The Israeli Port That Died—and the Ship Finally That Sank It

2 months ago
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Right, so for a group once dismissed as a bunch of desert-dwelling rebels, Yemen's Ansarullah movement—better known as the Houthis—have achieved what no Arab force has done in decades: they have effectively shut down an Israeli port. The port of Eilat—once a major hub and strategic back door to Israeli maritime commerce—it is now silent. Cranes hang idle. Dockworkers have been laid off. Tankers and other commercial ships avoid it like a plague if they have any sense and this week of course we’ve seen some pay for not having any and the reverberations of those actions and the ongoing shutdown of this port are very much still being felt in Israel’s wallet.
The Houthis' Red Sea blockade evolved from symbolic resistance with drones and dinghies to deadly enforcement now, culminating in the recent sinking of a second ship this week after the Magic Seas and the Eternity C. Their actions have had dramatic wider implications for Israel, the global maritime order, and the perception of non-state actors in modern warfare and they’ve no intention of stopping yet until Israel does.
Right, so in the immediate aftermath of Israel's brutal onslaught on Gaza following October 7, 2023, the Houthis declared a naval blockade of Israeli-bound shipping in the Red Sea. Initially, this campaign relied on symbolic gestures if we cast our minds back—drone flyovers, some GPS jamming, and warning shots from rubber boats. The seizure of the Galaxy Leader, a car carrier linked to an Israeli billionaire, marked the beginning of more aggressive enforcement though and the Houthis stepping up and raising their game.
Over time, the Houthis escalated their strategies further. The blockade became more than a warning; it transformed into a credible threat. The group increasingly used drones and missiles, often in conjunction with each other to disable or deter ships suspected of trading with Israel and even taking on US warships, succeeding in driving them off and stories of such a ship being sunk by the Houthis continue to persist to this day, not least because Donald Trump himself has alluded to it. A ceasefire earlier this year resulted in a temporary lull emerging amid indirect ceasefire talks facilitated by Oman and the UN. However, following renewed Israeli airstrikes on Rafah and the failure of ceasefire negotiations, Israel’s words when it comes to ceasefires being largely worthless as they abuse them with impunity, the Houthis resumed their attacks with greater ferocity when all of that collapsed.
Iran's support, both ideological and material, though increasingly independent from the Houthis as both sides will say still played a significant role in enhancing Houthi capabilities. Tehran has provided missile technology, drone expertise, and intelligence sharing, making Ansarullah an integral part of the so-called "Axis of Resistance," they are still Iranian allies, they still very much lent their support during the 12 day Israel-Iran conflict.
But coming up to the here and now, this campaign had moved beyond harassment and into a sustained war of attrition. The Houthis in the last week have struck and sank two vessels: the Magic Seas and the Eternity C and done so with intent, previous strikes on shipping had resulted in the sinking of the Rubymar previously in March of last and this was not though to have intentional, but following that attack in June of last year, the MV Tutor was also struck and sank as a result of the attacks. Where two sinkings a year to 15 months ago can arguably be said to have been unintended consequences of Houthis strikes, the same can’t be said now, these latest sinkings were no longer protest—they were punishment.
The Magic Seas was a Liberian-Flagged, Greek-managed vessel transporting fertiliser from China to Turkey. It failed to stop upon being ordered to do so by the Houthis, and was attacked. The crew abandoned ship, were rescued by the Houthis, its alleged they are still holding 6 of the crew, its unclear why, but the Houthis then did something different – they attached explosives to the hull of the ship and intentionally sank it.
Days later, the Eternity C, again a Liberian-flagged, Greek-managed vessel, was reportedly en route to Israel's Eilat port. Houthis claimed the ship had therefore violated their declared blockade, though they have also claimed justification because other vessels owned by the same owners were visiting Israeli ports still, this was also the justification cited for the sinking of Magic Seas, so these strikes remain in keeping with the Houthis stated directive. This strike is alleged to have killed at least five sailors, left others missing, and led to accusations of hostage-taking. Eyewitness accounts describe multiple drone impacts followed by sea-borne explosive devices, suggesting a coordinated attack of military precision.
In their public statements, the Houthis framed these actions as a necessary escalation in defence of the people of Gaza. Their spokesperson stated that any ship headed toward Israeli ports or owned by entities who’s other vessels are doing so, must consider themselves a legitimate target until the genocide in Gaza ceases.
Legally, however, the matter is contentious. Under international maritime law, civilian vessels are protected from attack unless directly involved in hostilities. The Houthis claim that Eilat is a dual-use port supporting Israel’s war on Gaza, and that all logistical channels supplying the Israeli war machine are thus complicit. This logic echoes past justifications used by major powers during wartime—but its application by a non-state actor like the Houthis tends to invite media double standards.
Critics, including the EU naval task force and international legal analysts, argue the attack breaches the principle of distinction and proportionality. Without clear evidence the vessel was transporting military cargo or Israeli-bound supplies, the sinking risks classification as an act of piracy or terrorism under maritime law. Furthermore, the presence of multinational civilian crew members, as was certainly the case on the Eternity C, complicates the legal and ethical assessment.
Still, supporters of the Houthis argue that in the absence of any international accountability for Israeli war crimes, at least somebody is doing something about it, that such asymmetric responses are inevitable, if not legally defensible and that’s a question of who’s laws exactly and which ones and whether they are negated by moral and ethical case for action that the Houthis have laid out, certainly under international law, but all that aside, much of it remains at least morally understandable.
Once envisioned as a geopolitical gateway to Africa and Asia, Eilat has become a symbol of Israel's vulnerability. According to Reuters, activity at the port had dropped by 85% by December of 2023, following the blockade having come into force just the month before. By mid-2025, such economic damage unsustainable, the port authority of Eilat have declared bankruptcy, and at least half of its workforce had already been laid off. Hotel occupancy rates fell by 70%, and local businesses in Eilat have seen revenue collapse by more than 60%.
The port’s economic collapse has had a domino effect. Tourism in Eilat has plummeted due to missile threats, restricted access, and the absence of foreign investment, though this is a picture replicated across Israel. Small businesses have shuttered. Trade volume through Israel’s southern corridor has basically ceased. Insurance premiums for Red Sea-bound ships have soared to record highs.
The Israeli government’s efforts to divert shipping to Ashdod and Haifa have been partially successful but logistically limited. Neither port was built to handle the cargo originally routed through Eilat. This disruption has further stressed national logistics, particularly in energy and agriculture.
The closure of Eilat is not an isolated blow. As Brookings and Al Jazeera have reported, Israel's broader economy is in crisis. War expenditures exceed $600 million per week. GDP has shrunk massively too. High-tech investment has declined sharply. Major projects, including Intel's expansion plans, have been shelved.
Mass mobilisation of reservists has created significant labour shortages, particularly in construction, agriculture, and transport. In no small part is that why the US are currently rebuilding Israel for it in the aftermath of the strikes from Iran – they can rebuild Israel, but not Gaza, good look guys.
Israel’s international credit rating has been downgraded, with Moody’s citing "increased geopolitical instability and sustained fiscal pressure." Meanwhile, bond yields have reached their highest levels in over a decade, further straining the public budget. The Israeli shekel has depreciated, inflation is rising, and consumer confidence is falling. The cumulative effects of war, blockade, and isolation are taking their toll and the Houthis, for as long as they have been attacking Israel have been no small part of that.
In fact they have increasingly become a part of that. They are of course no longer confined to disrupting just maritime routes, the Houthis now pose a direct threat to Israeli infrastructure, having found their mark on targets as far north as Haifa. Their targets have also included the Ashdod port and southern energy facilities, as well as Ben Gurion airport being a favoured target, all part of their declared war on Israeli air travel, a blockade of the skies as well as the seas.
The psychological effect of these strikes have been significant too. Sirens over Tel Aviv create a sense of siege, reminiscent of the early days of the Gaza war. Tourism, already decimated, has ground to a halt. International flights have been delayed or rerouted. Businesses are reassessing risk exposure in Israeli markets.
The Houthis have demonstrated an ability to coordinate missile launches across thousands of kilometres, evading Israeli and US surveillance. This capability, arguably based on Iranian technology, but very much produced on Yemeni soil now underscores the growing sophistication of a force that has for too long been unjustifiably underestimated.
Initially, the Houthis enjoyed widespread sympathy across the Arab world and parts of the Global South and they basically still do. Their campaign is seen as a bold, asymmetric response to Israel's impunity in Gaza. But recent escalations, particularly these two most recent sinkings, the deliberateness of those strikes and the fatalities that have certainly been caused in the most recent one, risk shifting the narrative and give their critics ammunition against them, certainly in the West.
Right now though, many continue to view the Houthis as part of a broader anti-colonial, anti-Zionist struggle. Their ability to resist overwhelming military pressure and exact tangible costs from Israel has elevated their standing among resistance movements.
Much of the crisis was avoidable. Had Israel accepted ceasefire proposals, lifted its blockade of Gaza, and stopped its airstrikes, the Houthis would have lacked justification and in fact they have said themselves, that is what they want in order to cease their blockade and strikes. Diplomacy could have shielded Eilat from becoming a warzone, from going bust, and its Israel’s leaders trhat must reckon with the people in that area, who’s livelihoods have now gone.
The Houthis, for their part, could have maintained a non-lethal campaign. Seizing ships, diverting traffic, and enforcing symbolic sanctions that would have preserved legitimacy, but would that have made any difference? You have to wonder when Netanyahu is the man in charge.
The international community, particularly the West, failed to act decisively too, things could have been different if they had taken a leaf out of the Houthis books instead of attacking them. Its reluctance to hold Israel accountable created a vacuum in which non-state actors such as the Houthis felt empowered to enforce justice themselves as they see fit. Egypt and Saudi Arabia, both heavily invested in Red Sea stability, also missed an opportunity to lead a regional de-escalation, but that has more to do with their own pro Israel business dealings. It’s this inherent pro Israel selfishness pervading that is driving so much of this and the Houthis stand alone in saying we’re not having it and if nobody else is going to deal with Israel in relation to committing a literal genocide, then we will and shame on everyone just sitting there watching, going double for those daring to criticise or attack the Houthis for doing what they choose not to.
The shutdown of Eilat is not a footnote; it is a turning point. It reveals Israel’s vulnerabilities. It exposes the limitations of international law when too few choose to enact it. It forces a reckoning with the moral ambiguity of asymmetric resistance versus those failing to use laws in place to prevent these worst of crimes.
The Eternity C and Magic Seas now rest beneath the Red Sea, ghostly symbols of what happens when diplomacy fails and violence becomes normalised. The Houthis have proven that ports can be shut without fleets, that missiles can shape diplomacy when diplomacy and the rule of law.
But if they continue to kill civilians, such as those lost on the Eternity C, they will squander their moral authority. And if Israel continues its assault on Gaza, it will invite more warfare it cannot win. They cannot beat the Houthis militarily, not even with US assistance, they certainly can’t stop the economic damage still ongoing as a result either.
For more on the sinking of that other vessel, the Magic Seas, and such actions becoming less about accidental sinkings at the Houthis to a transition to intent, check out that story in this video recommendation here as your suggested next watch.
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