The Report Netanyahu Never Wanted You to Read Just Dropped

Right, so two of Israel’s most established and respected human rights organisations — B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights–Israel (PHRI) — have just made history, having now crossed a line that decades of war, occupation, and international condemnation had never forced them to cross before. In separate but mutually reinforcing reports, these organisations have now formally accused their own government of committing genocide in Gaza. Not war crimes. Not disproportionate force. Genocide. The word that carries the moral weight of the Holocaust itself with all the gravity for the self proclaimed Jewish state that that carries. The word that Israel was built to prevent — now turned inward on itself.
Right, so this is more than just a new phase in Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this is a major split in the global narrative that has shielded Israel from the full implications of its apartheid actions for over seven decades. When Israeli organisations, B’Tselem and the PHRI, with Hebrew-speaking staff and deep roots in Israeli society themselves, declare their own state guilty of the gravest crime in international law, all of Israel’s pathetic denials crumble. Western governments — the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Canada, and others — who have gone above and beyond to protect Israel diplomatically, militarily, and legally, who cannot bring themselves to even say the word genocide, now find themselves massively exposed. They are, by definition and by law, accessories.
The war of starvation unfolding across Gaza — livestreamed in real time — vindicates these reports. It is not a tragedy. It is a tactic. And it is being documented by everyone from UN agencies to traumatised doctors holding skeletal infants. As the humanitarian catastrophe crosses from crisis into intentional annihilation, and as governments scramble to rationalise their complicity, and it raises fundamental questions that face not just Israel but all of us observing these events: What does it mean when a state born from genocide is accused of committing one — by its own citizens? And what is left of international law, human dignity, or Western moral authority, when the evidence is ignored?
Both B’Tselem and PHRI issued formal statements yesterday, supported by in-depth reports, accusing the Israeli state of perpetrating genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza. Their words were clear, deliberate, and grounded in international law. As reported by The Cradle, B’Tselem’s report declared that “Israel’s actions in Gaza are part of a systemic campaign to destroy Palestinian life in all its forms” — political, economic, cultural, and biological.
PHRI, meanwhile, focused heavily on the destruction of Gaza’s healthcare system, concluding that Israel had “intentionally dismantled all capacity for medical survival” through bombing hospitals, killing doctors, blocking aid, and destroying basic infrastructure necessary for health and sanitation. Their report asserts that Israel has created “conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of Palestinians in Gaza.”
These organisations explicitly framed their findings within the Genocide Convention of 1948, referencing its legal criteria. They argued that the killing of civilians, the infliction of serious bodily and mental harm, and the deliberate creation of unliveable conditions in Gaza were not just excesses of war, but crimes of intent. Israeli officials’ public declarations, including that of Defence Minister Israel Katz who vowed “no electricity, no food, no fuel” for Gaza, were cited as evidence of genocidal purpose. Smotrich's invocation of biblical war against Amalek and calls to 'wipe out Gaza' reinforce this framing. This was not a case of rogue actors. It was a policy choice, executed systematically and defended at the highest levels.
The gravity of these reports lies not only in their content, but in their source. For decades, accusations of genocide were made by Palestinians, Global South nations, UN experts, or international NGOs — voices easily dismissed by Israel’s defenders as biased or antisemitic. Now, the accusers are internal. They are Israeli. And they speak not in anger, but in grief and clarity. B’Tselem’s Director, Hagai El-Ad, summarised the moment by stating: “We were told ‘Never Again.’ But what if ‘Never Again’ has become ‘Not Us’? Our silence would be complicity.”
Among the most damning elements of the reports is the documentation of starvation as a weapon. The war of hunger is not an unintended outcome; it is an intentional campaign. B’Tselem and PHRI confirm what has been widely reported: Gaza is being starved by design. The destruction of agricultural infrastructure, the blockade on humanitarian aid, and the bombing of supply convoys are not accidents. They are deliberate tactics to bring about societal collapse.
Since October 2023, Israeli military strategy has systematically targeted the foundations of life. Bakeries were bombed within the first week. Water desalination plants, the only clean water sources for hundreds of thousands, were destroyed. Livestock pens and greenhouses were flattened. Fishermen were shot for attempting to feed their families. By early 2024, Gaza’s food production capacity had dropped below 5% of pre-war levels.
According to the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organization, Gaza’s food system has completely collapsed. A third of the population now goes entire days without eating. Middle East Eye has documented over 150 starvation-related deaths, primarily among children and the elderly as well as detailed investigations into the acute shortage of baby formula, with hospitals confirming that tens of thousands of infants are at risk. Quds News has reported that even approved aid trucks are attacked or looted, often by Israeli settlers operating with impunity.
Médicins Sans Frontières reports that one in four children and pregnant women are now malnourished. Hospitals without electricity or medicine are unable to treat the starvation cases that arrive at their doors in waves. Children die before their parents’ eyes, and the only thing more abundant than grief is the certainty that more will follow.
Social media now serves as an unfiltered archive of these atrocities. Images of skeletal infants, bombed aid convoys, and makeshift kitchens boiling water with grass are posted daily. Palestinian journalists, working at enormous risk, livestream the collapse of life. In contrast, Western mainstream media couches these visuals in euphemism — “deteriorating conditions,” “complex humanitarian environment,” “disputed claims.” But the raw footage defies euphemism and the drivel for what passes for their journalism isn’t fit to be compared to the real thing produced by people suffering as much as the people around them are.
This documentation, of what has come out within Israel now from B’Tselem and PHRI especially, challenges the conventional division between combatants and civilians. It shows clearly that the siege targets the entire population. The war is not against Hamas. It is against food. Against milk. Against survival.
The credibility of these accusations is amplified by the identity of the accusers. B’Tselem, founded in 1989, has spent decades documenting the abuses of Israel’s occupation. It was among the first to label Israel’s regime as apartheid, years before Amnesty and Human Rights Watch echoed the term. PHRI, established in 1988, has long exposed the health inequalities suffered by Palestinians under occupation and blockade. These are not radical entities. They are deeply embedded in Israeli society, supported by European funders, and respected by international bodies.
Their history is one of meticulous documentation and cautious language. That they have now chosen to use the term genocide signals a profound shift. This is not the rhetoric of outrage, but the precision of legal and moral certainty. They are not activists screaming into the void. They are experts holding up a mirror to their own state — and to the world that enables it.
Their findings have already begun to influence international legal mechanisms. The International Court of Justice, in the case brought by South Africa, has already found the accusation of genocide to be plausible. These new reports from within Israel itself strengthen that case immeasurably. They transform the charge from an external critique to an internal reckoning.
The moral weight of this accusation is compounded by the identity of the perpetrator. Israel was founded as a sanctuary for Jews after the Holocaust — a genocide that still defines international consciousness. To accuse that state of committing genocide against another people is not just politically incendiary. It is existential, for its accuracy.
This contradiction is increasingly visible. Israeli leaders evoke Holocaust memory to justify their actions, while simultaneously deploying siege and extermination tactics against a trapped civilian population. The phrase “Never Again” has been hollowed out and inverted. “Never Again to us” becomes “Not Now, Not Here, Not Us” — a weaponised memory that permits any act done in the name of Jewish safety, even if it means committing the very acts once committed against them.
And yet, it is Jewish Israeli voices now saying: we are committing genocide because not everyone in Israel is as depraved as those in positions of power. This is not a betrayal, it is a desperate effort to reclaim the ethical core that Zionism has abandoned, that Zionism is incapable of by its very nature. B’Tselem and PHRI, along with diaspora Jewish groups like Jewish Voice for Peace and Na’amod, represent a civil courage that insists on universal dignity, not ethnic supremacy.
The Israeli government’s response to these reports has been predictably swift and vindictive. Far-right ministers have called for the defunding and criminalisation of B’Tselem and PHRI. Accusations of treason have been levelled. Office raids, cyber-attacks, and physical threats have escalated. Pro-government media has published the personal details of staff, leading to bomb threats and harassment.
New legislation is being rushed through the Knesset to classify these organisations as “foreign agents,” a label designed to delegitimise and eventually dismantle them. This is a state not just committing genocide, but actively silencing those who dare to name it.
The assault on civil society is not limited to these two organisations. Journalists, lawyers, and academics who echo the genocide charge face professional and personal ruin. The repression is systemic, not sporadic. And it mirrors the very tactics being used in Gaza: isolation, suffocation, and erasure.
The implications for the international community are profound. Western governments that have shielded Israel from accountability now face the consequences of their alignment. The United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and others have provided weapons, intelligence, and diplomatic cover. They have blocked ceasefire resolutions, dismissed UN findings, and vilified those who protest.
These new reports render such denial untenable though. The accusation now comes from within Israel. It is no longer possible to pretend ignorance or neutrality. To continue supporting Israel militarily or diplomatically is to be complicit in genocide. Legal scholars are already warning that the Genocide Convention obliges states not only to refrain from genocide, but to prevent and punish it. Failure to act now opens the door to future prosecutions not just of Israeli leaders, but of their enablers abroad.
The accusation of genocide is the most serious charge a state can face. That it has now been made by Israeli organisations against their own government marks a turning point. That this is no longer a rhetorical escalation, but a factual one. The evidence is overwhelming. The intent is clear. The consequences are already unfolding in the bodies of starving children and the silence of bombed hospitals.
To witness genocide and do nothing is to be complicit. The question is no longer whether genocide is occurring, people within Israel itself have said it and evidenced it too. The question is whether we will allow it to continue. The world has been told, by Israelis themselves, that their state is committing the crime of all crimes.
Governments must end arms transfers, suspend trade agreements, and initiate sanctions. Institutions must cut ties with complicit companies. Citizens must organise, divest, boycott, and speak out because if this is the moment when genocide becomes normalised — livestreamed, footnoted, rationalised — then the future of international law is already dead and buried.
Something that is certainly dead and buried though as a result of israel’s actions, demonstrated not just in there here and now but for decades of their apartheid actions is the notion of the two party state, but what should a one party state look like and how do we get there, a question more relevant than ever now in light of the intervention by B’Tselem and the PHRI, so check out this video recommendation therefore as your suggested next watch.
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