Retrieved June 15, 2020. "According to the Oak Park police, Joseph DiPersio, the caretaker, [...] went to the basement, he found the gangster lying face up in a pool of blood on the floor of the kitchen. Six .22‐caliber shell cases were found near the body. [...] Recently he underwent gall bladder surgery at the Methodist Hospital in Houston. The authorities said that he returned to Chicago only this week." Goudie, Chuck (June 20, 2015). "ABC7 I-Team: Chicago mobster Sam Giancana's 40-year-old murder still a mystery". abc7chicago.com. Archived from the original on April 22, 2018. Retrieved June 8, 2020. "On June 19, 1975, Giancana invited a friend in his home for sausage and peppers. Before the meat was done, that man would become Giancana's killer. The 67-year-old top hoodlum was shot in the head and neck as he fried up the evening snack, seven shots fired from a silencer-equipped .22 caliber pistol." Corbitt, Michael J. (2003). Double Deal: The Inside Story of Murder, Unbridled Corruption, and the Cop who was a Mobster. p. 196. ISBN 9780060195854. Retrieved June 15, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 367. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Congress 1983, p. 182 Family Secrets: The Case That Crippled the Chicago Mob: C., G. (August 23, 1976). "Deep Six for Johnny" (PDF). Time. pp. 23–25. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2016. Retrieved February 27, 2018. "Alameda Fratianno was Roselli's protégé because Roselli introduced Fratianno to the NY mob, and so Roselli was responsible for Fratianno's actions and because Fratianno was an informant, Roselli's death could have been a consequence of Fratianno's informing." Godwin, John (1978). Murder U.S.A.: The Ways We Kill Each Other. Ballantine Books. p. 145. ISBN 978-0-345-27721-3. "Mafia's Greatest Hits (series 1)". televisioncatchup.co.uk. Archived from the original on June 18, 2015. Retrieved June 17, 2015. Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. Grand Central Publishing. ISBN 9780446516242. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Peters, Steve (2013). The Outlaw Sandra Love. Star Hill Publishing. ISBN 9780615760315. Archived from the original on January 6, 2019. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Further reading: Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. ISBN 9780446516242. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Godwin, John (1978). Murder U.S.A.: The Ways We Kill Each Other. Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-345-27721-3. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Roemer, William F. Jr. (1995). Accardo: The Genuine Godfather. D.I. Fine. ISBN 978-1-55611-467-0. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Organized Crime in Chicago: Hearing Before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, Ninety-eighth Congress, First Session, March 4, 1983. U.S. Government Printing Office. March 4, 1983. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Brashler, William (1977). The Don: The Life and Death of Sam Giancana. New York: Harper and Row. ISBN 0-06-010447-3. Cain, Michael J. (2007). The Tangled Web. New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1-60239-044-7. Dark, Tony (2004). The FBI Files Sam Giancana. Chicago: H H Productions. ISBN 0-615-12720-7. Hersh, Seymour M. (1997). Dark Side of Camelot. New York: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-35955-6. Inserra, Vincent L. (2014). C-1 and the Chicago Mob. Xlibris. ISBN 978-1-4931-8278-7.[self-published source] Morgan, John M. (1985). Prince of Crime. New York: Stein and Day. ISBN 0-8128-8297-0. Nash, Jay Robert (1973). Bloodletters and Badmen. New York: M. Evans & Co. ISBN 0-87131-777-X. Sifakis, Carl (1982). Encyclopedia of Crime. New York: Facts On File. ISBN 0-8160-5694-3. Talbot, David (2007). Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years. Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-6918-6. Thompson, Nathan (2003). Kings: The True Story of Chicago's Policy Kings and Numbers Racketeers: an Informal History. The Bronzeville Press. ISBN 0-9724875-0-6. Zion, Sidney (1994). Loyalty and Betrayal: The Story of the American Mob. San Francisco: Collins Publishers. ISBN 0-00-638271-1. VIDEO SOURCE: Source: https://rumble.com/v3y1xyp-exposing-the-cia-inside-covert-operations-and-government-deceit-part-1.html?e9s=rel_v1_b

This is a short video compiled of clips explaining how the intelligence agencies and Psychological Operations, help in creating news (propaganda). The clips contain parts from a documentary called “Psywar”, another clip is from the Church Committee (where it was discovered that agencies like the cia were helping to create news). The last clip is from the armies Psychological Warfare Battalions Official Youtube Channel. #viral #breakingnews #breaking #history #propaganda #mainstreammedia #war #warzone

How the CIA worked with the Mafia to assassinate foreign leaders: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/anything-can-come-back-to-haunt-us How the FBI got corrupted by the Mafia: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/working-with-made-men?utm_source=profile&utm_medium=reader2 "ON COMPANY BUSINESS (PART I)" is an extensive and unflinching examination of the Central Intelligence Agency. Allan Francovich's award-winning documentary, crafted over five years of meticulous research, provides a comprehensive overview of the CIA's operations. Delving into the highest echelons of policy-making, front organizations, field operations, and their impact, this film paints a disturbing yet revealing picture of the agency's actions worldwide. Spanning three hours, the documentary eschews a narrative voice, letting archival footage, interviews, and firsthand accounts speak volumes. Former CIA personnel, including directors and whistleblowers, offer insights into the agency's workings, alongside voices of individuals directly affected by CIA operations. In its initial part, the film explores the agency's inception, showcasing government officials' manipulations, deceit, and armed interventions in countries like Guatemala and Cuba. It unearths assassination plots against political leaders and illuminates the controversial collaboration between the CIA and the Mafia. Released in December 1983, this groundbreaking documentary challenges viewers with its dense information and poignant portrayal of the consequences of covert operations. It stands as a powerful testament to the complexities and repercussions of CIA actions, prompting reflection and examination of its role in global affairs. Salvatore Mooney Giancana[1] (/dʒiɑːnˈkɑːnə/; born Gilormo Giangana;[nb 1] Italian: [dʒiˈlɔrmo dʒaŋˈɡaːna]; May 24, 1908[nb 2] – June 19, 1975) was an American mobster who was boss of the Chicago Outfit from 1957 to 1966. Giancana was born in Chicago to Italian immigrant parents. He joined the 42 Gang as a teenager, developing a reputation in organized crime, which gained him the notice of the leaders of the Chicago Outfit, which he joined during the late 1930s. From the 1940s through the 1950s, he controlled illegal gambling, illegal liquor distribution, and political rackets in Louisiana. In the early 1940s, Giancana was involved in Chicago's African-American lottery payout system for the Outfit. In 1957, he became the boss of the Chicago Outfit. According to some sources, Giancana and the Mafia were involved in John F. Kennedy's victory in the 1960 presidential election. During the 1960s, he was recruited by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in a plot to assassinate Cuban leader Fidel Castro. Conspiracy theorists consider Giancana, along with Mafia leaders Santo Trafficante Jr. and Carlos Marcello, to be associated with the assassination of John F. Kennedy. In 1965, Giancana was convicted of contempt of court, serving one year in prison. After his release from prison, Giancana fled to Cuernavaca, Mexico. In 1974, he was deported to the United States, returning to Chicago. Giancana was murdered on June 19, 1975, in Oak Park, Illinois, shortly before he was scheduled to appear before the Church Committee. Early life Giancana was born Gilormo Giangana[nb 1] on May 24, 1908,[nb 2] in The Patch neighborhood of Chicago to Antonio Giangana and Antonia DeSimmona,[nb 3] Italian immigrants from Castelvetrano, Sicily, Italy. His father immigrated in 1905, while his mother immigrated in 1906;[7] he had seven siblings.[2] Antonia died in 1910 and his father married Mary Leonardi.[8] On September 23, 1933, Giancana married Angeline DeTolve, the daughter of immigrants from the Italian region of Basilicata. They had three daughters: Antoinette, born 1935; Bonnie, born 1938; and Francine, born 1945.[2] Angeline died on April 23, 1954, leaving him to raise his daughters.[9][2] Criminal career Giancana joined the 42 Gang, a juvenile street crew working for political boss Joseph Esposito. The 42 Gang's name was a reference to Ali Baba and the 40 Thieves. They thought they were one better, hence 42. Giancana soon developed a reputation as an excellent getaway driver, a high earner, and a vicious killer. After Esposito's murder, in which Giancana was allegedly involved, the 42 Gang was transformed into a de facto extension of the Chicago Outfit with leaders such as Frank "the Enforcer" Nitti, Paul "the Waiter" Ricca, and Tony "Joe Batters" Accardo. He was first arrested in 1925 for auto theft. He soon graduated to "triggerman" and by the age of 20 had been the prime subject of three murder investigations but never tried for any of them.[10] In 1929, Giancana was convicted of burglary and larceny, and sentenced to one to five years in the Joliet Correctional Center. He was released in 1932 after serving three years and nine months.[11] During the late 1930s, Giancana became the first 42er to join the Chicago Outfit. From the early 1940s through the 1950s, he controlled most illegal gambling, liquor distribution, and other political rackets in Louisiana through longtime friend H. A. (Hol) Killian. Killian controlled the majority of the liquor license issuance by his associations with longtime New Orleans business associate Carlos Marcello.[citation needed] In 1939, Giancana was convicted of bootlegging and sentenced to four years in Leavenworth Prison and Terre Haute Federal Correctional Complex.[11] Rise to power After his release from prison in 1942, Giancana made a name for himself by convincing Accardo, then the Outfit's underboss, to stage a takeover of Chicago's African-American "policy" (lottery) payout system for the Outfit. Giancana's crew is believed to have convinced Eddie Jones to quit his racket and leave the country. Giancana's crew was also responsible for the August 4, 1952 murder of African-American gambling boss Theodore Roe. Jones and Roe were major South Side gambling bosses. Roe had refused to surrender control of his operation as the Outfit had demanded, and on June 19, 1951, Roe fatally shot Leonard "Fat Lennie" Caifano, a made man of Giancana's crew.[12] The Outfit's South Side "policy"-game takeover was not complete until another Outfit member, Jackie "the Lackey" Cerone, scared "Big Jim" Martin to Mexico with two bullets to the head that did not kill him. When the lottery money started rolling in for the Outfit after this gambling war, the amount this game produced for the Outfit was in the millions of dollars a year, bringing Giancana further notice. It is believed to have been a major factor in his being "anointed" as the Outfit's new boss in 1957. Accardo joined Ricca in semi-retirement, becoming the Outfit's consigliere.[13] However, it was generally understood that Accardo and Ricca still had the real power. Giancana was required to consult Accardo and Ricca on all important Outfit affairs. Giancana was present at the Mafia's 1957 Apalachin meeting at the Upstate New York estate of Joseph Barbara.[14] Later, Buffalo crime boss Stefano Magaddino and Giancana were overheard on a wiretap saying the meeting should have occurred in the Chicago area. Giancana claimed that the Chicago area was "the safest place in the world" for a major underworld meeting because he had several police chiefs on his payroll. If the syndicate ever wanted to hold a meeting in or around Chicago, Giancana said, they had nothing to fear because they had the area "locked up tight".[15] Some journalists claimed that Giancana and his Chicago crime syndicate "played a role" in John F. Kennedy's victory in the 1960 presidential election.[16][17] Hyman Larner was an associate of Giancana's who helped expand the Outfit's gambling and smuggling operations to Panama and Iran,[18] moving the Miami operation's headquarters to Panama where money laundering was more easily facilitated by local banks. These operations were conducted as a partnership between the Mafia and the CIA. By 1966, this partnership had developed into arms smuggling to the Middle East for the Israeli Mossad, all via Panama.[19] Richard Cain, a corrupt police officer, also made "frequent trips" to and from Mexico as Giancana's courier and financial adviser.[20] Alleged CIA connections It is widely reputed and was partially corroborated by the Church Committee hearings that during the Kennedy administration, the CIA recruited Giancana and other mobsters to assassinate Fidel Castro. Giancana reportedly said that CIA and the Cosa Nostra were "different sides of the same coin".[21] Judith Exner claimed to be the mistress of both Giancana and JFK, and that she delivered communications between them about Castro.[22] Giancana's daughter Antoinette has stated that her father was performing a scam to pocket millions of CIA dollars.[23] Documents released in 1997 revealed that some Mafiosi worked with CIA on assassination attempts against Castro.[24] CIA documents released in 2007 confirmed that in September 1960, the CIA recruited ex-FBI agent Robert Maheu to meet with the West Coast representative of the Chicago mob, Johnny Roselli. When Maheu contacted Roselli, Maheu hid that he was sent by the CIA, instead portraying himself as an advocate for international corporations. He offered $150,000 to have Castro killed, but Roselli refused any pay. Roselli introduced Maheu to two men he called Sam Gold and Joe. "Sam Gold" was Giancana; "Joe" was Santo Trafficante Jr., the Tampa syndicate boss and one of the most powerful mobsters in prerevolution Cuba.[25] Glenn Kessler of The Washington Post explained: "After Fidel Castro led a revolution that toppled the government of Fulgencio Batista in 1959, CIA was desperate to eliminate Castro. So, the agency sought out a partner equally worried about Castro—the Mafia, which had lucrative investments in Cuban casinos."[26] According to the declassified CIA "Family Jewels" documents, Giancana and Trafficante were contacted in September 1960 about the possibility of an assassination attempt by Maheu after Maheu had contacted Roselli, a Mafia member in Las Vegas and Giancana's number-two man. Maheu had presented himself as a representative of numerous international businesses in Cuba that Castro was expropriating. He offered $150,000 for the "removal" of Castro through this operation, though the documents suggest that neither Roselli, Giancana, nor Trafficante accepted any payment for the job. Giancana suggested using poison pills to dose Castro's food and drink. CIA gave these pills to Giancana's nominee, Juan Orta, whom Giancana presented as a corrupt official in the new Cuban government and who had access to Castro. After six attempts to introduce the poison into Castro's food, Orta abruptly demanded to be relieved of his role in the mission, giving the job to another, unnamed participant. Later, Giancana and Trafficante made a second attempt using Anthony Verona, the commander of the Cuban Exile Junta, who had, according to Trafficante, become "disaffected with the apparent ineffectual progress of the Junta." Verona requested $10,000 in expenses and $1,000 worth of communications equipment. How much work was performed for the second attempt is unknown, as the program was canceled soon after due to the Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961.[27][28][29] According to the "Family Jewels", Giancana asked Maheu to wire the room of his then mistress Phyllis McGuire, singer of the McGuire Sisters, whom he suspected of having an affair with comedian Dan Rowan. Although documents suggest Maheu acquiesced, the device was not planted because the agent who had been given the task of planting it was arrested. According to the documents, Robert F. Kennedy prohibited the prosecution of the agent and Maheu, who was soon linked to the wire attempt, at the CIA's request.[29] Giancana and McGuire, who had a long-lasting affair, were originally introduced by Frank Sinatra.[30] According to Antoinette Giancana, during part of the affair, McGuire had a concurrent affair with President Kennedy.[31] Downfall When Giancana was called before a grand jury on June 1, 1965, he remained silent despite having been granted immunity, which resulted in his jailing for contempt for more than a year, the duration of the grand jury.[32] Meanwhile, Giancana was deposed as operational boss by Ricca and Accardo, and replaced by Joseph "Joey Doves" Aiuppa.[33] After his release from prison in 1966, Giancana fled to Cuernavaca, Mexico, to avoid further grand jury questioning.[34][35] He was arrested by Mexican authorities on July 19, 1974, and deported to the United States.[34][35] He arrived back in Chicago on July 21, 1974.[36] Death Giancana mausoleum at Mount Carmel Cemetery After Giancana's return to the United States, police detailed officers to guard his house in Oak Park, Illinois, but on the night of June 19, 1975, shortly before he was scheduled to appear before the Church Committee,[37] which was investigating CIA and Cosa Nostra collusion,[38] a gunman entered the home through the basement and shot Giancana in the head and neck seven times with a .22 caliber pistol. At around 11 p.m., Joseph DiPersio, Giancana's caretaker, found his body on the floor of the basement kitchen where he was said to be frying sausage and peppers.[39][40] A week before his death, Giancana had gall bladder surgery in Houston.[39] Giancana was interred next to his wife, Angeline, in a family mausoleum at Mount Carmel Cemetery, in Hillside, Illinois. Within days of Giancana's murder, Michael J. Corbitt, the police chief of Willow Springs, Illinois, and a mobster associate, was told by Chicago Outfit's capo Salvatore Bastone that "Sam sure loved that little guy in Oak Park... Tony Spilotro. Yeah, he was fuckin' crazy about him. Sam put Tony on the fuckin' map, thought he was gonna be a big fuckin' man someday. Did you know that after Marshall Caifano got out of Vegas, it was Sam who wanted Tony Spilotro out there? Even lately, with all the problems with the skim and all, Sam always stood behind the guy. Tony was over to Sam's house all the time. He lived right by there. Did you know Tony even figured out a way where he could get in through the back of Sam's place without anybody seeing him? He'd go through other people's yards, go over fences, all sorts of shit."[41] When Corbitt asked for the reason for the murder, Bastone quipped, "There's never just one reason for shit like what happened to Sam. There's a million of 'em. Let's just say that Sam should've remembered what happened to Bugsy Siegel."[41] Other theories Although longtime associate Dominic "Butch" Blasi was with Giancana the night he was murdered and questioned by police as a suspect, neither the FBI nor Antoinette Giancana considers him Giancana's killer.[42][43] Hitman Nicholas Calabrese told the FBI during the 2000s that he knew that Tony Accardo was part of the killing and Angelo LaPietra got rid of the gun which used a suppressor made by Frank Calabrese Sr. and Ronnie Jarret.[44] Another theory is that Santo Trafficante Jr. ordered Giancana's murder due to fears he would testify about the Mafia's involvement in CIA plots to kill Castro. Although Trafficante would have needed permission from Outfit bosses Accardo and Joseph Aiuppa, Giancana's murder coincided with the discovery of the decomposing remains of Johnny Roselli in an oil drum floating off Miami; he had been shot and chopped up before being dumped in the sea. Some suspected that Roselli was killed on Trafficante's orders.[45] There were rumors that the CIA may have killed Giancana because of his links to the Agency.[citation needed]. Former CIA Director William Colby said, "We had nothing to do with it."[46] John Whitten mentioned during the Scelso deposition that he suspected William Harvey, a CIA assassin who was in the area. In popular culture Movies Giancana played a major role in the J. X. Williams movie Peep Show (1965). The TV film Mafia Princess (1986) starring Tony Curtis as Giancana. News footage of Giancana is featured in the movie JFK (1991). Carmine Caridi played Giancana in the movie Ruby (1992). The HBO made-for-TV movie Sugartime (1995) depicts Giancana's relationship with singer Phyllis McGuire with Giancana played by John Turturro. Robert Miranda played Giancana in the television movie The Rat Pack (1998). Peter Friedman played Giancana in the movie Power and Beauty (2002). In the movie The Good Shepherd (2006), the character played by Joe Pesci, Joseph Palmi, was a mix of several mobsters, including Giancana, Santo Trafficante Jr., and Carlos Marcello, who were involved with the CIA's operation Family Jewels. Matt Damon's character, Edward Wilson, is depicted proposing that Palmi assist in assassinating Castro. Al Linea plays Giancana in the movie The Irishman (2019). Television Giancana features in the first episode of the documentary series Mafia's Greatest Hits, on the UK history TV channel Yesterday.[47] Rod Steiger portrayed Giancana in the TV miniseries Sinatra (1992). Serge Houde portrays Giancana as a major nemesis of the Kennedy family in the television miniseries The Kennedys (2011). The character Mob Man (uncredited) from The X-Files episode "Musings of a Cigarette Smoking Man", who is present at a planning meeting on the assassination of JFK, is likely based on Giancana. Giancana is portrayed by Emmett Skilton in the 8-part AMC television miniseries The Making of the Mob: Chicago (2016). Giancana's image is included in the opening credits of the Starz TV series Magic City (2012–13). Giancana is seen and referenced at a Las Vegas casino in the TV series Timeless in the episode Atomic City (2016). Literature Giancana is a major character in Max Allan Collins's novels Chicago Confidential and Road to Paradise. Giancana plays a major role in James Ellroy's fiction, most notably American Tabloid and its sequels The Cold Six Thousand and Blood's a Rover. Giancana is the subject of the biography Mafia Princess, written by his daughter Antoinette. Giancana is a character in Robert J. Randisi's Rat Pack novels.[citation needed] Giancana is a notable character in Norman Mailer's 1991 historical fiction Harlot's Ghost. The book Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America tells the story of Giancana's life. Written by his brother Chuck Giancana, and his godson and namesake Sam Giancana, the book includes revelations about the deaths of JFK, Marilyn Monroe, and RFK.[48] Giancana is mentioned in Charles Brandt's narrative nonfiction book I Heard You Paint Houses (2004). The fictional character Louie Russo in Mark Winegardner's 2004 novel The Godfather Returns may be based on Giancana. Giancana is a character in Robert Littell's 2002 CIA novel The Company. The fictional character "Sam" in Steve Peters and Kay Stephens's novel The Outlaw Sandra Love (2013)[49] is based on Giancana.[citation needed] In the 2013 novel The Outlaw, the protagonist Sandra Love is said to have had a four-year relationship with a man named Sam, the head of the Chicago Outfit during the early 1960s. Music Influential rapper Kool G Rap once stated that the "G" in his name stands for Giancana. Kool G Rap released an album called The Giancana Story (2002). Giancana may be mentioned in the Shyne song "Edge", on his second album, Godfather Buried Alive. "Fuck comma rap's, Sam Giancana", although this is sometimes rendered as "same G and canna". Giancana is mentioned in the song "Dope money" by The Lox ("Bring Drama 'cause Giancana got Kennedy Killed") on the album Ryde or Die Vol. 1. See also List of organized crime killings in Illinois List of unsolved murders Notes Gilormo Giangana is the birth name according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[2][3] however, Momo Salvatore Giancana (Italian: [ˈmɔːmo salvaˈtoːre dʒaŋˈkaːna]) is the birth name according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191.[2] May 24, 1908, is the birth date according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[4] however, June 15, 1908, is the birth date according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191, and the birth date Giancana celebrated.[5][2] Antonino Giangana and Antonia DiSimonna are the names according to the Chicago Bureau of Vital Statistics, Birth Certificate Number 5915,[2][6] however, Antonio Giancana and Antonia DiSimone, are the names according to Birth Register Certificate Number 1191.[2] References Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. p. 242. ISBN 9780446516242. "We want name our son after you... Samuel Mooney Giancana." "Sam Giancana" (PDF). Federal Bureau of Investigation. September 12, 1960. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 27, 2020. Retrieved June 9, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 30. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. "Sam Giancana on Biography.com". biography.com. Archived from the original on April 10, 2019. Retrieved May 24, 2017. Congress, United States (1960). Reports and Documents, Volume 27. p. 816. Retrieved June 15, 2020 – via Google Books. "Investigator Salinger testified to Giancana's criminal record: In 1929 he was convicted of burglary-larceny, and sentenced to 1 to 5 years in the Joliet Penitentiary. In 1939, he was convicted of conspiracy to violate the Internal Revenue laws related to liquor and was sentenced to 4 years and fined $2,700. He served, of that 4-year-sentence, 3 years and 2 months in Leavenworth and Terre Haute Federal Penitentiaries." Chepesiuk, Ron (2007). Black Gangsters of Chicago. Barricade Books. p. 95. ISBN 9781569803318. Roemer, William F. Jr. (1995). Accardo: The Genuine Godfather. D.I. Fine. pp. 125–129. ISBN 978-1-55611-467-0. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. pp. 190–195–197. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Sifakis, Carl (1987). The Mafia Encyclopedia. New York City: Facts on File. ISBN 0-8160-1856-1. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Greenberg, David (October 16, 2000). "Was Nixon Robbed?". Slate. Archived from the original on September 8, 2011. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "Sinatra was 'go-between for Mafia and JFK'". The Guardian. October 7, 2000. Archived from the original on April 15, 2018. Retrieved April 16, 2018. Gibson, Ray (February 18, 2003). "'Double' life: Dealing with the mob, CIA". Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on November 7, 2018. Retrieved June 8, 2020. Giancana 2004, pp. 113–115 "Cain played mob game and lost big". Chicago Tribune. December 21, 1973. pp. 1–8. Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. p. 215. ISBN 9780446516242. O'Brien, Michael (December 1, 1999). "The Exner File. (Judith Campbell Exner, John F. Kennedy's mistress)". Washington Monthly. Archived from the original on March 11, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Television documentary Mafia Women, Discovery Channel. "CIA offered mafia $150,000 to kill Castro". 1997. Retrieved June 15, 2020. "The CIA offered $150,000 to have Cuban leader Fidel Castro assassinated in the early 1960s, but the mob insisted on taking the job for free, according to a newly declassified document." "MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence; SUBJECT: ROSELLI, Johnny" (PDF). The New York Times. June 26, 2007. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "he agreed to introduce him a friend, Sam Gold, who knew the "Cuban crowd". Roselli made it clear he did not want any money for his part and believed Sam would feel the same way. Neither of these individuals was ever paid out of Augency funds. During the week of September 25, Maheu was introduced to Sam who was staying at the Fontainebleau Hotel, Miami Beach. It was several weeks after his meeting with Sam and Joe, [...] They were identified as Momo Salvatore Giancana and Santos Trafficant, respectively." Kessler, Glenn (June 27, 2007). "Trying to Kill Fidel Castro". The Washington Post. Washington, D.C. Archived from the original on October 28, 2013. Retrieved May 23, 2013. Holland, Steve; Sullivan, Andy (June 26, 2007). "CIA tried to get Mafia to kill Castro". Reuters. Archived from the original on April 29, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Blanton, Thomas (June 26, 2007). ""Family Jewels" Archive". National Security Archive. Archived from the original on May 3, 2008. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Johnson, M. Alex (June 27, 2006). "CIA opens the book on a shady past Declassified 'family jewels' detail assassination plots, break-ins, wiretaps". NBC News. Archived from the original on October 27, 2017. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. pp. 259–284, 287–293, 347–348. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 179. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. "In Re Grand Jury Investigation of Sam Giancana, Appellant.in the Matter of the Application for Writ of Habeas Corpus, Sam Giancana, Appellant, v. United States of America, Appellee, 352 F.2d 921 (7th Cir. 1965)". US Law, Case Law, Codes, Statutes & Regulations. October 8, 1965. Archived from the original on September 12, 2015. Retrieved March 17, 2020. "Sam Giancana has appealed, in case No. 15178, from an order of the district court entered June 1, 1965, adjudging him in contempt of court for failure to obey an order of that court dated June 1, 1965, and he has also appealed, in case No. 15179, from an order of that court entered June 2, 1965, denying his petition for a writ of habeas corpus." Sifakis, Carl (2005). The Mafia Encyclopedia. Infobase Publishing. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-8160-6989-7. "Crime boss' death linked to his discomfiture to mob". The Spokesman-Review. Vol. 93, no. 38. Spokane, Washington. June 21, 1975. p. 16. Archived from the original on January 25, 2016. Retrieved October 30, 2015. "After his release from prison, Giancana stepped down and left Chicago's mob in the hands of his former boss, Accardo, himself going into self-imposed exile in Cuernavaca, Mexico to avoid more grand jury questioning. [...] In July 19, 1974, Mexican police ended his fling, grabbing the pajamlad Giancana while he tended his tomatoes plants They dumped across the orders of the FBI agents (LAT-WP)" Glionna, John M. (November 21, 2014). "Sam Giancana's daughter aims to cash in on gangster's memorabilia". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on November 21, 2014. Retrieved October 30, 2014. "Giancana lived most of his final years in Mexico, on the lam from federal authorities, but was deported back to the U.S. in 1974." Michael Branigan (2011). A History of Chicago's O'Hare Airport. The History Press. pp. 134. ISBN 978-1-60949-434-6. Archived from the original on January 25, 2016. Retrieved January 1, 2016. Cronkite, Walter; Lovejoy, Sharron; Schorr, Daniel (June 20, 1975). "GIANCANA KILLED". CBS News. Safire, William (December 31, 1975). "Murder Most Foul". The Times-News. Archived from the original on March 7, 2016. Retrieved January 1, 2016. King, Seth S. (June 21, 1975). "Giancana, Gangster, Slain; Tied to C.I.A. Castro Plot". The New York Times. p. 1. Retrieved June 15, 2020. "According to the Oak Park police, Joseph DiPersio, the caretaker, [...] went to the basement, he found the gangster lying face up in a pool of blood on the floor of the kitchen. Six .22‐caliber shell cases were found near the body. [...] Recently he underwent gall bladder surgery at the Methodist Hospital in Houston. The authorities said that he returned to Chicago only this week." Goudie, Chuck (June 20, 2015). "ABC7 I-Team: Chicago mobster Sam Giancana's 40-year-old murder still a mystery". abc7chicago.com. Archived from the original on April 22, 2018. Retrieved June 8, 2020. "On June 19, 1975, Giancana invited a friend in his home for sausage and peppers. Before the meat was done, that man would become Giancana's killer. The 67-year-old top hoodlum was shot in the head and neck as he fried up the evening snack, seven shots fired from a silencer-equipped .22 caliber pistol." Corbitt, Michael J. (2003). Double Deal: The Inside Story of Murder, Unbridled Corruption, and the Cop who was a Mobster. p. 196. ISBN 9780060195854. Retrieved June 15, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. p. 367. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Congress 1983, p. 182 Family Secrets: The Case That Crippled the Chicago Mob C., G. (August 23, 1976). "Deep Six for Johnny" (PDF). Time. pp. 23–25. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2016. Retrieved February 27, 2018. "Alameda Fratianno was Roselli's protégé because Roselli introduced Fratianno to the NY mob, and so Roselli was responsible for Fratianno's actions and because Fratianno was an informant, Roselli's death could have been a consequence of Fratianno's informing." Godwin, John (1978). Murder U.S.A.: The Ways We Kill Each Other. Ballantine Books. p. 145. ISBN 978-0-345-27721-3. "Mafia's Greatest Hits (series 1)". televisioncatchup.co.uk. Archived from the original on June 18, 2015. Retrieved June 17, 2015. Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. Grand Central Publishing. ISBN 9780446516242. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Peters, Steve (2013). The Outlaw Sandra Love. Star Hill Publishing. ISBN 9780615760315. Archived from the original on January 6, 2019. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Further reading Giancana, Sam; Giancana, Chuck; Giancana, Bettina (March 20, 1992). Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. ISBN 9780446516242. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Giancana, Antoinette; Renner, Thomas C. (1984). Mafia Princess: Growing Up in Sam Giancana's Family. Morrow. ISBN 0-380-69849-8. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Godwin, John (1978). Murder U.S.A.: The Ways We Kill Each Other. Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-345-27721-3. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Roemer, William F. Jr. (1995). Accardo: The Genuine Godfather. D.I. Fine. ISBN 978-1-55611-467-0. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Organized Crime in Chicago: Hearing Before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, Ninety-eighth Congress, First Session, March 4, 1983. U.S. Government Printing Office. March 4, 1983. Retrieved March 17, 2020. Brashler, William (1977). The Don: The Life and Death of Sam Giancana. New York: Harper and Row. ISBN 0-06-010447-3. Cain, Michael J. (2007). The Tangled Web. New York: Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1-60239-044-7. Dark, Tony (2004). The FBI Files Sam Giancana. Chicago: H H Productions. ISBN 0-615-12720-7. Hersh, Seymour M. (1997). Dark Side of Camelot. New York: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-35955-6. Inserra, Vincent L. (2014). C-1 and the Chicago Mob. Xlibris. ISBN 978-1-4931-8278-7.[self-published source] Morgan, John M. (1985). Prince of Crime. New York: Stein and Day. ISBN 0-8128-8297-0. Nash, Jay Robert (1973). Bloodletters and Badmen. New York: M. Evans & Co. ISBN 0-87131-777-X. Sifakis, Carl (1982). Encyclopedia of Crime. New York: Facts On File. ISBN 0-8160-5694-3. Talbot, David (2007). Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years. Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-6918-6. Thompson, Nathan (2003). Kings: The True Story of Chicago's Policy Kings and Numbers Racketeers: an Informal History. The Bronzeville Press. ISBN 0-9724875-0-6. Zion, Sidney (1994). Loyalty and Betrayal: The Story of the American Mob. San Francisco: Collins Publishers. ISBN 0-00-638271-1.

The dark side of U.S. foreign policy: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ "ON COMPANY BUSINESS (PART III)" serves as the riveting conclusion to this suppressed documentary, delving further into the intricate web of CIA operations. The film commences with the Chile operation, exposing its tragic outcome and the far-reaching implications. It then shifts focus to the CIA's involvement in Angola, shedding light on this lesser-known chapter. The documentary meticulously examines the CIA's ties with the Shah of Iran, unraveling the complexities of this relationship. It unveils the agency's manipulation of the press and its associations with secret police organizations in other nations, revealing the extent of its global influence. A pivotal highlight is the scrutiny of the Church Committee's investigations into the CIA, analyzing the operation and its aftermath. The film culminates with a poignant inquiry: Is the CIA truly "out of control," or does it operate firmly under the direction of the President and the Executive Branch? Released as the final part of the series, this segment challenges perceptions and prompts critical reflection on the agency's power and governance. United States intervention in Chilean politics started during the War of Chilean Independence (1812–1826). The influence of United States in both the economic and the political arenas of Chile has since gradually increased over the last two centuries, and continues to be significant. Chilean independence The arrival of Joel Roberts Poinsett, in 1811, marked the beginning of U.S. involvement in Chilean politics. He had been sent by President James Madison in 1809 as a special agent to the South American Spanish colonies (a position he filled from 1810 to 1814) to investigate the prospects of the revolutionaries, in their struggle for independence from Spain. War scare of 1891 During the 1891 Chilean Civil War, the U.S. backed President José Manuel Balmaceda, as a way to increase their influence in Chile, while Britain backed the successful Congressional forces. Itata incident Main article: Itata incident The Itata incident concerned an attempted shipment in 1891 by the ship Itata of arms purchased in California. The US Navy intercepted the ship and seized the arms. Baltimore crisis Main article: Baltimore crisis Washington sent a warship to Chile to protect American interests. The crew of the Baltimore took shore leave at Valparaiso. During the US sailors' shore leave on 16 October 1891, a mob of enraged Chileans angry about the Itata's capture, attacked them. Two American sailors were killed, 17 were wounded and 36 others were jailed. That Valparaiso riot prompted saber rattling from enraged US officials. A war between the U.S. and Chile was remotely possible. Chile's foreign minister escalated the tension but in Washington Secretary of State James G. Blaine cooled off the hotheads. The crisis ended when the Chilean government bowed, and while maintaining that the seamen were to blame for the riot paid an indemnity of $75,000 to the victims' families.[1] First half of the 20th century See also: Law of Permanent Defense of Democracy and South American dreadnought race United States involvement in Chilean affairs intensified in the early decades of the 20th century. After World War I, the United States replaced Britain as the leading superpower controlling most of Chile's resources, as most economic activity in the country lay in US hands. Such a change prevented Chile from profiting as a result of the war and gaining its financial independence. The dependence on the United States formally began in the early years of the 1920s as two major US companies Anaconda and Kennecott took control of the valuable resources. Up until the 1970s, "both industries controlled between 7% to 20% of the country's Gross Domestic Product".[2] The conclusion of World War II brought more of the same as Chile could not even exploit the "excess of copper they produced as almost all the copper was marketed through subsidiaries of United States copper firms established in Chile for whom the allied government fixed a ceiling price upon copper products during the course of the war."[3] As the working class demanded an improvement in their standard of living, higher wages and improved working conditions, the notion that a leftist government could be the solution for the people began to take form. 1950s and 1960s See also: Project Camelot During the 1950s and 1960s, the United States put forward a variety of programs and strategies, ranging from funding political campaigns to funding propaganda, aimed at impeding the presidential aspirations of leftist candidate Salvador Allende, who served as President of the Senate (1966-1969) before running a final time to become the 28th President of Chile, which lasted until his death in 1973.[4] Throughout these two decades, left-wing parties in Chile failed to gain power, in part due to the fact that the United States was, verifiably, impeding the left wing parties through various means. In the 1958 presidential election, Jorge Alessandri – a nominal independent with support from the Liberal and Conservative parties – defeated Allende by nearly 33,500 votes to claim the presidency.[5] His laissez-faire policies, endorsed by the United States, were regarded as the solution to the country's inflation problems. Under recommendations from the United States, Alessandri steadily reduced tariffs starting in 1959, a policy that caused the Chilean market to be overwhelmed by American product.[5] These governmental policies angered the working class of Chile, who demanded higher wages, and the repercussions of this massive discontent were felt in the 1961 congressional elections. The president suffered terrible blows,[clarification needed] sending the message that laissez-faire policies were not desired. As the "grand total of $130 million from the U.S. banking Industry, the U.S. Treasury Department, the IMF and the ICA"[6] accepted by Alessandri illustrates, laissez-faire policies may have induced the opposite of the intended effect – making Chile more dependent on the United States, not less. Presidential candidate Salvador Allende was a top contender in the 1964 election. The US, through the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), covertly spent three million dollars campaigning against him,[7] before and after the election, mostly through radio and print advertising. The Americans viewed electing Christian Democratic contender Eduardo Frei Montalva as vital, fearing that Alessandri's failures would lead the people to support Allende. Allende was feared by the Americans because of his warm relations with Cuba and his open criticism of the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Furthermore, clandestine aid to Frei was put forward through John F. Kennedy's Latin American Alliance for Progress, which promised "$20 billion in public and private assistance in the country for the next decade."[8] The 1970 election According to a U.S. Senate select committee, publishing a Church Commission Report in 1975 to describe international abuses committed by the CIA, NSA, and FBI, covert United States involvement in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973 was "extensive and continuous". The CIA spent $8 million in the three years between 1970 and the military coup of September 1973,[7] with over $3 million allocated toward Chilean intervention in 1972 alone. Covert American activity was present in almost every major election in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973, but its tangible effect on electoral outcomes is not altogether clear. Chile, more than any of its South American neighbors, had a long-standing democratic tradition dating back to the early 1930s, and it has been difficult to gauge how successful CIA tactics were in swaying voters.[citation needed] A declassified file from August 19, 1970, reveals the minutes of high-level officials in the CIA known as the "Special Review Group."[9][10] It was chaired by Henry Kissinger and was sanctioned by then-president Nixon. This was one of several documents released as part of the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series dedicated toward US-Chilean interventionalism – collectively known as Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973[11] and Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973[12] – that revealed a detailed account of correspondences between each of these officials, telegrams from the Chilean embassy, memorandums, and "Special Reports" concerning the state of affairs in Chile. For instance, a National Intelligence Estimate from January 28, 1969, stated the problems and conclusions that senior officials in Washington identified over the proliferating crisis in Chile.[13] The document indicates that the 1970 election stood above all other issues as of critical importance, with Chile's political and economic stability depending heavily on that particular election's outcome; the document notes the possibility of out of control economic stagnation and inflation in Chile as concerns. The conclusions of the document suggest that factionalism needed to be addressed, and expounded on United States interests in copper extraction companies operating in Chile.[13] The election represented the potential for important economic relations to collapse or continue. The document further focuses on potential ramifications if the election outcome were to not align with US interests.[13] At a 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, the chairman of the committee asked for an analysis of where the US/CIA stood in terms of taking action to prevent Allende from becoming President of Chile. William Broe, a high-ranking CIA officer, said Eduardo Frei Montalva, the 29th President of Chile, was essential to the situation in Chile, regardless of the type of involvement — military or congressional. The 40 Committee asked that the CIA collect information and create more intelligence reports to see what could be further done in Chile. The committee decided it was unlikely they were going to be able to influence the 24 Oct, congressional election to go against Allende. Helms was also concerned about Allende supporters in the Chilean military, as it seemed they would support Allende in the event of a coup. As a result of all this information, the Committee decided they wanted a full analysis of two things: (1.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing a military (Chilean) coup; (2.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing future oppositions to Allende to topple his influence. This presented two options for Henry Kissinger: political maneuvering or outright force.[14] Four days after the 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, a cable between Richard Helms and Henry Kissinger discussed the lack of morale that the US embassy had in Chile according to the American Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry. Kissinger stated in response that he would call another 40 Committee Meeting for the following Monday. Kissinger further noted: "We will not let Chile go down the drain." Allende presidency Salvador Allende ran again in the 1970 presidential election, winning a narrow victory plurality vote (near 37%). United States president Richard Nixon feared that Chile could become "another Cuba" and the US cut off most of its foreign aid to Chile. The US government believed that Allende would become closer to socialist countries, such as Cuba and the Soviet Union. They feared that Allende would push Chile into socialism, and therefore lose all of the US investments made in Chile.[15] On 15 September 1970; before Allende took office, Richard Nixon gave the order to overthrow Allende. According to a declassified document from the NSA, the handwritten notes from Richard Helms (CIA director at the time) state: "1 in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!; worth spending; not concerned; no involvement of embassy; $10,000,000 available, more if necessary; full-time job--best men we have; game plan; make the economy scream; 48 hours for plan of action." These notes came from a meeting Helms had with President Nixon, indicating the administration's willingness to stage a coup in Chile and the extent to which Nixon was willing to go to do so.[16] On 5 November 1970, Henry Kissinger advised President Nixon against peaceful coexistence with the Allende administration and instead advocated one of two positions.[15] The U.S. government had two approaches to fighting Marxism as represented by Allende. "Track I" was a State Department initiative designed to thwart Allende by subverting Chilean elected officials within the bounds of the Chilean constitution and excluded the CIA. Track I expanded to encompass some policies whose ultimate goal was to create the conditions that would encourage a coup.[17] "Track II" was a CIA operation overseen by Henry Kissinger and CIA's director of covert operations, Thomas Karamessines. "Track II" excluded the State Department and Department of Defense.[17] The goal of Track II was to find and support Chilean military officers that would support a coup. Immediately after the Allende government came into office, the U.S. sought to place pressure[18] on the Allende government to prevent its consolidation and limit its ability to implement policies contrary to U.S. and hemispheric interests, such as Allende's total nationalization of several U.S. corporations and the copper industry. Nixon directed that no new bilateral economic aid commitments be undertaken with the government of Chile. The US supported Allende's opponents in Chile during his presidency, intending to encourage either Allende's resignation, his overthrow, or his defeat in the election of 1976.[16] The Nixon administration covertly funded independent and non-state media and labor unions. Track I Track I was a U.S. State Department plan designed to persuade the Chilean Congress, through outgoing Christian Democratic President Eduardo Frei Montalva, to confirm conservative runner-up Jorge Alessandri as president. Alessandri would resign shortly after, rendering Frei eligible to run against Allende in new elections. As part of the "Track I" strategy to block Allende from assuming office after the 4 September election, the CIA needed to influence a Congressional run-off vote required by the Constitution since Allende did not win the absolute majority. Track II Main article: Project FUBELT The CIA had also drawn up a second plan, Track II. The agency would find military officers willing to support a coup and support them. They could then call new elections in which Allende could be defeated. In September 1970, President Nixon found that an Allende government in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million to stop Allende from coming to power or unseat him. As part of the Track II initiative, the CIA used false flag operatives to approach Chilean military officers, to encourage them to carry out a coup.[19] A first step to overthrowing Allende required removing General René Schneider, the army chief commander. Schneider was a constitutionalist and would oppose a coup d'état. To assist in the planned kidnapping of Schneider, the CIA provided "$50,000 in cash, three submachine guns, and a satchel of tear gas, all approved at headquarters ..."[20] The submachine guns were delivered by diplomatic pouch.[21] A group was formed, led by the retired General Roberto Viaux. Viaux was considered unstable by the U.S. and had been discouraged from attempting a coup alone. The CIA encouraged him to join forces with an active duty general, Camilo Valenzuela, who had also been approached by CIA operatives. They were joined by an Admiral, Hugo Tirado, who had been forced into retirement after the Tacnazo insurrection. On 22 October, Viaux went ahead with a plan to kidnap General René Schneider. Schneider drew a handgun to protect himself from his attackers, who shot him in four vital areas. He died in Santiago's military hospital three days later. This attempted kidnapping and death of Schneider shocked the public and increased support for the Chilean Constitution. This ultimately led to an extreme contrast to the expected outcome of a coup. The Chilean people rallied around their government which, in turn, overwhelmingly ratified Allende on 3 November 1970.[22] On 25 November 1970, Henry Kissinger issued a memorandum that detailed the Covert Action Program that the US would spearhead in Chile. In the memorandum, Kissinger stated that there were five principles of the program. The US would continue to have contacts in the Chilean military, take steps to divide Allende's supporters, cooperate with the media to run anti-Allende propaganda campaigns, support non-communist political parties in Chile, and publish materials that stated that Allende did not adhere to the democratic process and also wanted to form connections with Cuba and the Soviet Union.[23] A CIA and White House cover-up obscured American involvement, despite Congressional investigative efforts.[21] The Church Committee, which investigated U.S. involvement in Chile during this period, determined that the weapons used in the debacle "were, in all probability, not those supplied by the CIA to the conspirators." After Schneider's death, the CIA recovered the submachine guns and money it had provided.[24] Both Valenzuela and Viaux were arrested and convicted of conspiracy after Schneider's assassination. One member of the coup plotters that escaped arrest requested assistance from the CIA, and was paid $35,000, so "The CIA did, in fact, pay "hush" money to those directly responsible for the Schneider assassination—and then covered up that secret payment for thirty years."[21]: 34 [25] In 1970, the U.S. manufacturing company ITT Corporation owned 70% of Chitelco, the Chilean Telephone Company, and funded El Mercurio, a Chilean right-wing newspaper. The CIA used ITT as a conduit to financially aid opponents of Allende's government.[26][27] On 28 September 1973, ITT's headquarters in New York City, was bombed by the Weather Underground for the alleged involvement of the company in the overthrow of Allende.[28] On 10 September 2001, a suit was filed by the family of Schneider, accusing former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger of arranging Schneider's 1970 murder because he would have opposed a military coup.[29] CIA documents indicate that while the CIA had sought his kidnapping, his killing was never intended.[20]: 360  Kissinger said he had declared the coup "hopeless" and had "turned it off".[30] However, the CIA claimed that no such "stand-down" order was ever received.[31] 1973 coup Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état On September 11, 1973, Augusto Pinochet rose to power, overthrowing the democratically elected president Salvador Allende. A subsequent September 2000 report from the CIA, using declassified documents related to the military coup, found that the CIA "probably appeared to condone" the 1973 coup, but that there was "no evidence" that the US actually participated in it.[32] This view has been challenged by some authors, who have stated that the covert support of the United States was crucial to the preparation for the coup, the coup itself, and the consolidation of the regime afterward.[20][21][33] It seemed to the CIA that, even if this coup did not come together, Allende would still have a very difficult political future.[34] This point of view has been supported by non-scholarly commentary.[35][36] According to the CIA document "CIA Activities in Chile", dated 18 September 2000, the local CIA station suggested during late summer 1973 that the US commit itself to support a military coup. In response, CIA Headquarters reaffirmed to the station that "there was to be no involvement with the military in any covert action initiative; there was no support for instigating a military coup."[37] On the issue of CIA involvement in the 1973 coup, the CIA document is equally explicit: On 10 September 1973 -- the day before the coup that ended the Allende government -- a Chilean military officer reported to a CIA officer that a coup was being planned and asked for US government assistance. He was told that the US Government would not provide any assistance because this was strictly an internal Chilean matter. The Station Officer also told him his request would be forwarded to Washington. CIA learned of the exact date of the coup shortly before it took place. During the attack on the Presidential Palace and its immediate aftermath, the Station's activities were limited to providing intelligence and situation reports.[37] The report of the Church Committee, published in 1975, stated that during the period leading up to the coup, the CIA received information about potential coup plots. The intelligence network continued to report throughout 1972 and 1973 on coup plotting activities. During 1972 the Station continued to monitor the group which might mount a successful coup, and it spent a significantly greater amount of time and effort penetrating this group than it had on previous groups. This group had originally come to the Station's attention in October 1971. By January 1972 the Station had successfully penetrated it and was in contact through an intermediary with its leader.[38] Intelligence reporting on coup plotting reached two peak periods, one in the last week of June 1973 and the other during the end of August and the first two weeks in September. It is clear the CIA received intelligence reports on the coup planning of the group which carried out the successful September 11 coup throughout the months of July, August, and September 1973.[38] The Church report also considered the allegation that the US government involved itself in the 1973 coup: Was the United States DIRECTLY involved, covertly, in the 1973 coup in Chile? The Committee has found no evidence that it was.[38] There is no hard evidence of direct U.S. assistance to the coup, despite frequent allegations of such aid. Rather the United States - by its previous actions during Track II, its existing general posture of opposition to Allende, and the nature of its contacts with the Chilean military- probably gave the impression that it would not look with disfavor on a military coup. And U.S. officials in the years before 1973 may not always have succeeded in walking the thin line between monitoring indigenous coup plotting and actually stimulating it.[38] Transcripts of a phone conversation between Kissinger and Nixon reveal that they did not have a hand in the final coup. They do take credit for creating the conditions that led to the coup. Kissinger says that "they created the conditions as great as possible." Nixon and Kissinger also discussed how they would play this event with the media and lamented the fact that, if this were the era of Eisenhower, then they would be seen as heroes.[39] There was a PDB that had a section on Chile dated 11 September 1973 that is still completely censored, as was an entire page on Chile provided to Nixon on 8 September 1973. Additionally, a cable from CIA operative Jack Devine dated 10 September 1973, confirmed to top U.S. officials that the coup would take place the following day.[40] In collaboration with the coup, a Defense Intelligence Agency summary, also dated on 8 September and classified "Top Secret Umbra", provided detailed information on an agreement among the Chilean Army, Navy, and Air Force to move against Allende on 10 September. As the CIA denies its involvement in the coup, another cable sent from the agency on 8 September classified "Secret" had information on the Chilean Navy time and date to overthrow the government of President Allende. The cable also identified key Chilean officials who were supporting the coup.[40] The cables from around this time with another one stating that the coup was postponed in order to improve tactical coordination and would attempt the coup on 11 September.[40] A CIA intelligence report 25 October 1973, concerning General Arellano Stark, noted that Arellano had ordered the deaths of 21 political prisoners. Also, the disappearances of 14 other prisoners were also believed to be on the order of Arellano. General Arellano was considered Pinochet's right-hand man after the coup.[41] Historian Peter Winn has argued that the role of the CIA was crucial to the consolidation of power that followed the coup; the CIA helped fabricate a conspiracy against the Allende government, which Pinochet was then portrayed as preventing. He states that the coup itself was possible only through a three-year covert operation mounted by the United States. He also points out that the US imposed an "invisible blockade" that was designed to disrupt the economy under Allende, and contributed to the destabilization of the regime.[33] Peter Kornbluh, director of the National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project, argues in his book The Pinochet File[21] that the US was extensively involved and actively "fomented"[21] the 1973 coup. Authors Tim Weiner, in his book, Legacy of Ashes,[20] and Christopher Hitchens, in his book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger[42] similarly argue the case that US covert actions actively destabilized Allende's government and set the stage for the 1973 coup. Joaquin Fermandois criticized Kornbluh's "black and white" and "North American centered conception of world affairs", stating that a variety of internal and external factors also played a role and that a careful reading of the documentary record reveals the CIA was largely "impotent".[43] Conservative scholar Mark Falcoff alleged that Cuba and the Soviet Union supplied several hundred thousand dollars to the socialist and Marxist factions in the government.[44] Additionally, documents transcribed and provided by KGB defector Vasili Mitrokhin detail the relationship between Allende and the KGB starting in 1953.[45] Allende's KGB file documents "systematic contact" starting in 1961.[46] KGB support for Allende's 1970 campaign included $400,000 in initial financing, with additional funding including a "personal subsidy" of $50,000 to Allende, as well as bribing a left wing Senator $18,000 to persuade him not to stand as a presidential candidate and to remain within the Unidad Popular coalition.[47] Peter Winn noted that "the Chilean revolution always kept to its peaceful road, despite counterrevolutionary plots and violence." Moreover, this strong emphasis on nonviolence was precisely to avoid revolutionary terror which had blemished the reputations of the French, Russian and Cuban revolutions.[33] Allende later committed suicide, with an article in The Atlantic stating "he committed suicide under mysterious circumstances as troops surrounded his place, ushering in more than 15 years of military dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet".[48] Former CIA agent Jack Devine, who was active in the CIA agency during the time of the coup, told The Atlantic that overthrowing Allende's government was not the CIA's decision, but rather the decision of the White House, particularly President Nixon.[48] The coup and U.S. involvement remain an important episode, as a New York Times report in October 2017 indicates.[49] Pinochet regime See also: Operation Condor Operation Condor Background histories Events Government leaders Targeted militias Principal operatives Organizations responsible Locations Laws Archives and reports Reactions vte The U.S. provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses.[50] CIA documents show that the CIA had close contact with members of the Chilean secret police, DINA, and its chief Manuel Contreras (paid asset from 1975 to 1977 according to the CIA in 2000). Some have alleged that the CIA's one-time payment to Contreras is proof that the U.S. approved of Operation Condor and military repression within Chile. The CIA's official documents state that at one time, some members of the intelligence community recommended making Contreras into a paid contact because of his closeness to Pinochet; the plan was rejected based on Contreras' poor human rights track record, but a single payment was made due to a miscommunication.[1] In the description of the CIA's activities in Chile, it is acknowledged that one of their high-level contacts was more predisposed to committing abuse: "although the CIA had information indicating that a high-level contact was a hard-liner and therefore more likely to commit abuses, contact with him was allowed to continue in absence of concrete information about human rights abuses."[51] A report dated 24 May 1977 also describes the newfound human rights abuses that may have been occurring in Chile: "reports of gross violation of human rights in Chile, which had nearly ceased earlier this year, are again on the rise...the Pinochet government is reverting to the practices that jeopardized its international standing since the 1973 coup."[52] The document also details how these human rights violations could have caused a worsening of Chile's status on the international stage. It seems that the United States was unable to plan around these violations, as is referred to with the document's mention of high-ranking officials taking parts in the abuses also. On 6 March 2001, the New York Times reported the existence of a recently declassified State Department document revealing that the United States facilitated communications for Operation Condor. The document, a 1978 cable from Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was discovered by Professor J. Patrice McSherry of Long Island University, who had published several articles on Operation Condor. She called the cable "another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor."[53] In the cable, Ambassador White relates a conversation with General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, who told him that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "keep in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which covers all of Latin America". This installation is "employed to co-ordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries." White, whose message was sent to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the deaths of the 44 year old former Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier and his American colleague Ronni Moffitt. Her husband Michael Moffit was in the car during the bombing, but was the only survivor. "It would seem advisable," he suggests, "to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in U.S. interest." Chilean leader Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1976 The document was found among 16,000 State, CIA, White House, Defense, and Justice Department records released in November 2000 on the nearly 17-year long Pinochet dictatorship in Chile, and Washington's role in the violent coup that brought his military regime to power. The release was the fourth and final batch of records released under the Clinton Administration's special Chile Declassification Project. During the Pinochet regime, four American citizens were killed: Charles Horman, Frank Teruggi, Boris Weisfeiler, and Ronni Karpen Moffit. Later on, in late August 1976, the United States Government stated in a State Department Secret Memorandum, that the United States Government did play an indirect role in the death of one of the four American citizens, Charles Horman. The Secret Memorandum states: "Based on what we have, we are persuaded that: The GOC sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution. The GOC might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG. There is some circumstantial evidence to suggest: U.S. intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best, it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC. At worst, U.S. intelligence was aware the GOC saw Horman in a rather serious light and U.S. officials did nothing to discourage the logical outcome of GOC paranoia."- Department of State, Secret Memorandum, "Charles Horman Case," 25 August 1976 (uncensored version)[54][55] On 30 June 2014, a Chilean court ruled that the United States played a key role in the murders of Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi. According to Judge Jorge Zepeda, U.S. Navy Capt. Ray E. Davis, who commanded the U.S. Military Mission in Chile, gave information to the Chilean government about Horman and Teruggi that resulted in their arrest and execution in the days following the coup. The Chilean Supreme Court sought to have Davis extradited from Florida to stand trial, but he was secretly living in Santiago and died in a nursing home in 2013.[56] In a document declassified under the Obama administration's Chilean declassification project, documents were released stating that the CIA suspected Pinochet himself of personally giving the order for the assassination of Ronni Moffitt and Orlando Letelier. Although they were unable to gather enough intelligence that proved that he gave the order, they received shocking evidence from the Chilean Major, Armando Fernandez, who they convinced to come to the capital to provide them information, that Pinochet was directly involved in covering up the incident. Another declassified copy of a CIA special intelligence assessment on Pinochet's role in the Letelier and Moffitt assassinations were presented to the Chilean President Bachelet in 2016. That document asserts the CIA believed that Pinochet, "personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder."[57] Even with the evidence that they had, the Secretary of State George Shultz did not feel that there was enough to indict Pinochet but instead used the information to try to convince Reagan to change their policy with Chile.[58] Pinochet stepped down from power in 1990 and died on 10 December 2006, without facing trial.[59] Politics in the 21st century U.S. President Bill Clinton ordered the release of numerous documents relating to U.S. policy and actions toward Chile.[60] The documents produced by various U.S. agencies were opened to the public by the U.S. State Department in October 1999. The collection of 1,100 documents dealt with the years leading up to the military coup. Regarding Pinochet's rise to power, the CIA concluded in a report issued in 2000 that: "The CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende but did not assist Pinochet to assume the Presidency."[61] However, the 2000 report also stated that: "The major CIA effort against Allende came earlier in 1970 in the failed attempt to block his election and accession to the Presidency. Nonetheless, the U.S. Administration's long-standing hostility to Allende and its past encouragement of a military coup against him were well known among Chilean coup plotters who eventually took activities of their own to oust him."[61] A White House press release in November 2000 acknowledged that "actions approved by the U.S. government during this period aggravated political polarization and affected Chile's long tradition of democratic elections"[62] In a 2003 town hall with students, high school student James Doubek asked Secretary of State Colin Powell about the United States support for the coup, to which Powell replied that "it is not a part of American history that we're proud of".[63] During U.S. President Barack Obama's visit to Chile in 2011, the center-left coalition of Chilean political parties asked Obama to apologize for past U.S. support of Pinochet. An interview with the Associated Press, Mr Piñera said his government was "categorically committed to contribute to the search for truth so that justice is done in all of these human rights cases". Obama did not respond to requests for an apology but said during a press conference that U.S. relations with Latin America had at times been "extremely rocky," and that people needed to learn from and understand history, but not be trapped by it.[64] In February 2018, in an effort to create a "lasting counterpoint", a statue honoring the slain Chilean diplomat and think tank policy analyst Orlando Letelier was erected on Massachusetts Avenue in Washington, D.C., near the location where Letelier was killed in a 1976 car bombing on the orders of Pinochet. The attack also claimed the life of Ronnie Karpen Moffitt, Letelier's 25-year-old American co-worker. Michael Moffitt, husband of Ronnie Moffitt and also in the vehicle, survived the attack. The Chilean-orchestrated assassination had brought state-sponsored terrorism by an American-backed ally to the cradle of American dominion. Three of Letelier's sons and a granddaughter whom Letelier had never been afforded the opportunity to meet attended the unveiling. The unveiling of Letelier's commemorative statue came less than two years after the Obama administration had released a "long classified CIA analysis...[that] cited 'convincing evidence that President Pinochet personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder.'" Letelier had served as Chile's ambassador to the United States under Chile's democratically elected Allende government. After Pinochet's 1973 coup, Letelier became a political prisoner and sought political asylum in the United States, where he eventually came to spearhead the economic policy mission of a D.C.-based think tank, the Institute for Policy Studies, as well as organize international condemnation of Pinochet's regime. The Institute for Policy Studies has long incorporated the advancement of human rights into the core of its mission.[65] See also Project FUBELT History of Chile Chile under Allende David H. Popper, US ambassador to Chile (1974–77) Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency) Foreign electoral intervention Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–90) - aftermath of the coup Latin America–United States relations Foreign interventions by the United States United States involvement in regime change References Joyce S. Goldberg, "Consent to Ascent The Baltimore Affair and the US Rise to World Power Status." Americas 41.1 (1984): 21-35. Theodore H. Moran, Multinational corporation and the politics of dependence: copper in Chile (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974), 6. Loveman, Brian. Chile: The legacy of Hispanic Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Vergara, Eva; Warren, Michael (31 May 2011). "Chile TV: Secret report suggests Allende murdered". Boston.com. Retrieved 17 December 2021. Barbara Stallings, Class conflict and Economic development in Chile, 1958-1973(Stanford California: Stanford University Press, 1978, 33. Faundez Julio, Marxism, and democracy in Chile: From 1932 to the fall of Allende. London United Kingdom: Yale University Press, 1988. CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile Archived 7 August 2004 at the Wayback Machine, CBS News, 19 September 2000. Accessed online 19 January 2007. Stephen G. Rabe, The most dangerous Area in the world: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1999),2. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "U.S. Covert Intervention in Chile: Planning to Block Allende Began Long before September 1970 Election". "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Minute of the Meeting of the 40 Committee" (PDF). National Security Archive. Retrieved 30 January 2017. "National Security Archive - 30+ Years of Freedom of Information Action". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 6 April 2019. Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents Relating to the Military Coup, 11 September 1973 by Peter Kornbluh, National Security Archive. Gustafson, Kristian C. (2002). "CIA Machinations in Chile in 1970". Archived from the original on 13 June 2007. Retrieved 21 June 2008. CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile, Admits Support For Kidnappers, Links To Pinochet Regime - CBS News Archived 7 August 2004 at the Wayback Machine Hinchey Report Archived 20 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine CIA Activities in Chile. 18 September 2000. Accessed online 18 November 2006. Weiner, Tim (2007). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. New York: Anchor Books. p. 361. ISBN 978-0-307-38900-8. Kornbluh, Peter (2003). The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-56584-936-5. The Film Archives (15 May 2016). "The U.S. and the Overthrow of the Chilean Government: A Declassified Dossier (2003)" – via YouTube. Kissinger, Henry (25 November 1970). "Memorandum for the President" (PDF). National Security Archive. Lubna Z. Qureshi. Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books, 2009. p. 65. ISBN 0-7391-2656-3 CIA Admits Involvement in Chile. ABC News. September 20 "U.S. Dept. of State FOIA Electronic Reading Room – Hinchey Report (CIA Activities in Chile)". Foia.state.gov. Archived from the original on 20 October 2009. Retrieved 19 November 2011. Stout, David (30 January 2003). "Edward Korry, 81, Is Dead; Falsely Tied to Chile Coup". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Montgomery, Paul L. (29 September 1973). "I.T.T. OFFICE HERE DAMAGED BY BOMB; Caller Linked Explosion at Latin-American Section to 'Crimes in Chile' I.T.T. Latin-American Office on Madison Ave. Damaged by Bomb Fire in Rome Office Bombing on the Coast Rally the Opponents". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, 30 April 2002, (in English) Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger & Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. Retrieved 7 February 2021. John Dinges. The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. The New Press, 2005. p. 157. ISBN 1-56584-977-9 "CIA Activities in Chile — Central Intelligence Agency". www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on 12 June 2007. Winn, Peter (2010). Grandin & Joseph, Greg & Gilbert (ed.). A Century of Revolution. Duke University Press. pp. 239–275. "The National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970-1989. Transaction. pp. 199–251. Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger and Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. CIA (19 September 2000). "CIA Activities in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. p. 13. Retrieved 21 July 2010. Frank Church; et al. (18 December 1975). "Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973". US Government Printing Office. Archived from the original on 11 September 2009. Retrieved 20 July 2010. "President/Kissinger September 16, 1973, 11:50 A.M." (PDF). www.nsarchive.gwu.edu. 16 September 1973. Retrieved 27 March 2017. "CIA's PDB release still covering up knowledge of 1973 Chile coup". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 3 April 2017. nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/20000919 Hitchens, Christopher (2001). The Trial of Henry Kissinger. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-631-5. Fermandois, Joaquin (Winter 2005). "The Persistence of a Myth: Chile in the Eye of the Cold War Hurricane: Books under Review". World Affairs. 167 (3): 101–112. doi:10.3200/WAFS.167.3.101-112. JSTOR 20672716. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970-1989. Transaction. p. 205. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 72. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Friedman, Uri (11 September 2014). "The Other 9/11: A CIA Agent Remembers Chile's Coup". The Atlantic. Bonnefoy, Pascale (14 October 2017). "Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy's Fall and Dictator's Rise in Chile". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 April 2019. Peter Kornbluh (19 September 2000). "CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet's Repression: Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. Retrieved 26 November 2006. "CIA Activities in Chile". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. "Chile: Violations of Human Rights". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. Operation Condor: Cable suggests U.S. role, National Security Archive, 6 March 2001. Accessed online 26 November 2006. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–11, Part 2, Documents on South America, 1973–1976 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 1 November 2023. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability by Peter Kornbluh, p. 277 Court: U.S. military spies had role leading to 1973 deaths of Americans in Chile. CBS News, 1 July 2014. "CIA: "Pinochet personally ordered" Letelier bombing | National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 9 May 2019. Shultz, George (6 October 1987). "Pinochet and the Letelier-Moffitt Murders: Implications for US Policy," SECRET, Memorandum for the President, 6 October 1987" (PDF). National Security Archive. Retrieved 5 June 2017. Karen DeYoung; David Montgomery; Missy Ryan; Ishaan Tharoor; Jia Lynn Yang (20 September 2016). "This was not an accident. This was a bomb". The Washington Post. "CBS News - CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile - September 20, 2000 16:07:32". 7 August 2004. Archived from the original on 7 August 2004. "CIA 2000 report (Summary of Responses to Questions, 2.A)". National Security Archives. White House press statement 13 November 2000 regarding "releasing newly declassified and other documents related to events in Chile from 1968-91". Accessed online 18 November 2006. "Colin Powell: U.S. "Not Proud" of 1973 Covert Action in Chile". "Chile President Pinera to ask Obama for Pinochet files". BBC News. 23 March 2011. Laris, Michael (25 February 2018). "A Chilean and American monument to Pinochet bombing victims rises in Washington". The Washington Post. Retrieved 27 May 2019. Further reading John Dinges (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-56584-977-9. Kristian Gustafson, (2007) Hostile Intent: U.S. Covert Operations in Chile, 1964–1974 (Dulles: Potomac Books) Tanya Harmer, (2011) Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011) online Jonathan Haslam (2005) Nixon Administration and the Death of Allende's Chile: A Case of Assisted Suicide (2005). Thomas Karamessines (1970). Operating guidance cable on coup plotting in Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Jeane Kirkpatrick (1979). "Dictatorships and Double Standards," Commentary, November, pp34–45. Henry Kissinger (1970). National Security Decision 93: Policy Towards Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Peter Kornbluh. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-59558-912-0. James F. Petras & Morris H. Morley (1974). How Allende fell: A study in U.S.–Chilean relations, Nottingham: Spokesman Books. Lubna Z. Qureshi (2009). Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-2656-3 Zakia Shiraz, "CIA Intervention in Chile and the Fall of the Allende Government in 1973." Journal of American Studies (2011) 45#3 pp 603–613. online at JSTOR; also online free summarizes the scholarly historiography.

A CIA Heart Attack & Cancer causing weapon was brought to light to the American public thanks to CIA & FBI whistle blowers as well as the 1975 Church Committee Hearings. The 1975 Church Committe Hearing (Video): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fomOeIhEWDg Mary Embree (Full Clip): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uwy56QTV4cs&t=330s Secrets of the CIA (Full Documentary): https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=24&v=rOfeq0HhaxE&feature=emb_logo CIA Heart Attack & Cancer Inducing Gun (Article): https://www.globalresearch.ca/cia-targeted-assassinations-by-induced-heart-attack-and-cancer/5326382 Chris Pyle (Article): http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/noplacetohide/pyle.html The 1975 Church Committee Hearing (document): https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/investigations/church-committee.htm Thanks For Watching & Listening... Please Support! Sign up to The Anarkist Email List: http://eepurl.com/hfzeHf The Anarkist Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/TheAnarkist?fan_landing=true TRUTH SEEKER (T-shirts & Merch) 👕 - https://teespring.com/stores/the-anarkist Hillary For Prison T-Shirts: https://teespring.com/hillary-for-priso-october-2020?pid=212&cid=5827 Thanks For Watching & listening Please Like, Share, Subscribe & Contribute! CASHAPP: $Anarkist PayPal: paypal.me/TheAnarkist (Anarkistbeatz@yahoo.com) Books (Affiliate Links): Tuxedo Park - Jennet Conant https://amzn.to/39Fv2IZ Phenomena - Annie Jacobson https://amzn.to/3hoHrRV Adrenochrome And Other Mythical Drugs: https://amzn.to/3m5WIuq Agent of Influence: https://amzn.to/31Pfm1o The Book of Honor: https://amzn.to/34Z86ly Holes in Heaven (Video): https://amzn.to/3hJ46Jm HAARP: The Ultimate Weapon of Conspiracy - https://amzn.to/2D0W7sa Angels Don't Play This Haarp: Advances in Tesla Technology - https://amzn.to/3jjb5te Chemtrails, HAARP, and the Full Spectrum Dominance of Planet Earth: https://amzn.to/34xqj9L Mind Control 101: https://amzn.to/2XvFkof Propaganda: https://amzn.to/2CQDgQE Brave New World: https://amzn.to/329hjol 1984: https://amzn.to/34khDmU An Empire of There Own: https://amzn.to/2XC6lq3 1984 - George Orwell: https://amzn.to/31cUNeU Books Expose Hollywood Pedos: Coreography https://amzn.to/33IqM8I Rabbit Hole: https://amzn.to/2Cd0n7D Cathy O'Brian Books (Gov Satanic Ritual Abuse Survivor): https://amzn.to/2DEhGz9 https://amzn.to/2Y0soHl https://amzn.to/31zpMRF The Franklin Cover-Up: https://amzn.to/2F1kOoY Orgone/Orgonite - Shungite - Black Tourmaline (5G Protection) (Affiliate Links): https://amzn.to/314Z6YF https://amzn.to/3112kMM https://amzn.to/39LnClr https://amzn.to/2DaDwtR https://amzn.to/2Xg0mH7 https://amzn.to/2Dl93ZU https://amzn.to/2XiFn6N https://amzn.to/2Xg4Dut https://amzn.to/30hhzBZ https://amzn.to/3113J60 https://amzn.to/2Ev2dRV https://amzn.to/33fvxWU https://amzn.to/3fiJplB https://amzn.to/3jY8i9V Patreon - https://www.patreon.com/theanarkist ***************************************** FOLLOW ME: InstaGram: https://www.instagram.com/anarkistbeatz/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/anarkistbeatz Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/theanarkistbeats/

I give my thoughts on the hypocrisy of the left when it comes to the media and the illegals in this country. I site some more winning that is driving the left bonkers and a plan for Mexico dealing with the cartels.

Relying on gov't docs, statements from the best witnesses available, and the words from the mouths of the killers themselves, Dark Legacy produces a thoroughly substantiated criminal indictment, establishing beyond a reasonable doubt George Bush's guilt as a supervisor in the conspiracy to assassinate John F. Kennedy. The Michelle Moore Show (Weekdays) 3 p.m. - 4 p.m. CST 4 p.m. - 5 p.m. EST To join 'Truth Talk America' for Free, download the 'Discord' app in from your app store. Create and account, and click this link: https://discord.gg/truthtalkamerica Truth Talk America Network: https://Rumble.com/TruthTalkAmerica & https://Boxcast.tv for Roku, Apple TV, Amazon Fire TV. Search 'Truth Talk America' Michelle’s Links: WAVWatch: https://www.wavwatch.com/?aff=rJYurE1ni Enter CODE: MICHELLE100 at checkout to save $100 on your order! *Note: If you’re buying more than one you’ll need to check them out separately so you can get $100 discount on each watch. For Health Supplements and More! http://TruthTalkStore.com Use code TRUTH (all caps) at checkout for a special discount! 1st National Reserve (Gold & Silver): https://www.1stnationalreserve.com/ 1-800-321-8700 *Mention 'The Michelle Moore Show' when you call! Cue Streaming: https://Michelle.Mycuestreaming.com/apply WEBSITE: http://MichelleMooreShow.com or https://linktr.ee/gomichellemoore WHERE TO WATCH: RUMBLE: https://Rumble.com/TheMichelleMooreShow RUMBLE: https://Rumble.com/TruthTalkAmerica YOUTUBE: https://www.youtube.com/@TheMichelleMooreShow BITCHUTE: https://BitChute.com/TheMichelleMooreShow (REPLAY ONLY) TWITTER: https://Twitter.com/SheShedTruther TELEGRAM: https://t.me/gomichelle SOCIAL MEDIA: FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/leadershippower TELEGRAM: https://t.me/gomichelle TRUTH SOCIAL: https://truthsocial.com/gomichellemoore TWITTER: https://Twitter.com/SheShedTruther INSTAGRAM: https://www.instagram.com/gomichellemoore/ LINKEDIN: https://www.linkedin.com/in/gomichellemoore

Credit to @the intercept Former Vice President Joe Biden is facing questions over claims that he took part in the civil rights movement as a student in the 1960s. Shaun King, a prominent surrogate for Sen. Bernie Sanders (and former Intercept columnist), drew attention to Biden’s often confusing and at times contradictory statements about what role he played as a young man in the struggle for racial equality in his home state of Delaware. During Biden’s first run for the presidency, in 1987, the then-senator frequently described himself as a teenage civil rights activist, only to withdraw those claims later. More than three decades later, having served under the first black president, Biden seems to have reversed himself again, and now describes himself as a participant in desegregation protests in his youth.

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This is a clip from our show SYSTEM UPDATE, now airing every weeknight at 7pm ET on Rumble. You can watch the full episode for FREE here: https://rumble.com/v5p155e-system-update-show-365.html Now available as a podcast! Find full episodes here: https://linktr.ee/systemupdate_ Join us LIVE on Rumble, weeknights at 7pm ET: https://rumble.com/c/GGreenwald Become part of our Locals community: https://greenwald.locals.com/ Follow Glenn: Twitter: https://twitter.com/ggreenwald Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/glenn.11.greenwald/ Follow System Update: Twitter: https://twitter.com/SystemUpdate_ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/systemupdate__/ TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@systemupdate__ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/systemupdate.tv/ LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/systemupdate/

For more exclusive interviews, insight, and analysis like this, SUBSCRIBE to The Charlie Kirk Show TODAY: https://apple.co/2VCxGsh And for EVEN MORE—tune in to The Charlie Kirk Show LIVE on Salem Radio Network affiliates across the country, 5 days a week from 12—3 PM ET To listen live, turn on post notifications on YouTube, check your local affiliates, or head to https://charliekirk.com For Exclusive Charlie Kirk content, head to members.charliekirk.com TODAY to sign up!

* Trump's 2025 Director of National Intelligence > Nothing Can Stop What Is Coming * Tulsi Gabbard https://x.com/tulsigabbard https://www.facebook.com/TulsiGabbard

So there were FBI confidential and human sources at the capital on January 6 but we won’t have the official report before election day

Another Alex Jones “conspiracy theory” has been proven true, and now Megyn Kelly is openly admitting it. Yes, fluoride really is toxic to humans and it's lowering IQs, especially in children. Megyn Kelly unveiled her stunning revelation during a podcast episode with Dr. Marty Makary. She told him, "Fluoride, just like Alex Jones was saying, [is] not good.” A federal judge recently ruled that fluoride poses an “UNREASONABLE” risk to children's intelligence. Now, several US cities are hitting PAUSE on water fluoridation. This marks yet another instance where Jones has been vindicated on issues once dismissed as “conspiracy theories.” - - - - - - If Hurricane Helene has taught us anything, it's that you can't depend on the govt when things go south. Thankfully, My Patriot Supply (https://preparewithvnn.com/)has everything you need when disaster strikes. Stock up on emergency food, water, power, and more in the link below: https://PrepareWithVNN.com

Nobody died at Sandy Hook. The Sandy Hook False Flag was a FEMA drill that took place on December 14th, 2012. This is a presentation from Truth Tour 2, Anaheim (10-22-22). The real story behind the Sandy Hook shooting is filled with lies and deception by the media and our own Government. This False Flag was about gun control and filling the pockets of The Cabal. DEEP DIVES on TELEGRAM https://t.me/DeepDives To watch all of the speakers at Truth Tour 2 Anaheim click on the two links below: Part One: https://rumble.com/v1p8von-truth-tour-2-los-angelesanaheim.html Part Two: https://rumble.com/v1pfbyb-truth-tour-2-los-angelesanaheim-part-2.html

Published on May 16, 2014 "Time Out Productions presents former Florida State trooper and school security expert Wolfgang Halbig. Mr. Halbig has made national headlines by questioning the official Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting. www.sandyhookjustice.com" If you appreciate the things I find then might I consider purchasing a few dollars of Sandy Hook Hoax token on the Algorand blockchain https://vestige.fi/asset/1156612691 Things live forever and permanently on the blockchain and if the token gets enough support we can ensure that all of the hard work everyone has done and continues to do doesn't one day get all traces of it eliminated. Keep saving, archiving, seeding, downloading and sharing everything. If you don't you allow them to erase and rewrite history how they see fit. Remember that you pay them to tell you what you can talk about. :)

This is a special film dedicated to Wolfgang Halbig, a real truth seeker! More detailed Sandy Hook research can be found here: https://sandyhooked.net/

🚨 BOMBSHELL: New FOIA Documents Reveal the COVID Pandemic Was a DoD Operation Dating Back to Obama "The Pentagon controlled the COVID-19 program from the very beginning and everything we were told was political theater to cover it up right down to the FDA vaccine approval"

This video is part of a larger article at RAIR Foundation USA This is an exclusively translated clip from the following German broadcast: https://www.servustv.com/aktuelles/v/aa1uhra88dp5llzqs7cp/

Erik Prince is an entrepreneur, former Navy SEAL and founder of Blackwater Worldwide, a private military corporation. His latest project is Unplugged, a phone, messaging application and VPN that is privacy focused and won’t collect or share customer data. For more information about our sponsor, visit https://www.unplugged.com/Tucker Watch more here: https://watchtcn.co/49CDF2t Follow Tucker on X: https://x.com/TuckerCarlson Text “TUCKER” to 44055 for exclusive updates. #TuckerCarlson #ErikPrince #drone #dronepilot #military #Russia #war #Ukraine #news #politics #Putin #technology #interview #DonaldTrump #CIA