Israel’s Ceasefire Plan Was Scripted — And It’s Blowing Up Fast

Right, so here we are again — another “ceasefire” in being rigged to collapse, with an added dose of desperation to seize the narrative back for Israel as the real victims we should all feel sorry for, as if two years of genocide can so easily be scrubbed from our minds. Washington and Tel Aviv are now saying they have credible evidence that Hamas is plotting to end it, even though their drones have never left the sky and Palestinians are still dying at Israel’s hands, having never actually ceased the firing bit. You could almost admire the choreography if it weren’t still soaked in so much blood. The US State Department posts a warning about an allegedly impending Hamas attack, Israel calls that proof, but their bombs have never stopped falling and they are still arming gangs within the Strip to destabilise it. It’s a blame game so polished it could have been scripted — because it no doubt was. What we’re watching isn’t a truce; it’s a performance. The genocide still hasn’t stopped; it’s just going through some script changes. Israel wants its victim status back, but that cat has long ago got out of the bag and no matter what they do, they’re never getting it back. If this ceasefire is getting derailed, we know who’s behind it, the same people behind every other collapsed ceasefire.
Right, so when this latest apparent Gaza ceasefire took effect on 10 October, diplomats sold it as a turning point. This time it was different. After two years of aerial bombardment, starvation, and mass displacement, mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and the United States announced what they called a “comprehensive cessation of hostilities.” The text required Israel to end military operations, free captives, open the Rafah Crossing, and permit unrestricted humanitarian aid. For Gaza’s two-million residents it was meant to mean survival.
Eight days on the figures tell a different story. Gaza’s Government Media Office confirmed forty-seven documented Israeli violations: thirty-eight Palestinians killed, one-hundred-and-forty-three wounded, attacks recorded in every governorate.
Civil-defence teams documented one-hundred-and-twenty-nine individual attacks since the truce began. In Shujaiya five civilians died inspecting the ruins of their homes. In Al-Fukhari, east of Khan Younis, another was killed by a drone. The deadliest incident came in Gaza City’s Zaytoun neighbourhood when an Israeli tank shell destroyed a car carrying the Abu Shaaban family — eleven killed, seven of them children. Gaza’s Civil Defence said the family had tried to cross the “Yellow Line,” an invisible boundary the Israeli army now uses to designate where civilians may move. There are no physical markers. No warning signs. Only risk of death for guessing wrong.
Every one of these actions breaches the ceasefire. Yet Western governments continue to call the truce “fragile,” implying symmetry between occupier and occupied.
While Israel broke the agreement in plain sight, Washington shifted the narrative. The US State Department has posted on X that it had “informed guarantor nations of credible reports indicating an imminent ceasefire violation by Hamas against the people of Gaza.” The statement warned that such a move “would constitute a direct and grave violation of the ceasefire agreement,” promising that “measures will be taken to protect the people of Gaza.” No evidence accompanied the claim.
Hamas immediately rejected the accusation as “false” and “aligned with the Israeli occupation’s misleading propaganda.” They have accused Washington of providing political cover for continued Israeli crimes, including the arming of gangs operating inside Gaza, with several, including the Abu Shabab gang being directly connected to ISIS. Hamas pointed out that these militias — responsible for kidnappings, robberies, and assaults on aid convoys — had been organised and supplied by Israel itself. The group urged the United States to stop echoing Israel’s narrative and instead enforce the truce.
So the timeline exposes intent. Israel’s bombardment of Gaza has continued; the United States accused Hamas of plotting to resume fighting, echoing Israeli narratives based on apparent evidence they as per usual don’t show us. The accusation was not an intelligence finding — it was groundwork for the next justification to breach the ceasefire and try desperately to change the narrative as to who is at fault. By declaring that a Hamas violation was imminent, Washington ensured that any subsequent Israeli strike could be presented as pre-emptive defence, thinking we would forget the last two years and indeed Israeli conduct during the last 8 days of a supposed ceasefire.
Footage verified by Sky News earlier this month shows how this narrative was constructed. The video captured a night convoy of pickup trucks leaving an Israeli military post near the Erez crossing and entering militia-held territory in northern Gaza. The trucks carried food, water, and fuel canisters marked with Israeli supplier logos. They delivered supplies to a faction calling itself the People’s Army, led by Ashraf al-Mansi — a commander who later appeared on video threatening Hamas and claiming control of local security zones.
Israeli outlets confirmed that al-Mansi’s group was one of four armed factions now active in Gaza, all within areas still monitored by the Israeli army. Channel 12 later reported that Hamas had captured forty-five pickup trucks, hundreds of rifles, and large stocks of ammunition originally supplied to those militias by Israeli units. Rearming Hamas in effect as they deal with Israel’s minions within Gaza, responsible for so much of the food aid thefts over the past several months that Hamas have been accused of, arms being delivered into Gaza that Israel could use as pretext for saying they need to disarm Hamas by force, pointing to them rearming rather than disarming even though Israel put the weapons in the territory.
Inside Gaza, the Interior Ministry has begun an amnesty programme inviting gang members and collaborators to surrender. Several have apparently accepted. The US State Department described this domestic policing effort as proof that Hamas was preparing for internal purges — a distortion that turned a law-enforcement measure into an alleged war plan. So this cycle is deliberate and not particularly difficult to pull apart: create disorder, then use it to prove the target’s ungovernability.
The ceasefire of course required Hamas to release twenty live captives and return some twenty-eight deceased within seventy-two hours. Hamas released every living hostage. The difficulty has been the dead. Many had been killed by Israeli air-strikes and remained buried under collapsed buildings. Two senior advisers to Donald Trump confirmed that Hamas “honoured” the live-hostage clause and that recovery of bodies could only start once Israeli bombing stopped. Israel nevertheless withheld the heavy machinery required to excavate rubble — then accused Hamas of violating the deal for not producing the bodies.
Netanyahu’s office warned that if the remains were not returned, Israel would impose further sanctions and reconsider its withdrawal lines, having already decided to keep the Rafah Crossing shut in violation of the truce in and of itself not to mention a war crime linking aid to the release of remains. Again, this con is easy to cut through: A logistical impossibility deliberately created by Israeli bombardment becomes political leverage to prolong it or end the ceasefire blaming Hamas. We can see what you’re doing.
At the same time, Israel began returning Palestinian bodies it had retained throughout the war. Over three days the army transferred one-hundred-and-twenty corpses to Gaza through the International Committee of the Red Cross. Medical staff documented rope marks around necks, bound wrists and ankles, blindfolds, close-range gunshots, and crushed limbs consistent with being run over by tanks. Dr Abdullah al-Borsh, Gaza’s Director-General of Hospitals, called the findings “clear evidence of execution.” Euro-Med Monitor chairman Rami Abdu said the bodies had been kept at freezing temperatures; some appeared exhumed, and one still had an IV line attached, suggesting death during some sort of treatment.
The Government Media Office has also now formally accused Israel of stealing organs from the dead, given that many of the 120 bodies returned were missing corneas, livers, and limbs and demanded an international inquiry into “torture, mutilation, and organ theft.” The pattern of torture and execution is therefore now documented.
Civil-defence engineers estimate that roughly ten-thousand people remain under rubble. With current tools, they say, recovery could take ten years, Israel intentionally withholding the equipment needed to recover the bodies of deceased Israeli hostages and repatriate the remains. The necessary cranes and excavators are parked on the Egyptian side of Rafah, waiting for permission that never comes, the crossing deliberately kept shut by Netanyahu. By refusing that permission, Israel ensures Hamas cannot meet its obligations — then cites this failure as proof of deceit. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, deliberate obstruction of humanitarian rescue constitutes a war crime, so just chalk another charge to Israel’s ever growing crime sheet.
The humanitarian picture remains catastrophic. The World Food Programme reports moving about five-hundred-and-sixty tonnes of food per day since 10 October — half the minimum requirement for survival. Spokesperson Abeer Etefa said the ceasefire “opened a narrow window of opportunity” but stressed that access still depends entirely on Israeli approval. UNICEF’s senior emergency coordinator in Gaza, Hamish Young, called conditions “catastrophic,” listing shortages of food, tents, plastic sheeting, fuel, and spare parts for desalination plants.
Each truckload of aid now passes through a maze of Israeli checkpoints. Quantities fluctuate daily. Electricity remains intermittent. Hospitals still ration anaesthetics and oxygen. The humanitarian pipeline has become a lever of control: enough aid to prevent collapse, enough to preserve the façade of meeting the terms of the ceasefire when much of the media cast a blind eye over the actual detail, but never enough to allow meaningful recovery. Gaza’s survival is still stage managed at the discretion of the same army responsible for its destruction.
While aid trickles in though, Israel has begun physically redrawing Gaza’s map. Israel Hayom revealed plans for a new boundary — the “Yellow Line” — to divide the Strip into controlled and uncontrolled zones. Yellow-painted concrete cubes now mark the perimeter. Crossing it invites live fire. The line encloses more than half of Gaza, preventing displaced residents from returning to their homes.
Inside the permitted zone Israel intends to authorise limited reconstruction under supervision of friendly militias. In Rafah, a prototype district is being built by the aforementioned Abu Shabab gang, with its documented links to ISIS-aligned networks. A school and a mosque stand ready for visiting cameras. The area is marketed as a “model community” — a media showcase of what a “re-educated Gaza” might look like. Outside, two million people remain barred from re-entry though.
The bright yellow cubes have become the truce’s defining visual symbol: a ceasefire mapped in concrete, dividing the living from the excluded.
In parallel, Israeli outlet N12 reported that Trump’s corpse-like son in law Jared Kushner, Palantir’s Peter Thiel, and fellow tech Billionaire Larry Ellison plan to turn parts of Gaza into a tax-free “innovation hub.” Their project envisions cloud-computing centres, light-manufacturing plants using low-cost labour, and “simple regulations” to facilitate business with Saudi Arabia. The concept matches the Yellow Line’s geography: a fenced enclave marketed as modernisation. The combination of military boundary and private capital investment redefines occupation as development. What it absolutely isn’t is Palestine for the Palestinian people.
This is how post-war control gets built — not through annexation but through ownership. Gaza’s reconstruction is being packaged as an opportunity market for foreign investors while its population remains locked outside the designated growth zones, but no doubt ready to provide the low cost Labour as needed.
Inside Israel, domestic politics mirror the same inversion. Families of former hostages, who once demanded an end to the war, now urge Netanyahu to abandon the ceasefire until all bodies are returned. They berated him incessantly whilst living hostages remained in the Strip, now they demand more warfare from him instead. Their new position aligns precisely with the government’s refusal to reopen Rafah, converting public grief into policy justification, but only ever in the interests of one side.
Israel’s detention system also continues unchecked. Dr Hussam Abu Safiya, director of Kamal Adwan Hospital, was seized from his workplace last year and has been held without charge ever since. Where thre was hope he would soon be released, instead his administrative detention has been extended by six months, all without charge. Another detainee, twenty-eight-year-old Mahmoud Abu Foul, has, upon his release told Al Jazeera that torture in Israeli prisons left him blind. That he is delighted to be free, delighted to hear his mothers voice, but will never again see her face.
The relationship between Israel and its guarantor remains symbiotic. Israel acts; Washington reframes all with the mainstream media dutifully repeating the desired narratives. Netanyahu closes Rafah and instead of being slammed as another abuse of humanitarian law, it gets justified instead, unjustifiable as it is. The Israeli army supplies militias, officials refer to them as “local partners,” all despite their known links in many cases to organised terror elsewhere. Each diplomatic euphemism converts a violation into a procedural detail and expects us to accept it unquestioningly. We must always question everything, because it doesn’t take much digging to show it all up as a sham.
Numbers remain the most objective measure of deceit. Forty-seven ceasefire violations; one-hundred-and-twenty-nine attacks; thirty-eight killed; one-hundred-and-forty-three injured; one-hundred-and-thirty-five bodies returned showing torture; ten-thousand still buried; five-hundred-and-sixty tonnes of food entering daily — less than half of actual need. Each figure is sourced to official or humanitarian documentation, each is a claim that is for the most part buried by mainstream sources. Together they describe not peace but a managed continuation of genocide.
Mediators claim progress; the stronger power uses the pause to reposition. In Gaza the United States played both roles — peace broker and belligerent. Its advance warning about a Hamas allegedly planned breach functioning as a trailer before you watch the full movie play out, already seeding in your mind what you expect to see. The Gaza Cut if you will, plays out like a completely different production though. Every mechanism of the truce — aid, hostage exchange, border reopening — remains under Israeli veto. This arrangement cannot survive because it was designed not to. Failure was the point; blame was the strategy. Netanyahu needs all of this to stay in power and Israel needs its victim status back and this is the latest attempt. It must fail, surely we’ve seen enough to never let Israel get that claim back?
The language of officialdom now describes cruelty as stability. Israeli-armed gangs are “security partners.” Hamas’s policing of those gangs, despite Trump assenting to it personally, is contradicted by Israel. Tortured prisoners are “detainees.” Bodies returned with hands bound are “remains transferred.” The US phrase “protecting the people of Gaza” accompanies policies that continue to keep them under siege. International bodies issue statements of concern without consequence. The law that once constrained occupation has been replaced by permission through silence.
And yet Gaza’s civic life endures. There is amongst all of this some good news and it’s the best way to end a video like this on. Just yesterday, UNRWA reopened schools for roughly three-hundred-thousand students. Eight-thousand teachers returned to work. About ten-thousand pupils now attend classes in person; the rest study remotely from shelters. It’s good news, but what the kids have lost already bears thinking about. UNRWA’s Adnan Abu Hasna said simply: “It is impossible to have two years without schooling preceded by two years of Corona.” Education continues in tents, damaged classrooms, and bombed courtyards. It is both necessity and defiance — proof that governance persists without permission.
The pattern visible in Gaza repeats the model of earlier interventions: military partition followed by privatised reconstruction. Iraq had its Green Zone. Gaza’s Yellow Line and proposed startup city follow the same template. Control is exerted through territory, contracts, and dependency rather than direct annexation. The language of “peace” and “opportunity” conceals the mechanics of enclosure. What is being built is not coexistence but containment.
The political utility of this system relies on a colonial reflex: the oppressed must be portrayed as the authors of their own suffering. Hence every round of violence ends with new accusations that Hamas has sabotaged peace. The US warning of a “Hamas plot” is part of that tradition — the myth of the ungovernable native reborn for the news cycle. It allows the West to maintain moral distance while funding the occupation. The narrative does not describe events; it preserves hierarchy.
The evidence assembled by Gaza’s institutions, humanitarian agencies, and independent journalists establishes a consistent pattern of deliberate violation: executions, torture, and obstruction of aid. Each is a prosecutable war crime under the Geneva Conventions. Complaints against Israeli officials are already before the International Criminal Court. Political shields — vetoes, diplomatic pressure, and selective reporting — delay but cannot erase the record. Documentation is itself a form of resistance. Every autopsy report, every verified video, every retrieved body undermines the fiction of compliance.
In Gaza, “ceasefire” has come to mean the management of violence rather than its end. The bombs fall less frequently, but still fall. Yet starvation, detention, and territorial division also continue. The US–Israeli accusation that Hamas is preparing to violate the truce is not a misunderstanding; it is the device that sustains this system. The lie precedes the act, then excuses it afterward. It is a perfect circle of impunity. Without seeing the evidence, there is no reason to believe their version of events, when they have collapsed every ceasefire prior to this one. That is documented.
On the same day the US issued its warning, three-hundred-thousand children returned to class. They sat under tarpaulins, wrote on scavenged paper, and tried to remember normality. That small fact carries more meaning than any diplomatic communique. It shows that Gaza still governs itself, still educates its next generation, still refuses erasure, just as they have managed to do for the last 77 years.
Israel and the Trump-aligned State Department have spent the ceasefire constructing a story in which Hamas becomes the villain of a peace Israel never intended to keep. But the evidence on the ground — the attacks, the bodies, the yellow cubes dividing the Strip, the official X post predicting crimes that have not occurred — now tells its own story.
The ceasefire narrative was scripted in advance by the very governments claiming to defend it. And that truth, now documented beyond denial, is what will ultimately survive them.
For more on the ceasefire abuses Israel has been documented to have been committing, the very reasons we cannot allow them to regain control of the narrative, do check out this video recommendation here as your suggested next watch.
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