Other Worlds: The Turner Diaries Chapter 14 A Puke (TM) Audiobook

Chapter Fourteen.

March 24, 1993. Today I was tried on the charge of
Oathbreaking-the most serious offense with which a member of the
Order can be charged. It was a harrowing experience, but I knew it
was coming, and I am enormously relieved to have it behind me,
despite the outcome.
All during the months in my prison cell, I agonized over the
question: Did I, by failing to kill myself before I was captured,
break my Oath to the Order? I must have reviewed in my mind a
hundred times the circumstances of my capture and the subsequent
events, trying to convince myself that my behavior had been
blameless, that I had fallen alive into the hands of my captors
through no fault of my own. Today I related the whole sequence of
events to a jury of my peers.
The summons came this morning, via radio, and I knew
immediately what it was for, although I was surprised at the
address to which I was ordered to report: one of the newest and
largest office buildings in downtown Washington. As an attractive
receptionist ushered me into a conference room in a large suite of
law offices, my apprehension was mixed with gratitude for the
three-day period of recuperation I had been allowed since the
breakout.
I had just slipped into the robe which I found waiting for me on a
coat-rack, when another door opened and eight other robed and
hooded figures walked into the room and silently took seats around
a large table. The last of the eight had his hood pushed back, and I
recognized the familiar features of Major Williams.
The proceedings were brisk and bathed in an air of formality.
After a little more than an hour of questioning, I was told to wait in
a smaller, adjoining room. I waited there for nearly three hours.
When the others had finally finished discussing my case and had
reached a decision, I was summoned back into the conference
room.

While I stood at one end of the table, Major Williams,
seated at the other end, announced the verdict. His words, to the
extent I can remember them, were as follows:
"Earl Turner, we have weighed your performance as a member of
this Order on two grounds, and we have found you wanting on
both.
"First, in your conduct immediately prior to the police raid in
which you were seized and imprisoned, you gave evidence of a
shocking lack of maturity and sound judgment. Your indiscretion
in visiting the girl in Georgetown-an act which, although not
specifically forbidden, was not within the realm of your assigned
duties-led directly to a situation in which you and the members of
your unit were placed in extreme jeopardy, and a valuable facility
was lost to the Organization.
"Because of this failure of judgment on your part, your period as
a probationary member of the Order is being extended for six
months. Furthermore, your time as a prisoner will not count as a
part of your probation. Therefore, you will not be permitted the rite
of Union before March of next year, at the earliest.
"We find, however, that your conduct prior to the police raid does
not constitute a violation of your Oath."
I breathed an inaudible sigh of relief upon hearing this last
statement. But then Williams continued, with a grimmer note in his
voice:
"The fact that you were taken alive by the political police and
remained alive during nearly a month of interrogation is a far more
serious matter.
"In swearing your Oath, you consecrated your life to the service
of the Order. You undertook to place your duty to the Order ahead
of all other things, including the preservation of your life, at all
times. You accepted this obligation willingly and with the
knowledge that, for the duration of our struggle, it entails a very
substantial possibility of your actually having to give up your life
in order to avoid breaking your Oath.

"And you were specifically warned against falling alive into the
hands of the political police and were given the means to avoid this.
Yet you did fall into their hands and remained alive. The
information they extracted from you seriously hampered the work
of the Organization in this area and placed many of your comrades
in very grave danger.
"We understand, of course, that you did not make a conscious
decision to violate your Oath. We have carefully looked into the
circumstances of your capture, and we are aware of the
interrogation techniques the political police now use against our
people. If you were merely a soldier in any other army in the
world, you would be held blameless.
"But the Order is not like any other army. We have claimed for
ourselves the right to decide the fate of all our people and,
eventually, to rule the world in accord with our principles. If we
are to be worthy of this right, then we must be willing to accept the
responsibility which goes with it.
"Each day we make decisions and carry out actions which result
in the deaths of White persons, many of them innocent of any
offense which we consider punishable. We are willing to take the
lives of these innocent persons, because a much greater harm will
ultimately befall our people if we fail to act now. Our criterion is
the ultimate good of our race. We can apply no lesser criterion to
ourselves.
"Indeed, we must be much sterner with ourselves than with
others. We must maintain for ourselves a standard of conduct
much higher than we demand of the general public or even of
ordinary members of the Organization. In particular, we must
never accept the idea, born of the sickness of our era, that a good
excuse for nonperformance of a duty is a satisfactory substitute for
performance.

"For us, there can be no excuses. Either we perform our duty, or
we do not. If we do not, we need no excuse; we simply accept the
responsibility for failure. And if there is a penalty, we accept that
too. The penalty for Oath-breaking is death."
The room was perfectly still, but I could hear a buzzing in my
ears, and the floor seemed to sway under my feet.
I stood in stunned silence until Williams began speaking again, this time in a
somewhat softer voice:
"The duty of this tribunal is clear, Earl Turner. We must act in
your case in such a way that every member of this Order who may,
at some time in the future, find himself in circumstances similar to
yours during the police raid on your headquarters, will know that
death is inevitable if he cannot avoid capture-either an honorable
death by his own hand or a less-than-honorable death at the hands
of his comrades later. There must be no
temptation for him to avoid his duty, in the hope that a 'good
excuse' later will preserve his life.
"Some of us here today have argued that this consideration-
setting a firm example for others - should be the sole determinant
of your fate. But others of us have argued that, because you had
not yet achieved full membership in this Order at the time in
question- because you had not yet participated in the rite of Union-
your conduct can be reasonably judged by a different standard than
would be applied to someone who had completed his probationary
period and achieved Union.
"Our decision has not been easy, but now you must hear it and
you must abide by it. First, you must satisfactorily complete your
extended period of probation. Then, at some time after the end of
that period, you will be permitted Union-but only on a conditional
basis, something we have never allowed before. The condition will
be that you undertake a mission whose successful completion can
reasonably be expected to result in your death.

"Unfortunately, we are all too often presented with the painful
task of assigning such 'suicide missions' to our members, when we
can find no other way to achieve a necessary goal. In your case,
such a mission will serve two ends.
"If you complete it successfully, the act of completion will
remove the condition from your Union. Then, even though you die,
you will continue to live in us and in our successors for as long as
our Order endures, just as with any other member who achieves
Union and then loses his life. And if, by some chance, you should survive your mission, you may then take your place in our ranks
with no stain on your record. Do you understand everything I have
said?"
I nodded, and answered: "Yes, I understand, and I accept your
judgment without reservation. It is just and proper. I have never
expected to survive the struggle in which we are now engaged, and
I am grateful that I will be allowed to make a further contribution
to it. I am also grateful that the prospect of Union remains before
me."
March 25. Today Henry came over, and he, Bill, and I had a long
talk. Henry is heading for the West Coast tomorrow, and he
wanted to help Bill fill me in on the developments of the past year
before he leaves. Apparently he will be engaged in training new
recruits and handling some of the Organization's other internal
functions in the Los Angeles area, where we are especially strong.
When he greeted me he showed me the Sign, and I knew that he
had also become a member of the Order.
In essence, what I learned today is what I had already concluded
in my prison cell: the Organization has shifted the main thrust of
its attacks from tactical, personal targets to strategic, economic
targets. We are no longer trying to destroy the System directly, but
are now concentrating on undermining the general public's support
for the System.

I have felt for a long time that this change is necessary.
Apparently two things forced Revolutionary Command to the same
conclusion: the fact that we were not recruiting enough new
members to make up our losses in the war of attrition against the
System, and the fact that neither our blows against the System nor
the System's increasingly repressive responses to those blows were
having any really decisive effect on the public's attitude toward the
System.
The first factor was mandatory. We simply could not keep up our
level of activity against the System as our casualties steadily mounted,
even if we wanted to. Henry estimated that the total
number of our front-line combat troops for the whole country-
those ready and able to use knife, gun, or bomb against the
System-had declined to a low point of about 400 persons last
summer. Our front-line troops make up only about a fourth of the
Organization's membership, and they have been suffering a greatly
disproportionate casualty rate.
So, the Organization was forced to de-escalate the level of the
war temporarily, while we still preserved a strong enough nucleus
for another approach. Our whole strategy against the System was
failing.
It was failing because the great bulk of White Americans were
not responding to the situation in the way we had hoped they
would. That is, we had counted on a positive, imitative response to
our "propaganda of the deed," but it was not forthcoming.
We had hoped that when we set the example of resisting the
System's tyranny, others would resist too. We had hoped that by
making dramatic strikes against top System personalities and
important System facilities, we would inspire Americans
everywhere to initiate similar actions of their own. But, for the
most part, the bastards just sat on their asses.

Sure, a dozen or so synagogues were burned, and there was an
overall rise in the level of politically motivated violence, but it was
generally misdirected and ineffective. Without organization such
activities have little value, unless they are very widespread and can
be sustained over a long period.
And the System's response to the Organization irritated many
people and caused a lot of grumbling, but it didn't even come close
to provoking a rebellion. Tyranny, we have discovered, just isn't all
that unpopular among the American people.
What is really precious to the average American is not his
freedom or his honor or the future of his race, but his pay check.
He complained when the System began busing his kids to Black
schools 20 years ago, but he was allowed to keep his station wagon
and his fiberglass speedboat, so he didn't fight.
He complained when they took away his guns five years ago, but
he still had his color TV and his backyard barbeque, so he didn't
fight.
And he complains today when the Blacks rape his women at will
and the System makes him show an identity pass to buy groceries
or pick up his laundry, but he still has a full belly most of the time,
so he won't fight.
He hasn't an idea in his head that wasn't put there by his TV set.
He desperately wants to be "well adjusted" and to do and think and
say exactly what he thinks is expected of him. He has become, in
short, just what the System has been trying to make of him these
past 50 years or so: a mass-man; a member of the great,
brainwashed proletariat; a herd animal; a true democrat.
That, unfortunately, is our average White American. We can wish
that it weren't so, but it is. The plain, horrible truth is that we have
been trying to evoke a heroic spirit of idealism which just isn't
there any more. It has been washed right out of 99 per cent of our
people by the flood of Jewish-materialist propaganda in which they
have been submerged practically all their lives.

As for the last one per cent, there are various reasons why they
aren't doing us much good. Some, of course, are too ornery to work
within the confines of the Organization-or any organized group;
they can only "do their own thing," as a number, in fact, are. The
others may still have different ideas of their own, or they simply
may not have been able to make contact with us since we were
forced underground. Eventually we could recruit most of these, but
we no longer have the time.
What the Organization began doing about six months ago is
treating Americans realistically, for the first time-namely, like a
herd of cattle. Since they are no longer capable of responding to an
idealistic appeal, we began appealing to things they can
understand: fear and hunger.
We will take the food off their tables and empty their
refrigerators. We will rob the System of its principal hold over
them. And, when they begin getting hungry, we will make them fear us more than they fear the System. We will treat them exactly
the way they deserve to be treated.
I don't know why we held back from this approach for so long.
We have had the example of decades of guerrilla warfare in Africa,
Asia, and Latin America to instruct us. In every case the guerrillas
won by making the people fear them, not love them. By publicly
torturing to death village leaders who opposed them and by
carrying out brutal massacres of entire village populations which
refused to feed them, they inspired such terror in neighboring
villages that everyone was afraid to refuse them what they asked.
We Americans observed all this but failed to apply the lesson to
ourselves. We regarded-correctly-all those non-Whites as mere
herds of animals and were not surprised that they behaved as they
did. But we regarded ourselves-incorrectly- as something better.

There was a time when we were better-and we are fighting to
insure that there will be such a time again-but for now we are
merely a herd, being manipulated through our basest instincts by a
pack of clever aliens. We have sunk to the point where we no
longer hate our oppressors or try to fight them; we merely fear
them and attempt to curry favor with them.
So be it. We will suffer grievously for having allowed ourselves
to fall under the Jewish spell.
We stopped wasting our resources in small-scale terror attacks
and shifted to large-scale attacks on carefully selected economic
targets: power stations, fuel depots, transportation facilities, food
sources, key industrial plants. We do not expect to bring down the
already creaky American economic structure immediately, but we
do expect to cause a number of localized and temporary
breakdowns, which will gradually have a cumulative effect on the
whole public.
Already a sizable portion of the public has been made to realize
that it will not be allowed to sit back and watch the war on TV in
safety and comfort. In Houston, for example, hundreds of
thousands went for nearly two weeks without electricity last
September. The food in their refrigerators and freezers quickly spoiled, as did the perishables in their supermarkets. There were
two major food riots by hungry Houstonians before the Army was
able to set up enough relief stations to handle everyone.
In one instance Federal troops shot 26 persons in a mob trying to
storm a government food depot, and then the Organization got
another riot started with the rumor that the emergency rations the
government was handing out were contaminated with botulism.
Houston isn't back to normal yet, with most of the city still subject
to a staggered six-hour-a-day power blackout.

In Wilmington we put half the city on the dole by blowing up two
big DuPont plants. And we turned the lights off for half of New
England when we knocked out that power-generating station just
outside Providence.
The electronics manufacturer we hit in Racine wasn't very big,
but he was the sole supplier of certain key components for other
manufacturers all across the country. By torching his plant, we
eventually caused twenty others to shut down.
The effects of these actions are not decisive yet, but, if we can
keep it up, they will be. The public reaction has already convinced
us of that.
That reaction can certainly not be considered friendly to us, on
the whole. In Houston a mob took two prisoners-suspects arrested
for questioning in one of the bombings-away from the police and
tore them limb from limb. Fortunately, they were not our people-
just two hapless fellows who were in the wrong place at the wrong
time.
And the conservatives, of course, have redoubled their squawking
and cackling that we're ruining all chances for an improvement in
conditions by "provoking" the government with our violence.
What the conservatives mean when they talk of an "improvement"
is a stabilization of the economy and another round of concessions
to the Blacks, so that everyone can return to consuming in
multiracial comfort.
But we learned long ago not to count our enemies, only our friends.
And the number of the latter is growing now. Henry
indicated that we have increased nearly 50 per cent in membership
since last summer. Apparently our new strategy has knocked a lot
of spectators off the fence-some on our side and some on the other.
Perceptive people are beginning to realize that they won't be able
to sit this war out. We are forcing them into the front lines, where
they must choose sides and participate, whether they like it or not.