TheMemoryHole1

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In military organizations, a pathfinder is a specialized soldier inserted or dropped into place in order to set up and operate drop zones, pickup zones, and helicopter landing sites for airborne operations, air resupply operations, or other air operations in support of the ground unit commander. Pathfinders first appeared in World War II, and continue to serve an important role in today's modern armed forces, providing commanders with the option of flexibly employing air assets. There were a group of pilots who were also designated pathfinders. They flew C-47 (DC-3) aircraft and were the lead planes followed by paratroop transports, used for dropping paratroopers into designate drop zones such as on D day, the Normandy Invasion.[1] History United Kingdom During the Second World War small groups of parachute soldiers were formed into pathfinder units, to parachute ahead of the main force. Their tasks were to mark the drop zones (DZ) or landing zones (LZ), set up radio beacons as a guide for the aircraft carrying the main force and to clear and protect the area as the main force arrived. The units were formed into two companies to work with the two British airborne divisions created during the war, the 1st and 6th. Paratroopers of 3 Platoon, 21st Independent Parachute Company, assemble at RAF Fairford, Gloucestershire in preparation for Operation Market Garden, September 1944. The 21st Independent Parachute Company was formed in June 1942 and became part of the 1st Airborne Division, then commanded by Major General Frederick "Boy" Browning, considered to be the father of the British Army's airborne forces.[2] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company was raised in May 1943 and was part of the 6th Airborne Division, under the command of Major General Richard "Windy" Gale.[3] During the Allied invasion of Sicily (codenamed 'Operation Husky') the 21st Independent Parachute Company parachuted ahead of the main force during Operation Fustian to capture the Primosole Bridge on the night of 13/14 July 1943. They then took part in Operation Slapstick, part of the Allied invasion of Italy, landing by sea at Taranto on 9 September. The company, with most of the rest of the 1st Airborne Division, after fighting briefly in the early stages of the Italian Campaign, returned to the United Kingdom in December 1943, but left an independent platoon behind in Italy to work with the 2nd Independent Parachute Brigade Group. Held in reserve and unused for the Allied Operation Overlord, the invasion of Normandy, the company took part in Operation Market Garden, landing at the Dutch town of Arnhem on the night of 17 September 1944. After marking the DZs and LZs the company was trapped with the rest of the division in the Oosterbeek Perimeter, suffering heavy casualties in what is now known as the Battle of Arnhem.[4] The company did not see any further action in the war.[2] Paratroopers of the 22nd Independent Parachute Company with their toy mascot 'Pegasus' at RAF Harwell, Berkshire, preparing for Operation Tonga the initial airborne element of Overlord, 5 June 1944. Towards the end of the war the 21st Independent Parachute Company went with the 1st Airborne Division as part of Operation Doomsday to disarm the German forces in Norway between May and October 1945. It was then attached to the 6th Airborne Division serving in Mandate Palestine where it was still serving in September 1946, when it was disbanded.[2] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company were the lead elements of the 6th Airborne Division's drop into Normandy as part of Operation Tonga in the early hours of D-Day, 6 June 1944.[5] The company, together with the rest of the division, remained in Normandy, acting as standard line infantry, until the 6th Airborne Division advanced to the River Seine in August, returning to England in September but was sent to Belgium in December, due to the German Ardennes offensive, again fighting as standard infantrymen. The company then participated in Operation Varsity, the airborne component of Operation Plunder, the British assault crossing of the Rhine in late March 1945 and then the subsequent Western Allied invasion of Germany.[3] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company was sent with the 5th Parachute Brigade, part of the 6th Airborne Division but temporarily detached, to the Far East in mid-1945, remaining there until disbanded in July 1946.[3] Post war the Regular Army's parachute force was reduced to the 16th Parachute Brigade. To provide this formation with a pathfinder capacity the Guards Independent Parachute Company was formed in 1948 on the disbandment of Composite Guards Parachute Battalion.[6] The Company deployed on a wide variety of operations between 1948 and 1977. It was deployed to Borneo during the Borneo Confrontation where it was used provide reinforcement to the SAS and its professional performance resulted in the formation of G Sqn of that regiment in 1966.[7][8] The pathfinder role in the Territorial Army (TA), the British Army's part-time reserve, was continued by 16 (Lincoln) Independent Parachute Company[9] as part of 44th Parachute Brigade (V). The 16 Air Assault Brigade employs elite pathfinders in their Pathfinder Platoon. United States See also: United States Air Force Combat Control Team During World War II, the pathfinders were a group of volunteers selected within the Airborne units who were specially trained to operate navigation aids to guide the main airborne body to the drop zones. The pathfinder teams (sticks) were made up of a group of eight to twelve pathfinders and a group of six bodyguards whose job was to defend the pathfinders while they set up their equipment. The pathfinder teams dropped approximately thirty minutes before the main body in order to locate designated drop zones and provide radio and visual guides for the main force in order to improve the accuracy of the jump. These navigational aids included compass beacons, colored panels, Eureka radar sets, and colored smoke.[10] When they jumped, the pathfinders many times would encounter less resistance than the follow-up waves of paratroopers, simply because they had the element of surprise on their side.[10] Once the main body jumped, the pathfinders then joined their original units and fought as standard airborne infantry. World War II Early operations The first two U.S. airborne campaigns, the drops into French North Africa (Operation Torch) and on Sicily (Operation Husky) did not make use of pathfinders. The jump into North Africa, made up of men of the 509th Parachute Infantry Battalion (509th PIB), resulted in its men being scattered to places such as Algeria, Gibraltar, and Morocco when they ran into bad weather and got lost.[11] The next major airborne operation took place in the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. Many of the same problems were encountered, as the men were scattered as far as 65 miles from their drop zones, due to high winds and poor navigation.[11] In fact, some of the paratroopers landed so far off course that it was a matter of weeks before they finally found their way back to Allied lines.[11] In a history of the 509th PIB's wartime actions titled "Stand in the Door! The wartime history of the 509th Parachute Infantry," authors and 509th veterans Charles H. Doyle and Terrell Stewart described how their unit formed the first U.S. Army pathfinder unit. [General James] Gavin likes to claim credit for "inventing" Pathfinders, pointing to bad drops in Sicily as the cause. Let us set the record straight: The 509th, the world's most experienced bad drop specialists, first saw the need for them. Pathfinders were separate teams of "advance men" who jumped in ahead of main forces to set up beacons and other guides to incoming aircraft. The 509th's Scout Company was the first specialized Pathfinder group. In the U.S. Army, it started the training and experimentation necessary to develop the concept at Oujda. With fragments of practical knowledge from the British Airborne, company commander Captain Howland and his XO 1st Lt. Fred E. Perry worked hard to develop usable techniques. Perry recalls: "Everyone knew through hard experience that the Air Corps needed help to drop us on the correct drop zone. We organized the Scout Company for this purpose. This was later made into a Scout Platoon under my command, consisting of 10 enlisted and myself. We were equipped with a British homing radio and U.S. Navy Aldis lamps, which radiated a beam to guide planes. We trained on this procedure until the invasion at Salerno. In the meantime, the 82nd Airborne Division arrived from the States on May 10 and camped near the 509th at Oujda. We were attached to them. The 82nd would not buy our Scout Platoon idea, but they sure found out in a hurry after Sicily that we really had something that was needed. At the time, Major General Matthew Ridgway and his "All-American" staff thought they knew it all. Impressed with themselves, although they were not jumpers or experienced glider troopers, they airily dismissed the 509th and its fresh combat experiences, as well as any nonstandard/Limey concept. They would learn the hard way.[12] Sicily and Italy After the serious problems uncovered during the parachute drop in the Allied invasion of Sicily, the Allied high command questioned the utility of parachute infantry primarily because of the difficulty of dropping the infantry as cohesive units rather than as scattered groups. A review of procedures and methods resulted in the establishment of the pathfinder teams to aid navigation to drop zones. The pathfinder forces were only formed about a week in advance of the jump at Paestum, Italy, on September 13, 1943.[13] When the majority of the pathfinders landed directly on target, they were able to set up their radar sets and Krypton lights on the drop zone.[13] A quarter of an hour later, the main body of paratroopers from the 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment (504th PIR) landed right on the middle of the drop zone.[13] The same night, the newly formed pathfinder detachment from the 509th PIB saw their first action in that capacity at Avellino, Italy.[11] Compared to the successful pathfinders at Paestum, those of the 509th at Avellino had markedly less success. However, this was not their fault, as the mountainous terrain surrounding the area deflected the radar signals and caused the pilots to become disoriented.[13] Normandy U.S. Army pathfinders of the 2nd Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment (505th PIR), and C-47 Skytrain flight crew just before D-Day, June 1944 Airborne and pathfinder forces did not see combat again until June 6, 1944, at the commencement of the D-Day landings of Operation Overlord. Pathfinders taking part in the Allied parachute assault on Normandy, France, on June 6, 1944, were trained by the Pathfinder School at RAF North Witham (U.S. Army Air Force (USAAF) designation 'Army Air Force Station 479') Lincolnshire. At 21:30 on June 5, about 200 pathfinders began to take off from North Witham, for the French Cotentin Peninsula, in 20 Douglas C-47 Skytrain aircraft of the 9th Troop Carrier Command Pathfinder Group. They began to drop at 00:15 on June 6, to prepare the drop zones for the 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions. They were the first American troops on the ground on D-Day. However, their aircraft were scattered by low clouds and anti-aircraft fire. Many never found their assigned landing zones. Some of the landing zones were too heavily defended. Some were flooded. The low clouds and extremely intense anti-aircraft fire caused the pathfinder sticks to be dropped off course, with only one stick landing in the correct place (Ambrose, p. 196). Their radar beacons did work somewhat effectively; even though the pathfinders set up their equipment off course, many of the sticks of follow up paratroopers landed clustered near these beacons.[14] However, the lights proved ineffective, as most were not set up due to the clouds and misdrops of the pathfinders.[15] While the bad weather and heavy anti-aircraft curtailed the effectiveness of the pathfinder teams on D-Day, the overall airborne drop was a success. This was true because the misplacement and scattering of the airborne forces deceived the German High Command and, as happened in Sicily, convincing them that there were far more American paratroopers present than there actually were in France.[15] Southern France The invasion of the South of France took place on August 15, 1944, in the form of Operation Dragoon (Rottman, p. 80). The 509th PIB, the 517th Parachute Regimental Combat Team, and the 551st PIB formed the American airborne contingent of the invasion, dropping into the French Riviera in the early hours of the morning.[11] As had been the problem with previous night drops, such as Normandy, the pathfinders were misdropped when the planes carrying them got lost.[16] Further delays were encountered when these men had to find each other on the ground, work their way through a heavily wooded area near the town of Le Muy, and fight off German soldiers in the process.[13] Due to the ineffective placement of the pathfinders, the follow-up waves of paratroopers were not dropped in the right place either. This was further exacerbated by pilot error, as many of the pilots opted to drop their paratroopers at too high an altitude; the result was that these men were widely scattered.[13] An entire stick of men of the 509th PIB were dropped into the sea and drowned near St Tropez.[16] Much like the paratroopers in Normandy, however, the overall operation was a success as the paratroopers still managed to accomplish their missions and capture their objectives in conjunction with the seaborne landing forces.[13] Netherlands Operation Market Garden, the brainchild of British Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery, commander of the 21st Army Group, which took place on September 17, 1944, was the next major airborne operation into the Netherlands, the largest to date.[14] The mission of the airborne troops was to capture a series of bridges from Best in the south, to Arnhem (by the British 1st Airborne Division) in the north. This would then allow the ground element to cross the bridges in a rapid manoeuvre.[14] While the operation ultimately failed due to delays among the ground forces, the airborne divisions accomplished most of their missions; this was due in large part to the efforts of the pathfinder forces.[14] A combination of the drop taking place in broad daylight and that the Germans were not expecting an airborne attack allowed the pathfinders to land on target and guide in the rest of the paratroopers to the proper locations.[14] This is especially remarkable considering that the number of pathfinder sticks and the number of men in each stick were reduced to the bare minimum (one per drop zone) for this drop.[13] Battle of the Bulge During the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944, the 101st Airborne Division, along with elements of numerous other units, was trucked to the Belgian town of Bastogne in order to secure and defend the town which contained a major road junction. By December 22, 1944, the units defending the town were surrounded and running low on supplies. Two sticks of pathfinders of the 101st parachuted into besieged Bastogne to set up signal beacons to guide in a flight of planes to resupply the Allied units in that town; the resupply succeeded, thanks to the efforts of the pathfinders.[13] There were pathfinder trained personnel already in Bastogne, but they were unable to perform the pathfinder duty without the equipment that was parachuted in with the pathfinders. Into Germany A similar mission was carried out by the pathfinders of the 506th PIR at Prüm, Germany, on February 13, 1945.[13] Their objective was to set beacons to guide in planes to resupply the surrounded 4th Infantry Division, and they succeeded; this allowed the division to fight off the Germans surrounding them.[13] The only major airborne operation into Germany came on March 24, 1945, in the form of Operation Varsity, the crossing of the Rhine River by American, British and Canadian paratroopers.[13] Because it was another daylight drop (navigation should not be a problem) and that the drop zones were heavily defended, pathfinders were not dropped prior to the main paratrooper forces in this operation.[13] Instead, some set up beacons on the Allied side of the river, and others dropped with the main paratrooper force to set up smoke and panels as a final navigational aid.[13] The Pacific Theater There was a much lesser demand for pathfinders and airborne forces in general in the jungles and islands of the Pacific. The 511th PIR was the only Pacific based airborne unit to employ pathfinders, which it did in the Philippines.[13] They were used twice, at Tagaytay Ridge in early February 1945, and again on June 23, 1945.[13] However, neither time did they parachute in to mark the drop zones; rather, they infiltrated over a beach in one instance, and across a river in the other.[13] Needless to say, the pathfinders were used unconventionally in the Pacific Theater. Post–World War II The divisional pathfinder units of World War II were assigned to the subordinate parachute infantry regiments. In 1947, the first divisional pathfinder platoon was organized in the Headquarters Company, 82d Airborne Division. Pathfinders were also established in the 11th Airborne Division, at that time on occupation duty in Japan. Korean War The organizational structure of the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team included a Pathfinder Team; however, when the 187th conducted a parachute assault in October 1950 near the villages of Sukchon and Sunchon in North Korea, the commander, Brig. Gen. Frank S. Bowen, decided against using pathfinders on the jump. According to USAF Historical Study No. 71, "Bowen thought that the use of pathfinder teams to signal for resupply drops would have been valuable, but such teams, had they been employed to mark the initial jump areas, would have been killed before they got into action."[citation needed] Vietnam War See also: Military Assistance Command, Vietnam – Studies and Observations Group In Vietnam Pathfinder Infantrymen were inserted into areas to establish landing zones for air assaults or other helicopter operations. Pathfinders determined the most practical landing zones, withdrawal routes, approach lanes, and landing sites for helicopter assaults, in hostile areas.[17] They themselves would then often be extracted with helicopter McGuire rigs. The US Army's 11th Aviation Group landed in the country in August 1965, and while assigned to the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) expanded its Pathfinder unit to company size, creating the provisional 11th Pathfinder Company. While the 11th Pathfinder Company was assigned to the 1st Cavalry Division's reconnaissance section, units such as the 1st Infantry Division, 101st Airborne (Airmobile), 82nd Airborne (3rd Brigade), etc., operated Ranger or Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) companies within their reconnaissance elements.[18] The 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), which had deployed to Southeast Asia in September 1965, departed South Vietnam in April 1971. The 11th Aviation Group re-deployed from Southeast Asia in March 1973. The activities of the Pathfinder Platoon, HHC, 160th Aviation Group, 101st Airborne Division in Vietnam are covered in the book "Pathfinder: First In, Last Out" by the late Richard R. Burns, a veteran of the unit.[19] To date it is the only book covering pathfinders in Vietnam. Post–Vietnam Era In the post–Vietnam era the Army established pathfinder units in US-based aviation units, to include the 222d Aviation Battalion[20] in Alaska and the 6th Cavalry Brigade (Air Combat) at Fort Hood, TX. The Army also activated pathfinder units in both the Army Reserve and the National Guard. The first USAR unit was the 26th Infantry Platoon in Wichita, KS, which was formed with the lineage of a former Regular Army scout dog unit that had served in World War II and Korea. This was followed by the 27th Infantry Platoon in Grand Prairie, TX, which had no prior history, and the 5th Infantry Platoon, which carried the lineage of a former Regular Army pathfinder unit that had been assigned to Fort Rucker, AL, from 1963 to 1975, when it was expanded and reflagged as Company C (Pathfinder), 509th Infantry. In time the 54th Infantry Platoon was activated in Wenatchee, WA, and the 79th Infantry Platoon at Fort Douglas, UT. All were 22-man units with one officer, one NCOIC, an RTO for each, and three six-man teams. These were the USAR platoons, their locations and the commands to which they were assigned: 5th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Fort Meade, MD (97th ARCOM; administratively attached to HQ 11th SFGA and later assigned to HQ 31st Aviation Group) 26th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Wichita, KS (89th ARCOM) 27th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), NAS Dallas, Grand Prairie, TX (90th ARCOM) 54th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Wenatchee, WA 124th ARCOM) 79th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Fort Douglas, UT (96th ARCOM) The Army National Guard activated five pathfinder detachments. Its 1136th Infantry Detachment was formed using the assets of the Pathfinder Detachment, HQ 36th Airborne Brigade when the brigade was inactivated in April 1980. 28th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Fort Indiantown Gap, Annville, PA (28th Inf Div, PA ARNG) 76th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Stockton, CA (40th Inf Div, CA ARNG) 77th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Columbus, OH (73rd Inf Bde, OH ARNG) 667th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Saint Thomas, VI (VI ARNG) 1136th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Austin, TX (TX ARNG) Modern pathfinders Pathfinders exist in a number of armed forces around the world. Most of them are senior members of parachute units and have earned the right to wear the maroon beret. Belgium Belgium has a platoon of pathfinders that is special operations capable as part of the Special Operations Regiment. They are paracommandos that receive an extra pathfinder course at Schaffen. The Belgian pathfinders keep close ties with their Dutch and British counterparts, with whom they perform joint exercises.[21] Brazil Brazil has a company of pathfinders (Companhia de Precursores Pára-quedista) as part of the Parachute Infantry Brigade. This unit is tasked with the execution of missions that are common to this kind of force, but, often operate like a special forces group. Operating in covert intelligence gathering operations, direct action, and counter-guerrilla warfare. Member of this company take part in many operations in hot zones, like Rio de Janeiro, Haiti and Congo. The course of Brazilian pathfinders lasts six months, being one of the most difficult in Brazil, with an average of 10 approved. Canada In the Canadian Armed Forces, airborne pathfinders are paratroopers who – besides securing drop zones, gathering intelligence, and briefing follow-on forces – also conduct ambushes and reconnaissance behind enemy lines.[citation needed] To qualify as a pathfinder in the Canadian Army, the soldier must pass the Patrol Pathfinder course conducted by the Canadian Army Advanced Warfare Centre. Each regular force infantry regiment has one dedicated airborne company. France Commando Parachute Group (GCP Groupement de Commando Parachutistes): Each regiment within the 11th Parachute Brigade (11e Brigade Parachutiste) trains one or two GCP teams from their own ranks. There are nineteen teams with about a dozen members each in the GCP, which is structured as follows: 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment (1er Régiment de chasseurs parachutistes) (three teams of ten commandos) 1st Parachute Hussar Regiment (1er Régiment de hussards parachutistes) (two teams) 2nd Foreign Parachute Regiment (2e Régiment étranger de parachutistes) (three teams) 3rd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (3e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) (two teams) 8th Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (8e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) (two teams) 17th Parachute Engineer Regiment (17e Régiment de génie parachutiste) (two teams) 35th Artillery Parachute Regiment (35e Régiment d'artillerie parachutiste) (two teams) 11th Parachute Command and Transmission Company (11ème Compagnie de Commandement et de Transmissions Parachutiste (11e CCTP)) Not to mention the GCP (one team) of the 2nd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (2e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) stationed on Reunion Island in the Indian Ocean. India See also: India Maroon beret and Parachute Regiment (India) The President's Bodyguard was initially a cavalry unit raised in September 1773 to guard the Governor General. The unit is the most senior unit of the Indian Army. The unit converted to the airborne role in 1944 and became the pathfinder unit of the 2nd Indian Airborne Division and renamed "44th Divisional Reconnaissance Squadron (GGBG)". The unit today is about a company-plus strength and maintains very strong affiliation to the Cavalry, Guards and the Airborne fraternity with 100 percent troopers airborne qualified and equipped for mechanized warfare. However the Special Forces (Airborne) units are mainly assigned such tasks as they are specialist in pathfinder operations using HALO/HAHO. Netherlands The Netherlands have a pathfinders platoon which was founded in 2007. Since the Netherlands did not have a pathfinders unit before that, they were founded on the Belgian model where they receive their pathfinder courses in Schaffen. The Dutch pathfinders platoon maintains close cooperation with their Belgian counterparts, with joint training facilities and exercises.[21] Portugal The Air-Land Pathfinders Company (Companhia de Precursores Aeroterrestres) is a special reconnaissance support unit of the Parachute Troops of the Portuguese Army. The members of the unit are known as "Precs", abbreviation of precursores, meaning "precursors" or "pathfinders" in Portuguese. The main mission of the "Precs" is to carry out high altitude insertions in the scope of airborne operations, through the use of HAHO and HALO techniques, in order to make the reconnaissance of landing zones for the main parachute forces to be dropped. South Africa The 44 Pathfinder Platoon is part of 44 Pathfinder Company of the South African Army, within 44 Parachute Brigade and 1 Parachute Battalion respectively. United Kingdom The Pathfinder Platoon is a specialist reconnaissance and special operations unit of the British Army, and an integral part of 16 Air Assault Brigade. The Pathfinder Platoon acts as the brigade's advance force and reconnaissance force. Its role includes locating and marking drop zones and helicopter landing zones for air landing operations. Once the main force has landed, the platoon provides tactical intelligence for the brigade.[22] Following the 1982 Falklands War, 5 Airborne Brigade was established as a light, rapid reaction force for similar requirements. The brigade was formed from the Parachute Regiment, and support units. The Brigade identified a requirement for an independent intelligence collection capability, deployable into a hostile or non-permissive environment ahead of the main force so in 1985 the Pathfinder Platoon was established. Pathfinder Platoon operations have included: Operation Agricola: In June 1999, the Pathfinder Platoon was deployed to Kosovo. It operated behind enemy lines providing reconnaissance and forward air control. Once NATO forces entered Kosovo, the Platoon provided a defensive screen around Pristina International Airport prior to the arrival of the Russian forces.[23] Operation Palliser: In May 2000 the Pathfinder Platoon deployed to Sierra Leone, to assist the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone efforts. Operation Essential Harvest: With the rise in ethnic tension overspilling in to violence in Republic of Macedonia between ethnic Albanian, National Liberation Army (NLA) and Macedonian security forces, the British Government sent a force to oversee a NATO-led ceasefire.[24] The Pathfinders, alongside the UKSF,[25] oversaw the uneasy truce and were used to establish links between the warring factions and monitor any hostile activities.[citation needed] Operation Veritas: The platoon deployed into Bagram Air Base, Afghanistan, in December 2001 to assist NATO's International Security Assistance Force. Operation Telic: In Iraq, The primary mission for the teams was to conduct mobile surveillance/fighting patrols behind enemy lines in support of UK and US forces. After the hostilities, the unit were redeployed on the Iran/Iraq border as well as carrying out "snatch squad" tasks on suspected Ba'athist war criminals in Maysan.[citation needed] Operation Herrick: The Platoon was deployed to the southern Afghan province of Helmand alongside the British 3 Para Battle Group in 2006. They deployed again to Helmand, Afghanistan, in 2010/2011. The platoon work under the command of the Brigade Headquarters. The Officer Commanding Pathfinder Platoon is a senior captain or major. The platoon operates in teams of 6 men. In 2006 a new rate of Parachute Pay (High Altitude Parachute Pay) was introduced for members of the Pathfinder Platoon following the recommendations of the Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body.[26] United States US Army Pathfinders conducting helicopter sling load operations, 2 January 2002 USAF combat controller assesses a potential relief supply air delivery drop zone during Operation Unified Response in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Jan. 19, 2010. The U.S. Army operates three Pathfinder schools. The first is the United States Army Pathfinder School, at Fort Moore (previously known as Fort Benning), Georgia,[27] which serves as the Army proponent agency for Pathfinder operations and oversees the standardization of Army Pathfinder doctrine. The second is the Sabalauski Air Assault School of Fort Campbell, KY.[28] The third is part of Fort Moore's Army National Guard Warrior Training Center, which also conducts Pre-Ranger and Air Assault classes.[29] The courses taught at the WTC and Fort Campbell do not include parachute jumps. As the airmobile concept was being developed before the Vietnam War, starting about 1960 there was a pathfinder presence at Fort Rucker, Alabama, initially designated as the Pathfinder Team, Company A, 2d Battle Group, 31st Infantry, later re-flagged as the 5th Battle Group, 31st Infantry on 1 July 1963. The purpose of the battle group, which was organized differently than standard battle groups, was to provide training support to the Aviation Center. Subsequent reorganizations and re-flaggings led to the 5th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder) and 5th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder). On 1 July 1975 the unit was reorganized and re-flagged as Company C (Pathfinder), 509th Infantry, and it retained this designation until 1 June 1993 when it was re-flagged as Company A (Pathfinder), 511th Infantry. This designation only lasted until 31 October 1995 when the Pathfinder presence at Fort Rucker came to an end due to budget cuts that also ended the post's Air Assault School. Combined with the inactivation of all five USAR pathfinder platoons and all five ARNG Pathfinder detachments at the end of fiscal year 1990, the inactivation of A-511th at Fort Rucker resulted in only two Pathfinder units remaining in the Army: a detachment in the 17th Aviation Brigade in Korea and a company in the 101st Aviation Brigade of the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) at Fort Campbell, Kentucky. In June 2005 the 17th Aviation Brigade in Korea was inactivated, along with its pathfinder detachment. At the time it was the only pathfinder unit outside of the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault). When the U.S. Army reorganized its combat divisions under the modular concept, long range surveillance detachments (LRSD) were eliminated at division level. Concurrently in the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), the 101st Aviation Brigade (Attack) and the 159th Aviation Brigade (Assault) were reorganized to be identical combat aviation brigades, and the division's former LRSD was transferred from the 311th Military Intelligence Battalion to the 159th CAB to become a second pathfinder company within the division. At this point the two pathfinder companies were (1) Company F (Pathfinder), 4th Battalion, 101st Aviation Regiment, 159th Combat Aviation Brigade and (2) Company F (Pathfinder), 5th Battalion, 101st Aviation Regiment, 101st Combat Aviation Brigade. In 2006 the LRSD, 313th Military Intelligence Battalion in the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Bragg was likewise transferred to the 2d Battalion, 82d Aviation Regiment, and reorganized and reflagged as Company F (Pathfinder).[30] Also formed up were two provisional pathfinder units not documented on the parent units’ MTOE. These were Company F, 2d Battalion, 10th Aviation Regiment, part of the Combat Aviation Brigade, 10th Mountain Division (Light Infantry) at Fort Drum, NY, and a pathfinder company operating as part of the 2d Battalion, 25th Aviation Regiment, Combat Aviation Brigade, 25th Infantry Division, Schofield Barracks, HI.[31] These pathfinder units filled roles across the spectrum of their doctrinal missions, along with other roles outside of their prescribed task lists. An Army News Service article dated 10 September 2014 noted the activation of a new company within the 1st Battalion, 509th Infantry Regiment at Fort Polk, Louisiana. This unit, Company C, was described as "a rifle company with pathfinder capabilities."[32] Jump status for the two pathfinder companies in the 101st was terminated on 16 October 2013, resulting in the elimination of the last parachute billets in the division.[33] This was followed on 15 May 2015 by the inactivation of the 159th CAB, which included the brigade's pathfinder company. Concurrently the 101st CAB was redesignated as the CAB, 101st Airborne Division, bringing it in line with other non-numbered divisional CABs. At this point the division assumed the same organizational structure as the 10th Mountain Division, a light infantry unit. On 2 August 2016 the remaining pathfinder company in the 101st Airborne Division was inactivated in a ceremony at Fort Campbell, KY.[34] Media accounts erred in stating that “seventy-two years of service came to an end” with the inactivation of the company. The World War II pathfinder units were assigned at the infantry regiment level, not division level, and the division itself was inactivated in late 1945.[35] Reactivated three times in the post-war years as a non-combat training division without pathfinders, the division was reformed again as a combat unit in 1956. Documentation on when pathfinders returned to the division is sparse, but most likely took place in the 1960s with the advent of helicopter warfare and the shift of the pathfinder mission from control of fixed-wing aircraft, which had gone to USAF combat control teams, to Army rotary wing aircraft. When the 101st Airborne Division stood down in Vietnam in early 1972, soldiers with time remaining on their tours, to include pathfinders, were reassigned to other units, such as the 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division (Separate), and the division flag returned to Fort Campbell. In the summer of 2016 the provisional pathfinder company in the 25th Infantry Division was inactivated, followed by the inactivation of the company in the 101st Airborne Division (above), and the provisional company in the 10th Mountain Division by October 2016.[36] The last pathfinder unit in the Army, a company authorized by MTOE in the 82d Airborne Division, was inactivated in a ceremony at 1400 on 24 February 2017 at Simmons Army Airfield on Fort Bragg.[37][38] In July 2020 the Army announced that it was considering terminating its Pathfinder course at Fort Moore, Georgia, by the end of the Fiscal Year 2021, and it later decided to do so.[39] By the end of 2021 the website for the Airborne & Ranger Training Brigade no longer listed the Pathfinder course among its offerings.[40] The website for the ARNG Warrior Training Center, also based at Fort Moore, showed no class dates past the end of FY 2021.[41] The Sabalauski Air Assault School at Fort Campbell, Kentucky, under the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), continues to operate its own Pathfinder course.[42] Pathfinders in the U.S. Army wear the Pathfinder Badge. Other services The U.S. Air Force Special Tactics Squadrons perform pathfinder-type roles. In the United States Marine Corps, pathfinder missions are conducted by the Force Reconnaissance platoons by inserting in the battlefield and placing signal panels or illuminating flashers, eventually being replaced by remote sensors and beacons during the Vietnam War. In popular culture Pathfinders – In the Company of Strangers is 2011 movie based on Rebecca/Eureka transponding radar installed before D-Day by Airborne Pathfinders.[43] See also Filthy Thirteen List of paratrooper forces References Stanton, Shelby L. (1987). Vietnam Order of Battle. Galahad Books. ISBN 0-671-08159-4. Lt. Col. David Hamilton, pathfinder pilot United States Army. "21st Independent Parachute Company". Paradata. Retrieved 8 October 2016. "22nd Independent Parachute Company". Paradata. Archived from the original on 12 March 2016. Retrieved 8 October 2016. "Obituary, Lieutenant-Colonel Bill Barclay". Daily Telegraph. London. 2 February 2010. Retrieved 8 April 2010. Wilmot, Chester. The Struggle for Europe. Wm Collins and Sons Ltd. p. 251. "shinycapstar.com". Archived from the original on 2010-03-11. "Immediately after the war, the 1st (Guards) Parachute Battalion was formed for service in Palestine. In 1948, this was reduced in size and eventually became the Guards Independent Parachute Company which was finally disbanded in 1975." Peter Dickens. Secret War In South East Asia. Greenhill Books. p. 211. "In September, however, the Guards Independent Parachute Company under Major L.G.S. Head were allowed across the Sabah border to act offensively... ...This professional performance and others were to result in the formation of 'G' Squadron in 1966" Geraghty, Tony (1980). Who Dares Wins. Arms and Armour Press. p. 52. "-while the Parachute Brigade's Guards Independent (Pathfinder) Company was sent to Borneo to learn something like an SAS role on the job (as was the 2nd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment). Later the Guards Company would provide the nucleus of the new G Squadron." "16 Company, The Parachute Regiment". Archived from the original on 2011-05-18. Huston, James A. "Out of the Blue." West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1998, pp. 23, 29. Rottman, Gordon. U.S. Airborne Units in the Mediterranean Theater 1942–44. Osprey Battle Orders Ser. Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 2006, pp. 64, 67, 75, 80, 83. Charles H. Doyle and Terrell Stewart. Stand in the Door!: The Wartime History of the 509th Parachute Infantry. Phillips Publications, Williamstown, NJ. Moran, Jeff. American Airborne Pathfinders in World War II. Atglen, Pennsylvania: Shiffer Military History, 2003, pp. 28, 31–33, 70, 76–77, 83, 89, 90–92, 94. Zaloga, Stephen J. U.S. Airborne Divisions in the ETO 1944–45. Osprey Battle Orders Ser. 25. Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 2007, p. 65, 70, 72–74. Ambrose, Stephen. D-Day, June 6, 1944: The Climactic Battle of World War II. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994, pp. 196, 216, 223. Gassend Jean-Loup. Autopsy of a Battle, the Liberation of the French Riviera, August September 1944. Schiffer Publishing. Atglen PA. 2014[page needed] Stanton, p. 162 Stanton, pp. 72–86 Richard R. Burns (2008). Pathfinder: First In, Last Out: A Memoir of Vietnam. Random House. ISBN 978-0307489425. "222d Aviation Regiment | Lineage and Honors | U.S. Army Center of Military History (CMH)". www.history.army.mil. Archived from the original on 2014-07-28. http://www.mil.be/def/news/index.asp?LAN=nl&ID=3884 (Dutch), http://www.mil.be/def/news/index.asp?LAN=fr&ID=3884 (French) "Fact file: 16 Air Assault Brigade". BBC News. 2003-02-26. Retrieved 7 April 2010. MOD Briefing, 17 June 1999 Archived 29 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine Smith, Michael (20 August 2001). "Macedonian war is over, pledges rebel leader". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 21 April 2013. Berry, Jessica; Lusher, Adam (19 August 2001). "Macedonia strife threatens Nato mission". The Daily Telegraph. London. "Armed Forces' Pay Review Body Thirty-Fourth Report 2005" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-09-03. "As part of the periodic review, MOD proposed the introduction of a new rate for High Altitude Parachuting. The new rate will apply to members of the Pathfinder Platoon who MOD regards as a fundamental component of the UK's airborne capability." "Pathfinder". "Pathfinder Course". "Pathfinder Course". "82nd Aviation Association". www.82ndavn.org. "2-10 Aviation Battalion Pathfinders conduct counter-smuggling". 19 January 2009. "1st Battalion, 509th Infantry Regiment Adds Two New Companies". "Pathfinders jump towards next rendezvous with destiny". DVIDS. "Pathfinders Inactivate, Pass on Torch". 4 August 2016. Jeff Moran. American Airborne Pathfinders in World War II. Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Atglen, PA[ISBN missing][page needed] "10th Mountain Division graduates 30 Pathfinders". www.army.mil. [https://web.archive.org/web/20170223211305/http://www.fayobserver.com/military/pathfinder-veterans-prepare-to-say-goodbye-to-last-of-its/article_8fa6697f-6e16-5dc3-8fcb-931d3cf67bba.html Archived 2017-02-23 at the Wayback Machine "Army's last pathfinder company deactivates in Fort Bragg ceremony". www.fayobserver.com. Archived from the original on 2017-02-26. "Army considers shuttering its Pathfinder School". 23 July 2020. "Fort Moore | Airborne and Ranger Training Brigade (ARTB)". "Fort Moore | ARNG Warrior Training Center". "Pathfinder :: Fort Campbell". "Pathfinders: In the Company of Strangers (2011)". IMDb. 11 January 2011.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Henry Alfred Kissinger (born Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923 – November 29, 2023) was an American politician, diplomat, political scientist, and geopolitical consultant. He served as United States secretary of state and national security advisor in the presidential administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford and played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977.[4] Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated an opening of relations with China, engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, which ended American involvement in the Vietnam War. He has also been associated with controversial policies, such as the U.S. bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War, Operation Condor, U.S. involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup, a "green light" to Argentina's military junta for their Dirty War, and U.S. support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh Liberation War despite a genocide being perpetrated by Pakistan.[5] Kissinger was a Jewish refugee who fled Nazi Germany with his family in 1938. In the United States, he excelled academically and graduated summa cum laude from Harvard College in 1950, where he studied political science under William Yandell Elliott. He earned his Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. He then had a prominent academic career at Harvard before moving onto government. After leaving government, he formed Kissinger Associates, an international geopolitical consulting firm. Kissinger wrote over a dozen books on diplomatic history and international relations. Kissinger's legacy is a polarizing subject in American politics. He has been widely considered by scholars to be an effective secretary of state[6] but is condemned for turning a blind eye to war crimes committed by American allies due to his support of a pragmatic approach to politics called Realpolitik.[7][8][9][10] For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in the Vietnam War, Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances.[11] Early life and education Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923, in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany. He was the son of homemaker Paula (née Stern; 1901–1998), from Leutershausen, and Louis Kissinger (1887–1982), a schoolteacher. He had a younger brother, Walter (1924–2021), who was a businessman. Kissinger's family was German-Jewish,[12] his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb having adopted "Kissinger" as his surname in 1817, taking it from the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen.[13] In his childhood, Kissinger enjoyed playing soccer. He played for the youth team of SpVgg Fürth, which was one of the nation's best clubs at the time.[14] In a 2022 BBC interview, Kissinger vividly recalled being nine years old in 1933 and learning of Adolf Hitler's election as Chancellor of Germany, which proved to be a profound turning point for the Kissinger family.[citation needed] During Nazi rule, Kissinger and his friends were regularly harassed and beaten by Hitler Youth gangs.[15] Kissinger sometimes defied the segregation imposed by Nazi racial laws by sneaking into soccer stadiums to watch matches, often resulting in beatings from security guards.[16][15] As results of the Nazis' anti-Semitic laws, Kissinger was unable to gain admittance to the Gymnasium and his father was dismissed from his teaching job.[15][17] On August 20, 1938, when Kissinger was 15 years old, he and his family fled Germany to avoid further Nazi persecution.[15] The family briefly stopped in London before arriving in New York City on September 5. Kissinger later downplayed the influence his experiences of Nazi persecution had had on his policies, writing that the "Germany of my youth had a great deal of order and very little justice; it was not the sort of place likely to inspire devotion to order in the abstract." Nevertheless, many scholars, including Kissinger's biographer Walter Isaacson, have argued that his experiences influenced the formation of his realist approach to foreign policy.[18] Kissinger spent his high-school years in the German-Jewish community in the Washington Heights section of Manhattan. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced German accent, due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak.[19][20] After his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night while working in a shaving brush factory during the day.[19] Following high school, Kissinger studied accounting at the City College of New York, excelling academically as a part-time student while continuing to work. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the U.S. Army.[21] U.S. Army Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina. On June 19, 1943, at the age of 20, while stationed in South Carolina, he became a naturalized U.S. citizen. The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College in Pennsylvania under the Army Specialized Training Program, but the program was canceled and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect and arranged for him to be assigned to the division's military intelligence. Kissinger saw combat with the division and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.[22] During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, though only a private (the lowest military rank), was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld because of a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration.[23] Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), where he became a CIC Special Agent holding the enlisted rank of sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star.[24] In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro CIC detachment, Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for denazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.[25] In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King and, as a civilian employee following his separation from the army, continued to serve in this role.[26][27] Kissinger recalled that his experience in the army "made me feel like an American".[28] Academic career Kissinger earned his Bachelor of Arts summa cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa[29] in political science from Harvard College in 1950, where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott.[30] His senior undergraduate thesis, titled The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant, was over 400 pages long, and was the origin of the current limit on length (35,000 words).[31][32][33] He earned his Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still a graduate student at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board,[34] and founded a magazine, Confluence.[35] At that time, he sought to work as a spy for the FBI.[35][36] Portrait of Kissinger as a Harvard senior in 1950 Kissinger's doctoral dissertation was titled Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich).[37] Stephen Graubard, Kissinger's friend, asserted that Kissinger primarily pursued such endeavor to instruct himself on the history of power play between European states in the 19th century.[38] In his doctoral dissertation, Kissinger first introduced the concept of "legitimacy",[39] which he defined as: "Legitimacy as used here should not be confused with justice. It means no more than an international agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy".[40] An international order accepted by all of the major powers is "legitimate" whereas an international order not accepted by one or more of the great powers is "revolutionary" and hence dangerous.[40] Thus, when after the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the leaders of Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia agreed to co-operate in the Concert of Europe to preserve the peace after Austria, Prussia, and Russia participated in a series of three Partitions of Poland, in Kissinger's viewpoint this international system was "legitimate" because it was accepted by the leaders of all five of the Great Powers of Europe. Notably, Kissinger's Primat der Außenpolitik (Primacy of foreign policy) approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision-makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order, then it is "legitimate" with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant.[40] His dissertation also won him the Senator Charles Sumner Prize, an award given to the best dissertation "from the legal, political, historical, economic, social, or ethnic approach, dealing with any means or measures tending toward the prevention of war and the establishment of universal peace" by a student under the Harvard Department of Government.[41] It was published in 1957 as A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822.[41] Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government where he served as the director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.[34] During 1955 and 1956, he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.[42] The book, which criticized the Eisenhower Administration's massive retaliation nuclear doctrine, caused much controversy at the time by proposing the use of tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars.[43] That same year, he published A World Restored, a study of balance-of-power politics in post-Napoleonic Europe.[44] External videos video icon Mike Wallace interview with Kissinger, July 13, 1958 From 1956 to 1958, Kissinger worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.[34] He served as the director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. In 1958, he also co-founded the Center for International Affairs with Robert R. Bowie where he served as its associate director. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department of State, and the RAND Corporation.[34] Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller, supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968.[45] Kissinger first met Richard Nixon at a party hosted by Clare Boothe Luce in 1967, saying that he found him more "thoughtful" than he expected.[46] During the Republican primaries in 1968, Kissinger again served as the foreign policy adviser to Rockefeller and in July 1968 called Nixon "the most dangerous of all the men running to have as president".[46] Initially upset when Nixon won the Republican nomination, the ambitious Kissinger soon changed his mind about Nixon and contacted a Nixon campaign aide, Richard Allen, to state he was willing to do anything to help Nixon win.[47] After Nixon became president in January 1969, Kissinger was appointed as National Security Advisor. By this time, he was arguably "one of the most important theorists about foreign policy ever to be produced by the United States of America", according to his official biographer Niall Ferguson.[48] Foreign policy Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible as President Nixon looks on. Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.[49] With the death of George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger was the last surviving member of the Nixon administration Cabinet.[50] The relationship between Nixon and Kissinger was unusually close, and has been compared to the relationships of Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, or Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins.[51] In all three cases, the State Department was relegated to a backseat role in developing foreign policy.[52] Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous "backchannel" negotiations, such as that through the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin, that excluded State Department experts. Historian David Rothkopf has looked at the personalities of Nixon and Kissinger, saying: They were a fascinating pair. In a way, they complemented each other perfectly. Kissinger was the charming and worldly Mr. Outside who provided the grace and intellectual-establishment respectability that Nixon lacked, disdained and aspired to. Kissinger was an international citizen. Nixon very much a classic American. Kissinger had a worldview and a facility for adjusting it to meet the times, Nixon had pragmatism and a strategic vision that provided the foundations for their policies. Kissinger would, of course, say that he was not political like Nixon—but in fact he was just as political as Nixon, just as calculating, just as relentlessly ambitious ... these self-made men were driven as much by their need for approval and their neuroses as by their strengths.[53] A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in US–Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was jointly awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize with Lê Đức Thọ for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.[54] Thọ declined to accept the award[55] and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it—he donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony, and later offered to return his prize medal.[56][57] As National Security Advisor in 1974, Kissinger directed the much-debated National Security Study Memorandum 200.[58] Détente and opening to China See also: On China Kissinger initially had little interest in China when he began his work as National Security Adviser in 1969, and the driving force behind the rapprochement with China was Nixon.[59] In April 1970 both Nixon and Kissinger promised Chiang Ching-kuo, the son of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong, although Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People's Republic.[60] Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with China. Kissinger made two trips to China in July and October 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy.[61] During his visit to Beijing, the main issue turned out to be Taiwan, as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of China, pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, and end military support for the Kuomintang regime.[62] Kissinger gave way by promising to pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, saying two-thirds would be pulled out when the Vietnam war ended and the rest to be pulled out as Sino-American relations improved.[63] In October 1971, as Kissinger was making his second trip to the People's Republic, the issue of which Chinese government deserved to be represented in the United Nations came up again.[64] Out of concern to not be seen abandoning an ally, the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members, although Kissinger called it "an essentially doomed rearguard action".[65] While American ambassador to the UN George H. W. Bush was lobbying for the "two Chinas" formula, Kissinger was removing favorable references to Taiwan from a speech that Rogers was preparing, as he expected the country to be expelled from the UN.[66] During his second visit to Beijing, Kissinger told Zhou that according to a public opinion poll 62% of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain a UN member and asked him to consider the "two Chinas" compromise to avoid offending American public opinion.[67] Zhou responded with his claim that the People's Republic was the legitimate government of all China, and no compromise was possible with the Taiwan issue.[63] Kissinger said that the United States could not totally sever ties with Chiang, who had been an ally in World War II. Kissinger told Nixon that Bush was "too soft and not sophisticated" enough to properly represent the United States at the UN and expressed no anger when the UN General Assembly voted to expel Taiwan and give China's seat on the UN Security Council to the People's Republic.[63] Kissinger's trips paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of "liaison offices" in the Chinese and American capitals, though full normalization of relations with China would not occur until 1979.[68] Vietnam War Main article: Henry Kissinger and the Vietnam War Kissinger and President Richard Nixon discussing the Vietnam situation in Camp David, 1972 (with Alexander Haig) Kissinger has discussed being involved in Indochina prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon.[69] According to Kissinger, his friend Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the Ambassador to Saigon, employed Kissinger as a consultant, leading to Kissinger visiting Vietnam once in 1965 and twice in 1966, where Kissinger realized that the United States "knew neither how to win or how to conclude" the Vietnam War.[69] Kissinger also stated that in 1967, he served as an intermediary for negotiations between the United States and North Vietnam, with him providing the American position, while two Frenchmen provided the North Vietnamese position.[69] When he came into office in 1969, Kissinger favored a negotiating strategy under which the United States and North Vietnam would sign an armistice and agreed to pull their troops out of South Vietnam while the South Vietnamese government and the Viet Cong were to agree to a coalition government.[70] Kissinger had doubts about Nixon's theory of "linkage", believing that this would give the Soviet Union leverage over the United States and unlike Nixon was less concerned about the ultimate fate of South Vietnam.[71] Though Kissinger did not regard South Vietnam as important in its own right, he believed it was necessary to support South Vietnam to maintain the United States as a global power, believing that none of America's allies would trust the United States if South Vietnam were abandoned too quickly.[72] In early 1969, Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu, the bombing of Cambodia, fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall-out, but on March 16, 1969, Nixon announced the bombing would start the next day.[73] As he saw the president was committed, he became more supportive.[74] Kissinger played a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt raids into South Vietnam from Cambodia, as well as the 1970 Cambodian campaign and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia.[75] The Paris peace talks had become stalemated by late 1969 owing to the obstructionism of the South Vietnamese delegation.[76] The South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu did not want the United States to withdraw from Vietnam, and out of frustration with him, Kissinger decided to begin secret peace talks with Thọ in Paris parallel to the official talks that the South Vietnamese were unaware of.[77] In June 1971, Kissinger supported Nixon's effort to ban the Pentagon Papers saying the "hemorrhage of state secrets" to the media was making diplomacy impossible.[78] On August 1, 1972, Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris, and for first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.[79] On the evening of October 8, 1972, at a secret meeting of Kissinger and Thọ in Paris came the decisive breakthrough in the talks.[80] Thọ began with "a very realistic and very simple proposal" for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam.[81] Kissinger accepted Thọ's offer as the best deal possible, saying that the "mutual withdrawal formula" had to be abandoned as it been "unobtainable through ten years of war ... We could not make it a condition for a final settlement. We had long passed that threshold".[81] In the fall of 1972, both Kissinger and Nixon were frustrated with Thiệu's refusal to accept any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces.[82] On October 21 Kissinger and the American ambassador Ellsworth Bunker arrived in Saigon to show Thiệu the peace agreement.[82] Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement and demanded very extensive amendments that Kissinger reported to Nixon "verge on insanity".[82] Though Nixon had initially supported Kissinger against Thiệu, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman urged him to reconsider, arguing that Thiệu's objections had merit.[83] Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement included in the final treaty and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Thọ to accept them.[83] Kissinger regarded Nixon's 69 amendments as "preposterous" as he knew Thọ would never accept them.[83] As expected, Thọ refused to consider any of the 69 amendments, and on December 13, 1972, left Paris for Hanoi.[84] Kissinger by this stage was worked up into a state of fury after Thọ walked out of the Paris talks and told Nixon: "They're just a bunch of shits. Tawdry, filthy shits".[84] On January 8, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ met again in Paris and the next day reached an agreement, which in main points was essentially the same as the one Nixon had rejected in October with only cosmetic concessions to the Americans.[85] Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement, only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon which caused Thiệu to reluctantly accept the peace agreement.[86] On January 27, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ signed a peace agreement that called for the complete withdrawal of all U.S. forces from Vietnam by March in exchange for North Vietnam freeing all the U.S. POWs.[86] Along with Thọ, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam", signed the previous January.[54] According to Irwin Abrams, this prize was the most controversial to date. For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize, two members left the Nobel Committee in protest.[11][87] Thọ rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam.[88] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility",[89][90] and "donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina".[56] After the Fall of Saigon in 1975, Kissinger attempted to return the award.[56][57] President Ford, General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, and Kissinger speaking informally at the Vladivostok Summit in 1974 By the summer of 1974, the U.S. embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much longer South Vietnam would last.[91] In August 1974, Congress passed a bill limiting American aid to South Vietnam to $700 million annually.[92] By November 1974, Kissinger lobbied Brezhnev to end Soviet military aid to North Vietnam.[93] The same month, he also lobbied Mao and Zhou to end Chinese military aid to North Vietnam.[93] On April 15, 1975, Kissinger testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, urging Congress to increase the military aid budget to South Vietnam by another $700 million to save the ARVN as the PAVN was rapidly advancing on Saigon, which was refused.[94] Kissinger maintained at the time, and until his death, that if only Congress had approved of his request for another $700 million South Vietnam would have been able to resist.[95] In November 1975, seven months after the Khmer Rouge took power, Kissinger told the Thai foreign minister: "You should tell the Cambodians that we will be friends with them. They are murderous thugs but we won't let that stand in our way."[96] In a 1998 interview, Kissinger said: "some countries, the Chinese in particular supported Pol Pot as a counterweight to the Vietnamese supported people and We at least tolerated it." Kissinger said he didn't approve of this due to the genocide and said he "would not have dealt with Pol Pot for any purpose whatsoever." He further said: "The Thais and the Chinese did not want a Vietnamese-dominated Indochina. We didn't want the Vietnamese to dominate. I don't believe we did anything for Pol Pot. But I suspect we closed our eyes when some others did something for Pol Pot."[97] Interview with Oriana Fallaci On November 4, 1972,[98] Kissinger agreed to an interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci. Kissinger, who rarely engaged in one-on-one interviews with the press and knew very little about Fallaci, accepted her request after reportedly being impressed with her 1969 interview with Võ Nguyên Giáp.[99] The interview turned out to be a political and public relations disaster for Kissinger as he agreed that Vietnam was a "useless war", implied that he preferred to have dinner with Lê Đức Thọ over Nguyễn Văn Thiệu (in her 1976 book Interview with History, Fallaci recalled that Kissinger agreed with many of her negative sentiments towards Thiệu in a private discussion before the interview), and engaged in a now infamous exchange with the hard-pressing Fallaci, with Kissinger comparing himself to a cowboy leading the Nixon Administration: Fallaci: "I suppose that at the root of everything there's your success. I mean, like a chess player, you've made two or three good moves. China, first of all. People like chess players who checkmate the king." Kissinger: "Yes, China has been a very important element in the mechanics of my success. And yet that's not the main point. The main point. … Well, yes, I'll tell you. What do I care? The main point arises from the fact that I've always acted alone. Americans like that immensely. Americans like the cowboy who leads the wagon train by riding ahead alone on his horse, the cowboy who rides all alone into the town, the village, with his horse and nothing else. Maybe even without a pistol, since he doesn't shoot. He acts, that's all, by being in the right place at the right time. In short, a Western." Fallaci: "I see. You see yourself as a kind of Henry Fonda, unarmed and ready to fight with his fists for honest ideals. Alone, courageous ..." Kissinger: "Not necessarily courageous. In fact, this cowboy doesn't have to be courageous. All he needs is to be alone, to show others that he rides into the town and does everything by himself. This amazing, romantic character suits me precisely because to be alone has always been part of my style or, if you like, my technique. Together with independence. Oh, that's very important in me and for me. And finally, conviction. I've always been convinced that I had to do whatever I've done. And people feel it, and believe in it. And I care about the fact that they believe in me when you sway or convince somebody, you shouldn't confuse them. Nor can you even simply calculate. Some people think that I carefully plan what are to be the consequences, for the public, of any of my initiatives or efforts. They think this preoccupation is always on my mind. Instead the consequences of what I do, I mean the public's judgment, have never bothered me. I don't ask for popularity, I'm not looking for popularity. On the contrary, if you really want to know, I care nothing about popularity. I'm not at all afraid of losing my public; I can allow myself to say what I think. I'm referring to what's genuine in me. If I were to let myself be disturbed by the reactions of the public, if I were to act solely on the basis of a calculated technique, I would accomplish nothing."[100] Nixon was enraged by the interview, in particular the comedic "cowboy" comparison which infuriated and offended Nixon. For several weeks afterwards, he refused to see Kissinger and even contemplated firing him. At one point, Kissinger, in desperation, drove up unannounced to Nixon's San Clemente residence only to be rejected by Secret Service personnel at the gates.[100] Kissinger later claimed that it was "the single most disastrous conversation I have ever had with any member of the press".[101] Fallaci described the interview with the evasive, monotonous, non-expressive Kissinger as the most uncomfortable and most difficult she ever did, criticizing Kissinger as a "intellectual adventurer" and a self-styled Metternich.[99] Bangladesh Liberation War Further information: Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 Bangladesh genocide, and Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 Kissinger in the West Wing as National Security Adviser in April 1975. Nixon supported Pakistani dictator, General Yahya Khan, in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Kissinger sneered at people who "bleed" for "the dying Bengalis" and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan, Archer K. Blood, and 20 members of his staff, which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking, in Blood's words, "a selective genocide" targeting the Bengali intelligentsia, supporters of independence for East Pakistan, and the Hindu minority.[102] In the second, more famous, Blood Telegram the word 'genocide' was again used to describe the events, and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had "evidenced .. moral bankruptcy".[103] As a direct response to the dissent against US policy, Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood's tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department's Personnel Office.[104][105] Christopher Clary argues that Nixon and Kissinger were unconsciously biased, leading them to overestimate the likelihood of Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels.[106] Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.[107][108][109] Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh–Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch" and a "witch". He also said "the Indians are bastards", shortly before the war.[110] Kissinger later expressed his regret over the comments.[111] Europe As National Security Adviser under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.[112] Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe" as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community (EEC) which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970.[113] Applying his favorite "linkage" concept, Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations, and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary policies, the price would be defense spending on their part.[113] Kissinger in particular as part of the "Year of Europe" wanted to "revitalize" NATO, which he called a "decaying" alliance as he believed that there was nothing at present to stop the Red Army from overrunning Western Europe in a conventional forces conflict.[113] The "linkage" concept more applied to the question of security as Kissinger noted that the United States was going to sacrifice NATO for the sake of "citrus fruits".[114] Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry Kissinger sits in the Oval Office with President Nixon and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, 1973. Kissinger during a 1961 visit to Israel Kissinger during a 1961 visit to Israel According to notes taken by H. R. Haldeman, Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel", including Kissinger.[115] One note quotes Nixon as saying "get K. [Kissinger] out of the play—Haig handle it".[115] In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of U.S. foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern."[116] He had a negative view of Soviet Jewry, calling them "self-serving bastards."[117] He went on to state that that "If it were not for the accident of my birth, I would be antisemitic" and "any people who has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong."[118] Arab–Israeli conflict Main article: Yom Kippur War In September 1973, Nixon fired Rogers as Secretary of State and replaced him with Kissinger. He would later state he had not been given enough time to know the Middle East as he settled into the State Department.[119] Kissinger later admitted that he was so engrossed with the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnam war that he and others in Washington missed the significance of the Egyptian-Saudi alliance. Sadat expelled Soviet advisors from Egypt in May 1972, attempting to signal to the US that he was open to disentangling Egypt from the Soviet sphere of influence; Kissinger in turn offered secret talks on a settlement for the Middle East, though nothing came of the offer. By March 1973, Sadat had moved back towards the Soviets, closing the largest arms package between Egypt and the USSR and allowing for the return of Soviet military personnel and advisors to Egypt.[120] Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 in order to keep him from interfering in the nascent conflict. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am; Kissinger waited nearly 3+1⁄2 hours before he informed Nixon.[121] According to Kissinger, he was notified at 6:30 a.m. (12:30 pm. Israel time) that war was imminent, and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective. On October 12, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial advice,[122] while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease-fire, Nixon sent a message to Brezhnev giving Kissinger full negotiating authority.[123] Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to gain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side, and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary who needed to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic.[123] On October 31, 1973, Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi (left) meets with Richard Nixon (middle) and Henry Kissinger (right), about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War. Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war, but sought initially to delay arms shipments to Israel, as he believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242.[124] In 1973, Meir requested $850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its materiel losses.[125] Nixon instead sent some $2 billion worth.[126] The arms lift enraged King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, and he retaliated on October 20, 1973, by placing a total embargo on oil shipments to the United States, to be joined by all of the other oil-producing Arab states except Iraq and Libya.[127] On November 7, 1973, Kissinger flew to Riyadh to meet King Faisal and to ask him to end the oil embargo in exchange for promising to be "even handed" in the Arab-Israeli dispute.[128] Despite all of Kissinger's efforts to charm him, Faisal refused to lift the oil embargo.[129] Only on March 19, 1974, did the king end the oil embargo, after Sadat reported to him that the United States was being more "even handed" and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel.[130] Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors, contributing to the first phases of Israeli–Egyptian non-aggression. In 1973–1974, Kissinger engaged in "shuttle diplomacy" flying between Tel Aviv, Cairo, and Damascus in a bid to make the armistice the basis of a permanent peace. Kissinger's first meeting with Hafez al-Assad lasted 6 hours and 30 minutes, causing the press to believe for a moment that he had been kidnapped by the Syrians.[131] In his memoirs, Kissinger described how, during the course of his 28 meetings in Damascus in 1973–74, Assad "negotiated tenaciously and daringly like a riverboat gambler to make sure he had exacted the last sliver of available concessions".[131] As for the others Kissinger negotiated with, Kissinger viewed the Israeli politicians as rigid, while he had a good relationship and was able to develop a sense of assurance with Sadat.[132] Kissinger's efforts resulted in two ceasefires between Egypt and Israel, Sinai I in January 1974, and Sinai II in September 1975.[132] Kissinger had avoided involving France and the United Kingdom, the former European colonial powers of the Middle East, in the peace negotiations that followed the Yom Kippur, being primarily focused on minimising the Soviet Union's sway over the peace negotiations and on moderating the international influences on the Arab-Israeli conflict. President Pompidou of France was concerned and perturbed by this development, viewing it as an indication of the United States' ambitions of hegemonically domineering the region.[133] Persian Gulf Kissinger and King Faisal of Saudi Arabia in Riyadh on March 19, 1975. In the far background behind Faisal is his half-brother, the future King Fahd. A major concern for Kissinger was the possibility of Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf. In April 1969, Iraq came into conflict with Iran when Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renounced the 1937 treaty governing the Shatt-al-Arab river. On December 1, 1971, after two years of skirmishes along the border, President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr broke off diplomatic relations with Iran.[134] In May 1972, Nixon and Kissinger visited Tehran to tell the Shah that there would be no "second-guessing of his requests" to buy American weapons.[134] At the same time, Nixon and Kissinger agreed a plan of the Shah's that the United States together with Iran and Israel would support the Kurdish peshmerga guerrillas fighting for independence from Iraq.[134] Kissinger later wrote that after Vietnam, there was no possibility of deploying American forces in the Middle East, and henceforward Iran was to act as America's surrogate in the Persian Gulf.[135] Kissinger described the Baathist regime in Iraq as a potential threat to the United States and believed that building up Iran and supporting the peshmerga was the best counterweight.[135] Turkish invasion of Cyprus See also: Turkish invasion of Cyprus Following a period of steady relations between the U.S. Government and the Greek military regime after 1967, Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974. In an August 1974 edition of The New York Times, it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance of the impending coup by the Greek junta in Cyprus. Indeed, according to the journalist,[136] the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup. Kissinger was a target of anti-American sentiment which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time—particularly among young people—viewing the U.S. role in Cyprus as negative. In a demonstration by students in Heraklion, Crete,[137][138] soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974, slogans such as "Kissinger, murderer", "Americans get out", "No to Partition" and "Cyprus is no Vietnam" were heard. Some years later, Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974.[139] The New York Times and other major newspapers were highly critical, and even State Department officials did not hide their dissatisfaction with his alleged arrogance and ignorance of the basics.[140] However, Kissinger never felt comfortable with the way he handled the Cyprus issue.[140] Journalist Alexis Papahelas stated that Kissinger's "facial expression changes markedly when someone—usually Greek or Cypriot—refers to the crisis".[140] According to him, Kissinger had felt since the summer of 1974 that history would not treat him lightly in relation to his actions.[140] Latin American policy See also: Latin America–United States relations Ford and Kissinger conversing on the White House grounds, August 1974 In 1970, Kissinger parroted to Nixon the United States Department of Defense's position that the country should maintain control over the Panama Canal, which was a reversal of the commitment by the Lyndon Johnson administration.[141] Later, in the face of international pressure, Kissinger changed his stance, viewing the past hardline position in the Panama Canal issue as a hinderance to American relations with Latin America and an international setback that the Soviet Union would approve of.[141] Kissinger in 1973 called for "new dialogue" between the United States and Latin America, then in 1974, Kissinger met Panama military leader Omar Torrijos and an agreement on eight operating principles for an eventual handover of the Panama Canal to Panama was made between Kissinger and Panamanian Foreign Minister Juan Antonio Tack, which angered the United States Congress, but ultimately provided a framework for the 1977 U.S.–Panama treaties.[141] See also: Cuban intervention in Angola Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States–Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of U.S. pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the independence struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.[142][143] Intervention in Chile Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with Kissinger in 1976 Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality of 36.2 percent in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C., due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration, with Kissinger's input, authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.: 115 [144]: 495 [145]: 177  On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became president.[146] In September 1976, Orlando Letelier, a Chilean opponent of the new Pinochet regime, was assassinated in Washington, D.C., with a car bomb. Previously, Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison,[147] and had chosen to cancel an official U.S. letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations.[148] This murder was part of Operation Condor, a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by Southern Cone nations that Kissinger has been accused of being involved in.[149][150] On September 10, 2001, the family of Chilean general René Schneider filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider's kidnapping which resulted in his death.[151] The case was later dismissed by the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, citing separation of powers: "The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches."[152] Decades later, the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 "to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons".[153][154] Argentina See also: Dirty War Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine Armed Forces, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the elected government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the "green light" for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.[155][156][157][158] As the article published in The Nation noted, as the state-sponsored terror mounted, conservative Republican U.S. Ambassador to Buenos Aires Robert C. Hill "'was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled Juan de Onis, former reporter for The New York Times. 'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, a general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He questioned (Foreign Minister Cesar) Guzzetti and, finally, President Jorge Videla himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt."[159] In a letter to The Nation editor Victor Navasky, protesting publication of the article, Kissinger claimed that: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates." Yet Kissinger aide Harry W. Shlaudeman later disagreed with Kissinger, telling the oral historian William E. Knight of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project: "It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician—by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians—this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war. He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know—I wasn't present at the interview."[160] Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, "'Tell me, Mr. Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?'"[161] According to declassified state department files, Kissinger also hindered the Carter administration's efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976–1983 military dictatorship by visiting the country as Videla's personal guest to attend the 1978 FIFA World Cup and praising the regime.[162] Brazil's nuclear weapons program Kissinger was in favor of accommodating Brazil while it pursued a nuclear weapons program in the 1970s. Kissinger justified his position by arguing that Brazil was a U.S. ally and on the grounds that it would benefit private nuclear industry actors in the U.S. Kissinger's position on Brazil was out of sync with influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.[163] Rhodesia In September 1976, Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even the apartheid regime of South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of white minority rule.[164] Portuguese Empire In contrast to the unfriendly disposition of the previous Kennedy and Johnson administrations towards the Estado Novo regime of Portugal, particularly with regards to its attempts to maintain the Portuguese Colonial Empire by waging the Portuguese Colonial War against anti-colonial rebellions in defence of its empire, the Department of State under Kissinger adopted a more conciliatory attitude towards Portugal. In 1971, the administration of President Nixon successfully renewed the lease of the American military base in the Azores, despite condemnation from the Congressional Black Caucus and some members of the Senate. Though privately continuing to view Portugal contemptibly for its perceived atavistic foreign policy towards Africa, Kissinger publicly expressed thanks for Portugal's agreement to use its military base in Lajes in the Azores to resupply Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Following the fall of the far-right Portuguese regime in 1974, Kissinger worried that the new government's hasty decolonisation plan might benefit radical factions such as the MPLA in Angola. He also expressed concern that the inclusion of the Portuguese Communist Party in the new Portuguese government could legitimise communist parties in other NATO member states, such as Italy.[165] East Timor Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor Suharto with Gerald Ford and Kissinger in Jakarta on December 6, 1975, one day before the Indonesian invasion of East Timor The Portuguese decolonization process brought U.S. attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia. In December 1975, Suharto discussed invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation.[166] They only wanted it done "fast" and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington.[167] Accordingly, Suharto delayed the operation for one day. Finally on December 7, Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan. According to Ben Kiernan, the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981.[168] Cuba During the 1970 Cienfuegos Crisis, in which the Soviet Navy was strongly suspected of building a submarine base in the Cuban city of Cienfuegos, Kissinger met with Anatoly Dobrynin, Soviet Ambassador to the United States, informing him that the United States government considered this act a violation of the agreements made in 1962 by President John F. Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khrushchev in the wake of the Cuban Missile Crisis, prompting the Soviets to halt construction of their planned base in Cienfuegos.[169] In February 1976, Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying U.S. Marine Corps battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro's decision in late 1975 to send troops to newly independent Angola to help the MPLA in its fight against UNITA and South Africa during the start of the Angolan Civil War.[170] Western Sahara See also: Western Sahara conflict and Advisory opinion on Western Sahara Henry Kissinger meeting with President Mobutu Sese Seko and others at the Presidential Residence in Kinshasa, Zaire The Kissingerian doctrine endorsed the forced concession of Spanish Sahara to Morocco.[171] At the height of the 1975 Sahara crisis, Kissinger misled Gerald Ford into thinking the International Court of Justice had ruled in favor of Morocco.[172] Kissinger was aware in advance of the Moroccan plans for the invasion of the territory, materialized on November 6, 1975, in the so-called Green March.[172] Zaire Kissinger was involved in furthering cooperation between America and the Zaire dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and held multiple meetings with him. Kissinger would describe these efforts as "one of our policy successes in Africa" and praised Mobutu as "courageous, politically astute" and "relatively honest in a country where governmental corruption is a way of life".[173] Later roles Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981 After Nixon was forced to resign in the Watergate scandal, Kissinger's influence in the new presidential administration of Gerald R. Ford was diminished after he was replaced by Brent Scowcroft as National Security Advisor during the "Halloween Massacre" cabinet reshuffle of November 1975.[174] Kissinger left office as Secretary of State when Democrat Jimmy Carter defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections.[175] Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. In 1978, he was secretly involved in thwarting efforts by the Carter administration to indict three Chilean intelligence agents for masterminding the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier.[176] Kissinger was critical of the foreign policy of the Jimmy Carter administration, saying in 1980 that "has managed the extraordinary feat of having, at one and the same time, the worst relations with our allies, the worst relations with our adversaries, and the most serious upheavals in the developing world since the end of the Second World War."[177] After Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University, which met with student opposition.[178][179] Kissinger instead accepted a position at Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.[180] He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s. In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E.M. Warburg, Pincus and Company,[45] Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and was a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.[181] He also served on the board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,[182] and as of March 1999, was a director of Gulfstream Aerospace.[183] Kissinger and U.S. Vice President Joe Biden at the Munich Security Conference in February 2009 In September 1989, The Wall Street Journal's John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US-China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures, Inc., a Delaware limited partnership, of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer. A US$75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government's primary commercial vehicle at the time, China International Trust & Investment Corporation (CITIC), was its purpose. Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates. Kissinger was criticized for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC's Peter Jennings to comment the morning after the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre. Kissinger's position was generally supportive of Deng Xiaoping's decision to use the military against the demonstrating students and he opposed economic sanctions.[184] Kissinger with German Chancellor Angela Merkel on June 21, 2017 From 1995 to 2001, Kissinger served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.[185] In February 2000, president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also served as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.[186] In 1998, in response to the 2002 Winter Olympic bid scandal, the International Olympic Committee formed a commission, called the "2000 Commission", to recommend reforms, which Kissinger served on. This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC "honor members", a category the organization described as granted to "eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it".[187] Kissinger served as the 22nd Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from 2000 to 2005. He was preceded by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and succeeded by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor.[188] The College of William & Mary also own a painted portrait of Kissinger that was painted by Ned Bittinger.[189] From 2000 to 2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships. In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service.[190] In November 2002, he was appointed by President George W. Bush to chair the newly established National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the September 11 attacks.[191] Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002, rather than reveal his business client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.[192] In the Rio Tinto espionage case of 2009–2010, Kissinger was paid $5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery.[193] President Donald Trump meeting with Kissinger on May 10, 2017 Kissinger—along with William Perry, Sam Nunn, and George Shultz—called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and in three op-eds in The Wall Street Journal proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end. The four created the Nuclear Threat Initiative to advance this agenda. In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point. The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in The Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.[194][195] In December 2008, Kissinger was given the American Patriot Award by the National Defense University Foundation "in recognition for his distinguished career in public service".[159] On November 17, 2016, Kissinger met with President-elect Donald Trump during which they discussed global affairs.[196] Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017.[197] In an interview with Charlie Rose on August 17, 2017, Kissinger said about President Trump: "I'm hoping for an Augustinian moment, for St. Augustine ... who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision, and rose to sainthood. One does not expect the president to become that, but it's conceivable".[198] Kissinger also argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to weaken Hillary Clinton, not elect Donald

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This historical video, featuring former CIA official John Stockwell, dives into a deep analysis of the CIA's disinformation tactics, particularly focusing on the fabricated Libyan hit squads purportedly targeting President Reagan. It draws parallels between this misinformation campaign and the Administration's handling of war preparations in Central America, shedding light on propaganda techniques. The content also delves into revelations from the Progressive magazine, unveiling the extensive involvement of the US, primarily through the CIA, in establishing, funding, training, and supplying intelligence to Right Wing death squads in El Salvador. This support, initiated during President Kennedy's tenure, remains ongoing, painting a disturbing picture of US foreign policy. The narrative scrutinizes the escalating tensions in Central America, revealing how the US government employed tactics to suppress domestic dissent under the guise of fighting "terrorism." It highlights efforts aimed at silencing protests against an impending conflict, providing a comprehensive view of governmental control measures. Moreover, the video assesses the substantial shift in Reagan's war doctrine, moving away from nuclear retaliation towards planning a prolonged, all-encompassing nuclear war strategy with Russia, indicating a significant change in geopolitical ideologies. Originally released in May 1984, this footage captures a critical moment in history, offering a thought-provoking analysis of CIA operations, propaganda, geopolitical tensions, and shifts in warfare doctrines during the Reagan era. With Europe stabilizing along the Iron Curtain, the CIA attempted to limit the spread of Soviet influence elsewhere around the world. Much of the basic model came from George Kennan's "containment" strategy from 1947, a foundation of US policy for decades. Soviet Union 1950 Intelligence analysis In December 1950, with the Korean War in progress, National Intelligence Estimate 15 was issued: "Probable Soviet Moves to Exploit the Present Situation".[1] It began with the estimate that "USSR-Satellite treatment of Korean developments, k, indicates that they assess their current military and political position as one of great strength in comparison with that of the West, and that they propose to exploit the apparent conviction of the West of its own present weakness." At this time, there was no assumption that China and the USSR would differ on any policy "Moscow, seconded by Peiping with regard to the Far East, has disclosed through a series of authoritative statements that it aims to achieve certain gains in the present situation: a. Withdrawal of UN forces from Korea and of the Seventh Fleet from Formosan waters. b. Establishment of Communist China as the predominant power in the Far East, including the seating of Communist China in the United Nations. c.Reduction of Western control over Japan as a step toward its eventual elimination. d. Prevention of West German rearmament. It can be anticipated that irrespective of any Western moves looking toward negotiations, assuming virtual Western surrender is not involved, the Kremlin plans a continuation of Chinese Communist pressure in Korea until the military defeat of the UN is complete. A determined and successful stand by UN forces in Korea would, of course, require a Soviet re-estimate of the situation. Such a stand did take place, and the war ended in a stalemate. The scope of Soviet bloc preparations and the nature and extent of Soviet Communist official statements and propaganda raise the' question of Soviet or Satellite moves in other areas. The points that appear most critical are Berlin and Germany, Indochina, Yugoslavia, and Iran. Regarding what was to become Vietnam: An intensification of Communist efforts to secure Indochina is to be expected, regardless of development elsewhere. The Viet Minh has clearly indicated that its objective is to drive the French from Indochina at the earliest possible date. The Chinese Communists have at the same time repeatedly expressed their support of the Viet Minh. They have, moreover, officially claimed that Western resistance to the Viet Mmli is directed against Chinese Communist security. The Chinese Communists are already furnishing the Viet Minh with material, training, and technical assistance. If this assistance proves inadequate to enable the Viet Minh to accomplish its objectives, it is estimated that it will be supplemented, as necessary, by the introduction of Chinese Communist forces into the conflict, possibly as "volunteers." The extent of this Chinese Communist intervention, and whether it takes overt form, will probably depend on the degree of outside assistance furnished the French and the extent of Chinese Communist commitments elsewhere. Soviet Union 1952 In operation HTLINGUAL, the CIA intercepts mail from the U.S. to the Soviet Union, from 1952 to 1973. See also Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency). Soviet Union 1953 Intelligence analysis A March 1953 report on what was known about the Soviet bloc bluntly said that the level of confidence ranged greatly; some things were known with firmness and accuracy, while other information ranged from inadequate to nonexistent. In particular, "We have no reliable inside intelligence on the thinking inside the Kremlin." Balancing this was high confidence on the information about the Soviet Navy. Current intelligence, supporting military operations in Korea was considered excellent.[2] There was reasonable confidence in knowing the size of the Soviet fission bomb inventory, but much less confidence about estimates of the biological and chemical warfare capabilities. The report observed, however, that a good deal of information could be derived from knowledge of Soviet science in disciplines that supported biological and chemical warfare. Concern was expressed about knowledge of their progress of their thermonuclear weapon development program Joe-4, their first test, took place in August of the same year and their rate of uranium 235 production. While the CIA was confident on its knowledge of Soviet electronic warfare capabilities, there were gaps in the knowledge about the electronic order of battle in the Soviet air defense network. Information on missiles was also weak, and some was simply extrapolation of German technology the Soviets were known to have captured. As far as economic intelligence, the highest confidence was in basic industry output, as with metals, petroleum and transportation. It was observed that Soviet official announcements in these areas tended to be true. Data on agriculture and highly technical industries was weak. With respect to parts of the Soviet Bloc, the information on East Germany was thought best, fair on Poland, and worst on China. Military intelligence was good on land and sea forces, but there were gaps in coverage of air capabilities. Knowledge of their strategic intentions was "practically nonexistent", and not thought likely to improve. Soviet Union 1954 Intelligence analysis While the 1953 survey said that there was little knowledge about thinking inside the Kremlin, a 1954 NIE on soviet strategy stated substantial confidence in the stability of the Soviet government under its new leadership Joseph Stalin had died in March 1953. China was described as more of an ally than a satellite.[3] Economic growth was seen to be slowing, with agriculture the weakest component. The overall size of the military was expected to stay the same, but to improve in efficiency with greater numbers of nuclear weapons, missiles, and jet aircraft. The level of training, especially for strategic mobility, was considered weak. It was expected that both the Soviets and Chinese would avoid general war, unless critical interests were at stake. They will, however, put great emphasis on weakening and destabilizing non-Communist nations, and reducing those states' commitment to the West. Slowing German and Japanese rearmament is a priority, while they rearm the satellites. They will consider supporting anticolonialist and nationalist movements. The Intelligence Community believes their area of greatest interest will be Southeast Asia, although they probably will not insert Chinese Communist regular troops. Covert action The US considered Guatemala, and the coup there, an important proxy engagement with the Soviet Union. CIA has declassified 5210 documents on Guatemala,[4] which will need considerable analysis to understand how it fitted with the Cold War. Gen. James Doolittle did an extensive report on covert actions, specifically for President Dwight D. Eisenhower.[5] The report's first recommendation dealt with personnel. It recommended releasing a large number of current staff that could never be more than mediocre, aggressively recruit new staff with an overall goal of increasing the workforce, and intensify training, with 10% of the covert staff time spent in training. The Director should be nonpolitical. Counterintelligence Security was the next concern, starting with a drive to reduce interim and provisional security clearances. The report strongly endorsed use of the polygraph both for initial recruits and existing staff. Counterespionage needed to be strengthened, and field stations needed both to report on their staff and periodically be inspected. Consolidating the Washington workforce, which was scattered among buildings, into one or a few main buildings was seen as a way of improving the security of classified information. Management, coordination and oversight Coordination in the intelligence community was seen as a problem, with one of the highest priorities being establishing clear understandings between CIA and military intelligence organizations. The overall IC program for eliciting information from defectors needed improvement, with contributions from multiple agencies. In general, information sharing in the IC needed to improve. As far as organization and management, the report described the structure of the Directorate of Plans (i.e., the clandestine service) as too complex and in need of simplification. The Inspector General needed an agency-wide mandate. The role of the Operations Coordinating Board, the covert and clandestine oversight staff of the National Security Council needed to be strengthened, with operations clearly approved and guided from the highest levels of government. The report addressed the classic problem of increasing performance while reducing costs. This meant better review of the budgets of covert and clandestine activities by a Review Board, except for the most sensitive operations. It meant providing the Comptroller with enough information, even if sanitized, to do a thorough job. Soviet Union 1956 Clandestine intelligence collection The Soviets put down a revolution in Hungary, using considerable force. There was one CIA case officer in Hungary, which greatly limited collection capability. The U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, codenamed AQUATONE, began overflights of the Soviet Union. Soviet Union 1958 Intelligence estimate Following the Hungarian Revolution in 1956, the USSR put increased pressure on its satellite countries, and made it clear to the West that it did not want interference. This 1958 estimate by the IC, under CIA, explored the US understanding of the Soviet policy and actions. We believe the basic motivation behind Moscow's current tough line to be its grave concern over its power position in Eastern Europe, where it considers revisionism to have developed to dangerous proportions/Note 1. This concern has led the USSR to attack Tito [of Yugoslavia] and to cause the execution of Imre Nagy [the rebel Hungarian leader]--measures intended, at least in part, to put pressure on Gomulka [leader of Poland]. We believe that the Soviets will exert greater efforts to obtain Gomulka's compliance with Bloc requirements or, failing that, perhaps even to replace him.[6] The analysts felt the USSR has not abandoned the idea of peaceful coexistence with the West, but it probably believes there is little chance for East-West negotiations favorable to it. If, however, these events reflect " differences within the Soviet leadership and a degree of Communist Chinese influence. If this is so, it may portend a new and stiffer policy towards the West as well as the Satellites. We believe that recent events do not indicate that the USSR has ceased to desire a conference at the summit or lower level negotiations on matters in which the Soviet leaders have an interest. At the same time, the Soviet leaders may have concluded prior to undertaking their recent moves that, since the chances of an early summit conference on their terms were waning, they could more easily accept the political losses they would suffer in international affairs by pursuing a harder policy in Eastern Europe.[7] Soviet Union 1959 Clandestine intelligence collection GRU officer Dmitri Polyakov walked in to offer his services to the US. He transmitted information to the US until his retirement, as a Soviet general in 1980, although he was compromised in 1986, probably by Aldrich Ames,[8] and executed in 1988. Intelligence estimation and clandestine collection A November 1959 NIE, with the benefit of U-2 imagery, identified Soviet ground-to-ground missile capabilities from 75 nmi to intercontinental range. The ICBM, with a CEP of 3 nmi, was expected to reach operational status in January 1960.[9] Soviet Union 1960 Covert action 1960 (history) On the covert action front, a 1969 memorandum requesting 303 committee support of a [10] covert action program against the Soviet Union. It is first mentioned here because it gives historical background of earlier activities A request for additional funding for covert action, written in 1969 (see below), reviewed prior covert action in the Soviet Union.[10] In accordance with a previous authorization, NSC 5502/1,[11] as revalidated on 10 November 1960, CIA sponsors a covert action program which supports media3 and contact activities aimed at stimulating and sustaining pressures for liberalization and evolutionary change from within the Soviet Union. 1960 U-2 incident (clandestine intelligence collection) Main article: 1960 U-2 incident On May 1, 1960, a U-2 reconnaissance aircraft, operated by the CIA was shot down over the USSR, and its pilot, Francis Gary Powers, captured. At first, the CIA claimed it was a lost weather plane. In speaking with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Director of Central Intelligence Allen W. Dulles said that Powers, the U-2 pilot, had been with CIA four years and before that had been with the Air Force for six years. He had been selected for this mission because of his knowledge of Arctic navigation. The President said that when reconnaissance over-flights had been explained to him, he had been told that the pilots on such flights were taught to destroy the plane rather than to let it fall into Soviet hands. The President believed that the blunder of our first statement...[assumed] the plane was destroyed, Accordingly, we thought the story that a NASA weather reconnaissance plane was missing was a good cover story.[12] Later in May, the President met with Congressional leaders. During that breakfast discussion, he said, that intelligence and espionage were distasteful for many Americans, but that he as President ... had to make decisions based on what was right for the United States concerning the fundamental intelligence knowledge that we had to have...Nevertheless, the President has to accept responsibility for these decisions and also keep the knowledge of such activities in the fewest possible hands. Only a few people in State, Defense and CIA knew of this... The President said that he was responsible for the directive for the U-2... "There is no glory in this business," he said. "If it is successful, it can't be told."[13] Eisenhower expressed concern that Congress "would try to dig into the interior of the CIA and its covert operation. Such attempt would be harmful to the United States and he was sure that the leaders of the Congress would realize this. He repeated that the Administration people would cooperate with the inquiry--he called it "investigation" several times. Senator Mike Mansfield asked "What would the President think if there were to be established in the Congress a joint Congressional Committee which would oversee the activities of the CIA?" Eisenhower objected that the operation of the CIA was so delicate and so secret in many cases that it must be kept under cover, and that the Executive must be held responsible for it. He said that he would agree to some bipartisan group going down occasionally and receiving reports from the CIA on their activities, but that he would hate to see it formalized--indeed would be against the proposal made by Senator Mansfield. Senator Richard B. Russell "said that they do have a Congressional group that periodically went over reports. He said that they knew the U-2 planes were under construction a long time ago. The Senator added that he was not afraid of the Senators on security matters but that he was afraid of staff leaks." Charles E. Bohlen, special assistant to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles asked Menshikov about Soviet policy toward Cuba, with the response "he had said to Senator Fulbright that Senator Johnson's statement about a submarine base was completely out of this world and provocative; the Soviet Union had no intention of establishing bases or any military arrangements in Cuba."[14] Soviet Union 1967 Further information: Central Intelligence Agency Directorate of Science & Technology In Operation Acoustic Kitty, the CIA attempted to eavesdrop on men in a park outside the Soviet embassy in Washington with a $20,000,000 cat. The fate of the cat remains disputed. Soviet Union 1969 Authorization of covert action A request for additional funding for covert action reviewed prior covert action in the Soviet Union.[10] It asked for 303 Committee approval of continuation of the covert action program "directed primarily at the Soviet intelligentsia and reaffirm the approval it has given in the past to the program generally and the individual projects specifically." The proposal mentioned "the program supports media and contact activities aimed at stimulating and sustaining pressures for liberalization and evolutionary change from within the Soviet Union." Media activities were approved separately, and executed by Radio Liberty Committee and Free Europe, Inc., were approved by higher authority on 22 February 1969 and outside this request's scope. The Radio Liberty Committee, successor organization to the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, is composed of three major divisions: Radio Liberty which broadcasts via short wave to the Soviet Union 24 hours a day in 18 languages a book publication and distribution program designed to provide Soviet citizens with books not normally accessible to the Soviet public; [material not declassified] which produces research papers and publications targeted at the developing countries in Africa, the Middle East and the Far East. [material not declassified] The total cost of this program is $766,000. The program as a whole was discussed with and endorsed by Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Swank and Soviet Union Country Director Dubs on 21 October and 6 November 1969. The individual projects had been approved by the 303 Committee in 1967 and 1968. The primary objective is to stimulate and sustain pressures for liberalization and change from within the Soviet Union. The neuralgic points of this disaffection—desire for personal and intellectual freedom, desire for improvement in the quality of life, and the persistence of nationalism in Eastern Europe and among the nationality groups in the Soviet Union—are the main issues exploited by these projects. A secondary objective is to enlighten important third-country elites, especially political leaders and the public opinion shaping professions, about the repressive nature of the Soviet system and its imperialistic and self-aggrandizing foreign policy. The intellectual dissidence movement has demonstrated a vitality of its own. It is reasonable to assume that these dissidents will continue to seek outlets for literature and socio-political commentary that has thus far been suppressed. Each time the regime has silenced a group of dissidents a new group has emerged to produce a new generation of protest literature. An alternative approach was stated The United States could follow a policy of encouraging more vigorous émigré activities by more forthcoming identification by United States officials with émigré objectives, the extension of subsidies for émigré activities or organizations not presently receiving assistance from the United States Government, and adoption of a policy of open support for the independence of national minority areas such as the Ukraine. Substantial intensification of émigré propaganda activities might result in stimulating dissension inside the USSR, inducing defections and improving the collection of intelligence; identification with the independence of national minority groups could strengthen ethnic nationalist resistance to Russian domination. On the other hand, a more vigorous emigration probably would strengthen the forces of conformity and repression would retard the process of evolution in popular and leadershipattitudes which the program is trying to promote. It could also be argued that it would be in the national interest to divorce the United States Government entirely from the emigration and its activities. In this event the efforts of Soviet conservatives to justify repression of dissent on the basis of American "subversion" would lose some of their credibility. This argument, however, is negated by the fact that suspicions of U.S. intentions are so deeply ingrained that any change in U.S. policy toward the emigration would have minimal impact on the conservatives. Moreover, a source of support for those in the Soviet Union who are sustained by a sense of contact with the emigration would be removed and the Soviet authorities would be able more easily to foist their own version of events on the people and be under less pressure to make reforms. Soviet Union 1974 Project Azorian (previously believed to be code named Jennifer (clandestine intelligence collection)) Project Azorian was a clandestine technical collection operation to salvage the sunken Russian sub K-129. The purpose built ship, the Glomar Explorer, employed a custom designed "capture vehicle" to grasp the submarine. During the subsequent lift to the surface, the submarine broke apart due to a failure in the capture vehicle arms. The hoped-for complete recovery did not happen, but a 38-foot forward section was brought into the Glomar Explorer moon pool. The fact that the US was able to show the Russians the at-sea burial of K-129 sailors clearly indicated the US recovered, at least, bodies in this forward section. Given the bodies were recovered, it is a reasonable assumption that other objects were recovered as well from the forward section. A follow-up mission (Project Matador) was aborted due to disclosure of the mission by US news sources. Soviet Union 1975 Review of Soviet space systems (intelligence analysis) Certain Soviet space programs are important to the overall Soviet system. The systems fall into three classes: Scientific and national prestige Economic benefit Military and intelligence. 75% of Soviet satellites have been dedicated to missions including intelligence collection, geodesy, communications relay, weather and radar calibration. They have also developed an anti-satellite weapon Soviet dependence on system has to be evaluated in terms of: Dependence: systems for which there is no substantial alternative that is not space-based, and also perform critical functions Degradation: space systems that have no terrestrial alternative, but whose functions are important, but not critical to the overall Soviet Union Current development priorities include ocean surveillance and missile launch detection. Communications satellites are expected to become critical after 1985. The Soviets depend on these. Space systems that can degrade include photographic imaging and satellite interception. These will become increasingly critical. Radar calibration satellites are essential if the Soviets deploy and need to test an anti-ballistic missile defense system. It was estimated that even though they have a satellite interceptor, they will generally practice a non-interference policy toward other nations' satellites [15] Soviet Union 1981 Intelligence analysis It was the judgment of CIA and the IC that the Soviets were deeply committed to "revolutionary violence worldwide". They see this as a basic part of destabilizing their adversaries. The USSR has different policies toward different groups, depending on the goals of the groups, their methods, and presumably their security. Terrorist tactics, per se, do not offend Soviet scruples. The Soviets simply determine if those tactics are helpful or harmful to Soviet objectives. Not all groups accept Soviet control, and the Soviets deal with this on a case-by-case basis. There is compelling evidence that the Soviets have sponsored a number of revolutionary and separatist-irredentist groups, especially in El Salvador, where they directly delivered arms. Soviet operations in this area are under the direction of the International Department organization of the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party, not the security organs (i.e., KGB) or military. The International Department, however, tasks the KGB, GRU, and 10th Department of the General Staff to provide training and other support. They also use proxies, in the form of allies such as Libya, South Yemen, and Cuba, which directly support revolutionary groups. The policy of the Soviet Union toward nihilistic terrorist groups remains unclear. There is some evidence of Soviet support, but not coordination of activities. At times, they have labeled certain of these groups "criminal", and counseled other groups to shun them. There is no possibility the Soviet Union could be persuaded to join with the West in a comprehensive antiterrorist program. It was emphasized that revolutionary violence, in the Third World, is not synonymous with terrorism, and that violent revolution would be an issue with which the United States will have to deal for the indefinite future.[16] Counterintelligence (offensive) The Farewell Dossier in 1981 revealed massive Soviet espionage on Western technology. A successful counter-espionage program was created which involved giving defective technologies to Soviet agents.[17] Soviet Union 1984 The Cooperative Research Project website gives a photo of Casey touring Afghanistan and cites Steve Coll's 7/19/1992 Washington Post article asserting that "Casey wanted to ship subversive propaganda through Afghanistan to the Soviet Union's predominantly Muslim southern republics."[18] In the case of Uzbekistan, one example of this propaganda was to have the Qu'ran translated into Uzbek.[19] This was the idea of then CIA director William Casey, who believed that spreading Islam in Uzbekistan would become a problem for the USSR. Pakistani General Mohammad Yousaf quoted him as saying "We should take the books and try to raise the local population against them, and you can also think of sending arms and ammunition if possible." Although no other sources exist for this quote, Steve Coll points not only to Qur'an translation and anti-Russian propaganda, but also Casey's work to establish cooperation between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. Soviet Union 1985 Covert action (paramilitary) While the actual document has not been declassified, National Security Decision Directive 166 of 27 March 1985, "US Policy, Programs and Strategy in Afghanistan" defined a US policy of using established the US goal of driving to drive Soviet forces from Afghanistan "by all means available". Initially, this involved close cooperation with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence to assist mujahideen groups and in planning operations inside Afghanistan. Indeed, it was evident to residents in Islamabad and Peshawar in the 1980s that large numbers of Americans were present and involved in mysterious activities. This created linkages among hardened Muslim fighters worldwide.[20] At first, the US supported the effort cautiously, concerned that the Soviet Union would act against Pakistan. "Some time into the war, however, the US began to take a much more overt position and US supplied technology played a key role in defeating the Soviet war machine in Afghanistan. References Central Intelligence Agency (11 December 1950), National Intelligence Estimate NIE-15: Probable Soviet Moves to Exploit the Present Situation "CIA Intelligence Report, Intelligence on the Soviet Bloc" (PDF), CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, March 1953, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 "Soviet Capabilities and Probable Courses of Action Through Mid-1959" (PDF), NIE 11-4-54: CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, September 1954, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 Guatemala, CIA FOIA Reading Room, archived from the original on 2008-04-18, retrieved 2008-04-28 Doolittle, James (30 September 1954), Report on the Covert Activities of the Central Intelligence Agency, archived from the original on 1 May 2008 There is no direct link. At the CIA FOIA reading room page, search on COVERT OPERATIONS "Special National Intelligence Estimate 11-8-5: Implications of Current Soviet Conduct", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, July 8, 1958, archived from the original on July 6, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 snie11-8-5 "INTERVIEW WITH SANDY GRIMES", The National Security Archive, CNN, January 30, 1998 National Intelligence Estimate 11-5-59: Soviet Capabilities in Guided Missiles and Space Vehicles (PDF), archived from the original (PDF) on February 27, 2008 Memorandum for the 303 Committee: United States Government Support of Covert Action Directed at the Soviet Union (PDF), vol. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XII, Washington, December 9, 1969, FRUS XII-103 NSC 5502/1, "Statement on U.S. Policy Toward Russian Anti-Soviet Political Activities,", vol. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955–1957, vol. XXIV, Soviet Union, Eastern Mediterranean, Document 3. "Special Statements Regarding the U - 2 Incident and the Recent Military Test Alert (NSC Action No. 2231)", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, May 25, 1950, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 "Bipartisan Leaders Breakfast with the President", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, May 25, 1950, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 Bohlen, Charles (July 8, 1960), "Memorandum of Conversation with [Soviet] Ambassador Menshikov", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 Interagency Intelligence Memorandum (November 1975), Soviet Dependence on Space Systems (PDF) "SNIE 11/2-81: Soviet Support for International Terrorism and Revolutionary Violence" (PDF), CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, May 1981, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 David E. Hoffman (February 27, 2004), "CIA slipped bugs to Soviets – Memoir recounts Cold War technological sabotage", msnbc.msn.com, archived from the original on February 29, 2004, retrieved 2007-07-20 "October 1984: CIA Director Secretly Visits Afghan Training Camps; He Urges Spread of Violence into Soviet Union", Center for Grassroots Oversight ("CGO"), Cooperative Research History Commons, archived from the original on 2008-04-13, retrieved 2008-04-28 Coll, Steve (2005), Ghost Wars, Penguin, pp. 104–105, ISBN 1-59420-007-6 Pervez Hoodbhoy (17–21 July 2003). "Afghanistan and the Genesis of Global Jihad". 53rd Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs: Advancing Human Security: The Role of Technology and Politics. Archived from the original on 2006-10-10.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Watergate scandal refers to the burglary and illegal wiretapping of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, in the Watergate complex by members of President Richard Nixon's re-election campaign, and the subsequent cover-up of the break-in resulting in Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, as well as other abuses of power by the Nixon White House that were discovered during the course of the scandal. 1960s November 5, 1968: Richard Nixon elected President.[1] January 20, 1969: Richard Nixon is inaugurated as the 37th President of The United States. 1970s July 1, 1971: David Young and Egil "Bud" Krogh write a memo suggesting the formation of what later became the "White House Plumbers" in response to the leak of the Pentagon Papers by Daniel Ellsberg. August 21, 1971: Nixon's Enemies List is started by White House aides (though Nixon himself may not have been aware of it); to "use the available federal machinery to screw our political enemies." September 3, 1971: "White House Plumbers" E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, and others break into the offices of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist Lewis Fielding looking for material that might discredit Ellsberg, under the direction of John Ehrlichman or his staff within the White House. This was the Plumbers' first major operation.[2] By early 1972, the Plumbers, at this stage assigned to the Committee to Re-Elect the President (abbreviated CRP, but often mocked by the acronym CREEP[3]), had become frustrated at the lack of additional assignments they were being asked to perform, and that any plans and proposals they suggested were being rejected by CRP. Liddy and Hunt took their complaints to the White House – most likely to Charles Colson – and requested that the White House start putting pressure on CRP to assign them new operations. It is likely that both Colson and White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman did so, starting the chain of events that led to the Watergate break-ins a few months later. This narrative was confirmed in the famous "Cancer on the Presidency" conversation between Nixon and White House Counsel John Dean on March 21, 1973.[4] May 2, 1972: J. Edgar Hoover dies; L. Patrick Gray is appointed acting FBI director.[5] May 28, 1972: Liddy’s team breaks into DNC Headquarters at the Watergate complex for the first time, bugging the telephones of staffers.[6] June 17, 1972: The plumbers are arrested at 2:30 a.m. in the process of burglarizing and planting surveillance bugs in the Democratic National Committee offices at the Watergate Building Complex. June 19, 1972: Despite efforts by Steve King, Martha Mitchell acquires a copy of the Los Angeles Times, and recognizes the name of one of the Watergate burglars, James W. McCord Jr., security director of the CRP.[7] June 20, 1972: Reportedly based on a tip from Deep Throat (associate director of the FBI Mark Felt), Bob Woodward reports in The Washington Post that one of the burglars had E. Howard Hunt in his address book and possessed checks signed by Hunt, and that Hunt was connected to Charles Colson. On the same day, Nixon and Haldeman have a conversation that is recorded by the White House taping system. Eighteen and a half minutes of this conversation will later be erased.[8] June 23, 1972: In the Oval Office, H.R. Haldeman recommends to President Nixon that they attempt to shut down the FBI investigation of the Watergate break-in, by having CIA Director Richard Helms and Deputy Director Vernon A. Walters tell acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray to, "Stay the hell out of this". Haldeman expects Gray will then seek and take advice from Deputy FBI Director Mark Felt, and Felt will obey direction from the White House out of ambition. Nixon agrees and gives the order.[9] The conversation is recorded. September 15, 1972: Hunt, Liddy, and the Watergate burglars are indicted by a federal grand jury. November 7, 1972: Nixon re-elected, defeating George McGovern with the largest plurality of votes in American history. January 8, 1973: Five defendants plead guilty as the burglary trial begins. Liddy and James W. McCord Jr. are convicted after the trial. January 20, 1973: Nixon is inaugurated for his second term. February 28, 1973: Confirmation hearings begin for confirming L. Patrick Gray as permanent Director of the FBI. During these hearings, Gray reveals that he had complied with an order from John Dean to provide daily updates on the Watergate investigation, and also that Dean had "probably lied" to FBI investigators. March 17, 1973: Watergate burglar McCord writes a letter to Judge John Sirica, claiming that some of his testimony was perjured under pressure and that the burglary was not a CIA operation, but had involved other government officials, thereby leading the investigation to the White House. March 21, 1973: Dean tells Nixon there is a "cancer" on the presidency. March 23, 1973: The McCord letter is made public by Judge Sirica in open court at McCord's sentencing hearing. April 6, 1973: White House counsel John Dean begins cooperating with federal Watergate prosecutors. April 27, 1973: L. Patrick Gray resigns after it comes to light that he destroyed files from E. Howard Hunt's safe. William Ruckelshaus is appointed as his replacement. April 30, 1973: Senior White House administration officials Ehrlichman, Haldeman, and Richard Kleindienst resign, and John Dean is fired. May 17, 1973: The Senate Watergate Committee begins its nationally televised hearings. May 19, 1973: Independent special prosecutor Archibald Cox appointed to oversee investigation into possible presidential impropriety. June 3, 1973: John Dean tells Watergate investigators that he has discussed the cover-up with Nixon at least 35 times. July 13, 1973: Alexander Butterfield, former presidential appointments secretary, reveals that all conversations and telephone calls in Nixon's office have been taped since 1971. July 18, 1973: Nixon orders White House taping systems disconnected. July 23, 1973: Nixon refuses to turn over presidential tapes to the Senate Watergate Committee or the special prosecutor. Vice President replaced: October 10, 1973: Spiro Agnew resigns as Vice President of the United States due to corruption while he was the governor of Maryland. October 12, 1973: Gerald Ford is nominated as vice president under the 25th Amendment. October 20, 1973: "Saturday Night Massacre" – Nixon orders Elliot Richardson and Ruckelshaus to fire special prosecutor Cox. They both refuse to comply and resign. Robert Bork considers resigning but carries out the order. November 1, 1973: Leon Jaworski is appointed new special prosecutor. November 17, 1973: Nixon delivers "I am not a crook" speech at a televised press conference at Disney World (Florida). November 27, 1973: the Senate votes 92 to 3 to confirm Ford as vice president. December 6, 1973: the House votes 387 to 35 to confirm Ford as vice president, and he takes the oath of office an hour after the vote. January 28, 1974: Nixon campaign aide Herbert Porter pleads guilty to perjury. February 25, 1974: Nixon personal counsel Herbert Kalmbach pleads guilty to two charges of illegal campaign activities. March 1, 1974: In an indictment against seven former presidential aides, delivered to Judge Sirica together with a sealed briefcase intended for the House Committee on the Judiciary, Nixon is named as an unindicted co-conspirator. March 4, 1974: The "Watergate Seven" (Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Colson, Gordon C. Strachan, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson) are formally indicted. March 18, 1974: Judge Sirica orders the grand jury's sealed report to be sent to the House Committee on the Judiciary. April 5, 1974: Dwight Chapin convicted of lying to a grand jury. April 7, 1974: Ed Reinecke, Republican lieutenant governor of California, indicted on three charges of perjury before the Senate committee. April 16, 1974: Special Prosecutor Jaworski issues a subpoena for 64 White House tapes. April 30, 1974: White House releases edited transcripts of the Nixon tapes, but the House Judiciary Committee insists the actual tapes must be turned over. May 9, 1974: Impeachment hearings begin before the House Judiciary Committee. June 15, 1974: Woodward and Bernstein's book All the President's Men is published by Simon & Schuster (ISBN 0-671-21781-X). July 8, 1974: The United States Supreme Court hears oral argument in United States v. Nixon. July 24, 1974: United States v. Nixon decided: Nixon is ordered to give up tapes to investigators. Congress moves to impeach Nixon. July 27 to July 30, 1974: House Judiciary Committee passes Articles of Impeachment. Early August 1974: A previously unknown tape from June 23, 1972 (recorded a few days after the break-in) documenting Nixon and Haldeman formulating a plan to block investigations is released. This recording later became known as the "Smoking Gun". Key Republican Senators tell Nixon that enough votes exist to convict him. August 8, 1974: Nixon delivers his resignation speech in front of a nationally televised audience. August 9, 1974: Nixon resigns from office and Ford becomes president. September 8, 1974: President Ford ends the investigations by granting Nixon a pardon. October 17, 1974: Ford testifies before Congress on the pardon, the first sitting president to testify before Congress since President Lincoln. November 7, 1974: 94th Congress elected: Democratic Party picks up 5 Senate seats and 49 House seats. Many of the freshman congressmen are very young; the media dubs them "Watergate Babies". December 31, 1974: As a result of Nixon administration abuses of privacy, Privacy Act of 1974 passes into law. January 1, 1975: John N. Mitchell, John Ehrlichman and H. R. Haldeman convicted of conspiracy, obstruction of justice and perjury. July 27, 1975: Church Committee, chaired by Frank Church, commences to investigate foreign and domestic intelligence-gathering activities. November 4, 1975: Ford replaces several Nixon cabinet members in the "Halloween Massacre", engineered by Ford aide Donald Rumsfeld. Richard Cheney, George H. W. Bush and Brent Scowcroft join Ford administration; Rumsfeld becomes Secretary of Defense; Henry Kissinger remains as Secretary of State but not National Security Advisor. May 5, 1976: Church Committee superseded by Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. November 2, 1976: Ford is defeated in the United States presidential election by Jimmy Carter. January 20, 1977: Jimmy Carter is inaugurated as the 39th President of The United States. May 4, 1977: Nixon gives his first major interview about Watergate with TV journalist David Frost. May 15, 1978: Nixon publishes his memoirs, giving more of his side of the Watergate saga. October 25, 1978: Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act enacted, creating Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court and limiting federal government domestic surveillance powers. Recommended by Church Committee. 1990s May, 1990: Publication of Wars of Watergate by Stanley Kutler, often cited as the definitive history of the Watergate Scandal.[10] January, 1992: Publication of Silent Coup by journalists Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, blaming Watergate burglary on John Dean who wanted to cover up involvement of his fiancée with a call-girl ring. Book endorsed by Liddy in his first major statement about Watergate case, prompting Dean to sue Liddy, Colodny and Gettlin for defamation. Dean's case was dismissed and settled out of court; DNC secretary Ida "Maxine" Wells, also implicated by Liddy in call-girl cover-up, sued for defamation but jury in that case deadlock and judge dismissed case in 2001.[11] The book, often dismissed as a revisionist, pro-Nixon apology or conspiracy theory, was also endorsed by Roger Stone.[12] April 22, 1994: Richard Nixon dies aged 81, after suffering a stroke. In keeping with his own wishes, he was not given a state funeral, though his funeral service five days later was a high-profile affair, attended by all five living U.S. Presidents and a host of other VIPs. 2000s May 31, 2005: W. Mark Felt, former Associate Director of the FBI during the Watergate years, declares that he is Deep Throat; this declaration was later confirmed by reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, although it was disputed by some writers. References Gerhard Peters. "The American Presidency Project Election of 1968". ucsb.edu. Archived from the original on 2016-09-28. Owen Edwards; Smithsonian Magazine (October 2012). "The World's Most Famous Filing Cabinet: After Daniel Ellsberg leaked the Pentagon Papers, the infamous Plumbers broke into his psychiatrist's office, looking for a way to discredit him". smithsonianmag.com. Joan Hoff (2010). L. Edward Purcell (ed.). Richard Milhous Nixon. Vol. Vice Presidents: A Biographical Dictionary. Infobase Publishing. p. 351. ISBN 978-1-4381-3071-2. Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. "Transcript of a recording of a meeting among the President, John Dean, and H.R. Haldeman in the Oval Office, on March 21, 1973, from 10:12 to 11:55 AM" (PDF). nixonlibrary.gov. Archived (PDF) from the original on February 22, 2013. Henry B. Hogue; Federation of American Scientists (March 17, 2005). "Nomination and Confirmation of the FBI Director: Process and Recent History" (PDF). fas.org. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2016. "The Watergate Scandal: A Timeline". Killian, Katie (2019-08-01). "Slow Burn. Leon Neyfakh. Slate, The Slate Group, a Graham Holdings Company. https://slate.com/slow-burn. 2017". The Oral History Review. 46 (2): 426–427. doi:10.1093/ohr/ohz018. ISSN 0094-0798. {{cite journal}}: External link in |title= (help) "The Watergate tapes' infamous 18.5-minute gap and Nixon's secretary's unusual explanation for it". ABC News. Retrieved 2022-06-13. "The Watergate Story | Nixon Resigns". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 2016-11-25. Retrieved 2016-12-30. "Stanley I. Kutler, Historian Who Got Nixon Tapes Released, Dies at 80". New York Times. April 11, 2015. "Liddy Case Dismissed Jury Unable To Reach A Verdict After Deliberating 8 Hours". CBS News. February 1, 2001. Archived from the original on September 1, 2006. "Mark Levin has warned before of Obama's 'silent coup.' Now he has a follower in the Oval Office". Washington Post. March 26, 2017. Bernstein, C., & Woodward, B. (1974). All the President's Men. New York: Pocket Books. vte Richard Nixon 37th President of the United States (1969–1974) 36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961) U.S. Senator from California (1950–1953) U.S. Representative for CA–12 (1947–1950) Pre-presidency Checkers speech Vice presidency Presidential transition of Dwight D. Eisenhower 1958 motorcade attack Kitchen Debate Operation 40 Presidential transition of John F. Kennedy Presidency (timeline) Transition First inauguration Second inauguration "Bring Us Together" Silent majority 1970 Lincoln Memorial visit State of the Union Address (1970 1973 1974) Wilson desk Judicial appointments Supreme Court controversies Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations Foreign policy Nixon Doctrine Vietnam War Cambodian bombing Paris Peace Accords "Peace with Honor" Vietnamization Cold War period Linkage policy Tar Baby Option 1972 visit to China Shanghai Communiqué 1973 Chilean coup d'état Détente 1972 Moscow Summit Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty SALT I Treaty Prevention of Nuclear War Agreement Threshold Test Ban Treaty Operation CHAOS Space exploration Economic policy Bank Secrecy Act Fair Credit Reporting Act National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1970 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 Nixon shock Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 Smithsonian Agreement Occupational Safety and Health Act National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health Occupational Safety and Health Administration Permissible exposure limit U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission Consumer Product Safety Act Lead-Based Paint Poisoning Prevention Act Poison Prevention Packaging Act of 1970 Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act Securities Investor Protection Act Securities Investor Protection Corporation Tax Reform Act of 1969 Alternative minimum tax Revenue Act of 1971 Agricultural Act of 1970 Farm Credit Act of 1971 Consolidated Farm and Rural Development Act of 1972 Agriculture and Consumer Protection Act of 1973 Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act Emergency Daylight Saving Time Energy Conservation Act Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act Environmental policy Council on Environmental Quality Environmental Quality Improvement Act National Environmental Policy Act Environmental Protection Agency Clean Air Amendments of 1970 Clean Water Act Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act National Ambient Air Quality Standards National Emissions Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants New Source Performance Standards Noise Control Act Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1970 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Coastal Zone Management Act Coastal Zone Management Program Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 Endangered Species Act of 1969 Endangered Species Act of 1973 Oil Pollution Act of 1973 Water Resources Development Act of 1974 Social policy Family Assistance Plan Revised Philadelphia Plan Minority Business Development Agency Native American policy Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Education Amendments of 1972 Title IX National Cancer Act of 1971 End Stage Renal Disease Program Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act Shafer Commission War on Drugs Drug Enforcement Administration Cannabis policy Federal Contested Elections Act Federal Election Campaign Act Voting Rights Act Amendments of 1970 District of Columbia Home Rule Act Watergate Timeline Operation Sandwedge Operation Gemstone Saturday Night Massacre CRP White House Plumbers Watergate Seven Enemies List list of opponents White House tapes United States v. Nixon (1974) Senate Watergate Committee impeachment process "I am not a crook" Resignation speech Pardon Life and politics Richard Nixon Foundation Presidential Library and Museum Birthplace and boyhood home "Last press conference" Florida White House "La Casa Pacifica" Nixon Center Nixon v. General Services Administration (1977) Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982) Death and state funeral Books Six Crises (1962) Bibliography Elections U.S. House of Representatives: 1946 1948 U.S. Senate: 1950 California gubernatorial election: 1962 GOP presidential primaries: 1960 1964 1968 1972 GOP national conventions: 1952 1956 1960 1968 campaign 1972 Presidential elections: 1952 1956 1960 debates 1968 1972 Popular culture "Nixon goes to China" Millhouse (1971 film) An Evening with Richard Nixon (1972 play) Richard (1972 film) Another Nice Mess (1972 film) Four More Years (1972 film) Impeach the President (1973 song) The Werewolf of Washington (1973 film) White House Madness (1975 film) All the President's Men (1976 film) The Public Burning (1977 novel) Washington: Behind Closed Doors (1977 miniseries) Secret Honor (1984 film) Nixon in China (1987 opera) The Final Days (1989 film) Nixon (1995 film) Elvis Meets Nixon (1997 film) Futurama (1999 TV series) Dick (1999 film) Nixon's China Game (2000 film) Dark Side of the Moon (2002 film) The Assassination of Richard Nixon (2004 film) Frost–Nixon interviews (2006 play, 2008 film) Black Dynamite (2009 film) "The Impossible Astronaut" (2011 TV episode) Our Nixon (2013 film) X-Men: Days of Future Past (2014 film) Crooked (2015 novel) Elvis & Nixon (2016 film) The Post (2017 film) Watergate (2019 board game) U.S. postage stamp Related Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act Presidential Townhouse Richard Nixon mask Staff Jack Brennan (aide de camp) Murray Chotiner (early campaign manager) Manolo Sanchez (valet) Rose Mary Woods (secretary) Family Thelma "Pat" Ryan Nixon (wife) Tricia Nixon Cox (daughter) Julie Nixon Eisenhower (daughter) Christopher Nixon Cox (grandson) Jennie Eisenhower (granddaughter) Francis A. Nixon (father) Hannah Milhous Nixon (mother) Donald Nixon (brother) Edward Nixon (brother) ← Lyndon B. Johnson Gerald Ford → ← Alben W. Barkley Lyndon B. Johnson →

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Arthur Robert Ashe Jr. (July 10, 1943 – February 6, 1993) was an American professional tennis player. He won three Grand Slam titles in singles and two in doubles. Ashe was the first black player selected to the United States Davis Cup team, and the only black man ever to win the singles titles at Wimbledon, the US Open, and the Australian Open. He retired in 1980. Ashe was ranked world No. 1 by Rex Bellamy,[3] Bud Collins,[4] Judith Elian,[5] Lance Tingay,[6] World Tennis[7] and Tennis Magazine (U.S.)[8] in 1975. That year, Ashe was awarded the 'Martini and Rossi' Award, voted for by a panel of journalists,[9] and the ATP Player of the Year award. In the ATP computer rankings, he peaked at No. 2 in May 1976.[10] Ashe is believed to have acquired HIV from a blood transfusion he received during heart bypass surgery in 1983. He publicly announced his illness in April 1992, and began working to educate others about HIV and AIDS. He founded the Arthur Ashe Foundation for the Defeat of AIDS and the Arthur Ashe Institute for Urban Health before his death from AIDS-related pneumonia at the age of 49 on February 6, 1993. On June 20, 1993, he was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by United States President Bill Clinton. Arthur Ashe Stadium, the main court for the US Open and the largest tennis arena in the world, is named in his honor. Ashe playing against Dennis Ralston at the 1964 Southern California Intercollegiates. Early life, education, and early tennis experience Arthur Ashe was born in Richmond, Virginia, to Arthur Ashe Sr. (d. 1989) and Mattie Cordell Cunningham Ashe on July 10, 1943. He had a brother, Johnnie, who was five years younger than he.[11] The brothers were born into a family that claimed direct descent from Amar, a West African woman who was enslaved and brought to America in 1735 aboard a ship called The Doddington.[12] Ashe family members were enslaved by North Carolina Governor Samuel Ashe.[13] In March 1950, Ashe's mother Mattie died from complications related to a toxemic pregnancy (now known as pre-eclampsia) at the age of 27.[14] Ashe and his brother were raised by their father who worked as a handyman and salaried caretaker/Special Policeman for Richmond's recreation department.[11] Ashe Sr. was a caring father and strict disciplinarian who encouraged Arthur to excel both in school and in sports, but forbade him to play American football, a popular game for many boys, due to his son's slight build, something that meant Arthur's childhood nicknames were "Skinny" and "Bones".[citation needed] The Ashes lived in the caretaker's cottage in the grounds of 18-acre Brookfield park, Richmond's largest blacks-only public playground, which had basketball courts, four tennis courts, a pool, and three baseball diamonds. Ashe started playing tennis at seven years of age and began practicing on the courts where his natural talent was spotted by Virginia Union University student and part-time Brookfield tennis instructor Ron Charity, who as the best black tennis player in Richmond at the time began to teach Ashe the basic strokes and encouraged him to enter local tournaments. Ashe attended Maggie L. Walker High School in Richmond, Virginia, where he continued to practice tennis. Ron Charity brought him to the attention of Robert Walter Johnson, a physician, and the coach of Althea Gibson, who founded and funded the Junior Development Program of the American Tennis Association (ATA). Ashe was coached and mentored by Johnson at his tennis summer-camp home in Lynchburg, Virginia, from 1953 when Ashe was aged 10, until 1960. Johnson helped fine-tune Ashe's game and taught him the importance of racial socialization through sportsmanship, etiquette, and the composure that would later become an Ashe hallmark. He was told to return every ball that landed within two inches of a line and never to argue with an umpire's decision. In 1958, Ashe became the first African American to play in the Maryland boys' championships. It was also his first integrated tennis competition. In 1960, Ashe was precluded from competing against White youths in segregated Richmond during the school year, and unable to use the city's indoor courts that were closed to Black players. He accepted an offer from Richard Hudlin, a 62-year-old St. Louis teacher, tennis coach, and friend of Johnson, to move to St. Louis and spend his senior year attending Sumner High School,[15] where he could compete more freely. Ashe lived with Hudlin and his family for the year, during which time Hudlin coached and encouraged him to develop the serve-and-volley game that Ashe's now-stronger physique allowed. Ashe was able to practice at the National Guard Armory indoor courts and in 1961, after lobbying by Johnson, was granted permission to compete in the previously segregated U.S. Interscholastic tournament and won it for the school. In December 1960 and again in 1963, Ashe was featured in Sports Illustrated, appearing in their Faces in the Crowd segment.[16] He became the first African American to win the National Junior Indoor tennis title. Higher education and military service Ashe was awarded a tennis scholarship to the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) in 1963. During his time at UCLA, he was coached by J. D. Morgan and practiced regularly with his sporting idol, Pancho Gonzales, who lived nearby and helped hone his game. Ashe was also a member of the ROTC, which required him to enter active military service after graduation in exchange for money for tuition. He was active in other organizations, later pledging the Upsilon chapter of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity and becoming a member/brother of the fraternity. After graduating with a bachelor's degree in Business Administration, Ashe joined the United States Army on August 4, 1966. He completed his basic training in Washington and was later commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Adjutant General Corps. He was assigned to the United States Military Academy at West Point where he worked as a data processor. During his time at West Point, Ashe headed the academy's tennis program. He was temporarily promoted to 1st Lieutenant on February 23, 1968, and was discharged from the Army on February 22, 1969, as a 1st Lieutenant. He was awarded the National Defense Service Medal for his service. He served a total of 2 years in the United States Army.[17][18] Tennis career 1960s In 1961, Ashe won the Eastern Clay Court Championships defeating George Ball and Bob Barker in close five set matches in the semifinal and final. In 1963, Ashe won the Pacific Southwest Championships in Los Angeles on cement defeating Rafael Osuna and Whitney Reed in the final two rounds. The following season he won the 1964 Eastern Grass Court Championships at South Orange, New Jersey defeating Dennis Ralston, Gene Scott, and Clark Graebner in close matches. In 1963, Ashe became the first black player ever selected for the United States Davis Cup team. In 1965, ranked the number 3 player in the United States, Ashe won both the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) singles title and the doubles title (with Ian Crookenden of New Zealand), helping UCLA win the team NCAA tennis championship. In 1966 and 1967, Ashe reached the final of the Australian Championship but lost on both occasions to Roy Emerson. He won the 1967 U.S. Men's Clay Court Championships in Milwaukee defeating Marty Riessen in the final. In 1968 Ashe won the United States Amateur Championships against Davis Cup Teammate Bob Lutz, and the first US Open of the open era, becoming the first black male to capture the title and the only player to have won both the amateur and open national championships in the same year.[19] In order to maintain Davis Cup eligibility and have time away from army duty for important tournaments, Ashe was required to maintain his amateur status. Because of this, he could not accept the $14,000 first-prize money, which was instead given to runner-up Tom Okker,[20] while Ashe received just $20 daily expenses for his historic triumph. His ability to compete in the championship (and avoid the Vietnam War) arose from his brother Johnnie's decision to serve an additional tour in Vietnam in Arthur's place.[21] In December 1968, Ashe helped the U.S. team become Davis Cup champions after victory in the final in Adelaide against defending champions, Australia. His only loss in the 12 Davis Cup tournament singles matches he played that year, was in the last dead rubber game after the U.S. team had already clinched victory. The season closed with Ashe the winner of 10 of 22 tournaments with a 72–10 win-loss match record. In September 1969, the U.S. Davis Cup team retained the cup, beating Romania in the final challenge round, with Ashe winning both his singles matches. The same year, Ashe applied for a visa to play in the South African Open but was denied the visa by the South African government who enforced a strict apartheid policy of racial segregation. He continued to apply for visas in the following years and the country continued to deny him one. In protest, he used this example of discrimination to campaign for U.S. sanctions against South Africa and the expulsion of the nation from the International Lawn Tennis Federation (ILTF) but, in defense of the individual South African players, refused the call from activists to forfeit matches against them. 1970s In January 1970, Ashe won his second Grand Slam singles title at the Australian Open. With the competition somewhat depleted by the absence of some world-class National Tennis League (NTL) professional players barred by their league from entering because the financial guarantees were deemed too low, Ashe defeated Dick Crealy in straight sets in the final to become the first non-Australian to win the title since 1959. In March 1970, triggered by South Africa's refusal to grant Ashe a visa to play there, the country was expelled from the Davis Cup competition for its racial policy. In September 1970, Ashe helped the U.S. Davis cup team defeat West Germany in the challenge round to win their third consecutive Davis Cup. Ashe then turned professional, signing a five-year contract with Lamar Hunt's World Championship Tennis.[22] In March 1971, Ashe reached the final of the Australian Open again but lost in straight sets to Ken Rosewall. In June that year, Ashe won the French Open men's doubles with partner Marty Riessen. In 1972, due to a dispute between the ILTF and the WCT, Ashe, as one of the 32 contracted WCT players, was barred from taking part in any ILTF Grand Prix tennis circuit tournaments from January to July. This ban meant Ashe was unable to play at the French Open and Wimbledon Grand Slam tournaments. In September, Ashe reached the final of the US Open for the second time. After leading his opponent, Ilie Năstase by 2 sets to 1 and with a break point to take a 4–1 lead in the fourth set, he eventually lost in five sets. The loss from such a winning position was the biggest disappointment of Ashe's professional tennis career. At the post-match award ceremony, irritated by some of Năstase's on-court antics during the game, Ashe praised Năstase as a tough opponent and 'colourful' player, then suggested, "... and when he brushes up on some of his court manners, he is going to be even better". At this tournament, concerned that men's tennis professionals were not receiving winnings commensurate with the sport's growing popularity and to protect players from promoters and associations, Ashe supported the founding of the Association of Tennis Professionals. He went on to become its elected president in 1974. In June 1973, as a result of an ATP boycott, Ashe was one of 13 seeded players and 81 players in total who withdrew from the Wimbledon tournament to much public criticism. The catalyst for the boycott was that Yugoslavian ATP member Niki Pilić had been suspended for nine months by his tennis federation after allegedly refusing to represent them in a Davis Cup tie against New Zealand in May, something Pilić denied. The ban was upheld by the ILTF though they reduced it to just one month. The ATP contested the ban but lost a lawsuit to force Pilić's participation at Wimbledon during the ban period. As a member of the ATP board, Ashe voted to boycott the tournament, a vote that was only narrowly passed when ATP chairman, Cliff Drysdale abstained. Commentators considered that the boycott demonstrated the power of the fledgling ATP, and showed the tennis associations that professional players could no longer be dictated to.[23] In November 1973, with the South African government seeking to end their Olympic ban and re-join the Olympic movement, Ashe was finally granted a visa to enter the country for the first time, to play in the South African Open. He lost in the final to Jimmy Connors, but won the doubles with partner Tom Okker. Despite boycotts against South African sport, Ashe believed that his presence could help break down stereotypes and that by competing and winning the tournament, it would stand as an example of the result of integration, and help bring about change in apartheid South Africa. He reached the singles final again in 1974, losing in straight sets to Connors for the second consecutive year. In 1977, Ashe addressed a small crowd of boycott supporters at the U.S. Open and admitted that he had been wrong to participate in South Africa and once again supported the boycott of South African players after he had tried to purchase tickets for some young Africans for a tennis match in South Africa, and was told to use an "Africans only" counter.[24] In the media, Ashe called for South Africa to be expelled from the professional tennis circuit and Davis Cup competition. In May 1975, Ashe beat Björn Borg to win the season-ending championship WCT Finals in Dallas. On July 5, 1975, in the first all-American Wimbledon final since 1947, Ashe, seeded sixth and just a few days short of his 32nd birthday, won Wimbledon at his ninth attempt, defeating the overwhelming favourite and defending champion, Jimmy Connors. Ashe had never beaten Connors in any of their previous encounters and Connors had not dropped a set in any of the six earlier rounds, but Ashe played an almost perfect game of tactical tennis to win in four sets.[25][26] In the lead-up to the final, the two players' relationship was already strained. Connors was suing the ATP, with Ashe as its president, for $10 million for alleged restraint of trade after opposition from the ATP and French officials meant he was refused entry to the 1974 French Open as a contracted member of World Team Tennis (WTT). Just two days before the start of the Wimbledon tournament, it had been announced that Connors was now suing Ashe for $5 million for comments in a letter Ashe had written to ATP members in his role as president, criticizing Connors' insistence that Davis Cup captain Dennis Ralston should be fired and Connors' "unpatriotic" boycott of the competition which had started after Ralston left him out of the team against the West Indies in Jamaica in March 1972. On the final day, Ashe pointedly and symbolically wore red, white and blue wristbands throughout the match and wore his U.S.A.-emblazoned Davis Cup warm-up jacket when walking out onto Centre Court and during the award ceremony while receiving the trophy and winner's cheque for GBP £10,000 (1975 equivalent US$23,000). Soon after the final, Connors dropped the libel suit. Ashe played for a few more years and won the Australian Open doubles with Tony Roche in January 1977, but a left foot heel injury requiring surgery a month later and subsequent long-term rehabilitation saw his world ranking drop to a lowly 257th before a remarkable comeback saw him rise back to 13th in the world again the following year at the age of 35. However, after undergoing heart surgery in December 1979, Ashe officially retired on April 16, 1980, at the age of 36. His career record was 818 wins, 260 losses, and 51 titles. Post-tennis career and activism President Reagan greets Arthur Ashe (left) in 1982 After his retirement, Ashe took on many roles, including writing for Time magazine and The Washington Post, commentating for ABC Sports and HBO from the early 1980s until a few months before his death, founding the National Junior Tennis League, and serving as captain of the U.S. Davis Cup team from 1981 to 1985. He was elected to the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985.[27] Ashe was an active civil rights supporter. He was a member of a delegation of 31 prominent African Americans who visited South Africa to observe political change in the country as it approached racial integration. He was arrested on January 11, 1985, for protesting outside the Embassy of South Africa, Washington, D.C., during an anti-apartheid rally. He was arrested again on September 9, 1992, outside the White House for protesting on the recent crackdown on Haitian refugees. In 1988, Ashe published a three-volume book titled A Hard Road to Glory: A History of the African-American Athlete,[28] after working with a team of researchers for nearly six years.[29] Ashe stated that the book was more important than any tennis titles.[30] After Ashe publicly acknowledged that he had contracted HIV, he founded the Arthur Ashe Foundation for the Defeat of AIDS, working to raise awareness about the virus and advocated teaching sex education and safe sex. He also fielded questions about his own diagnosis and attempted to clear up the misconception that only homosexual and bisexual men, or IV drug users were at risk for contracting HIV.[31] In a speech to the United Nations General Assembly on World AIDS Day, December 1, 1992, he addressed the growing need for AIDS awareness and increased research funding, saying: "We want to be able to look back and say to all concerned that we did what we had to do, when we had to do it, and with all the resources required." Two months before his death, he founded the Arthur Ashe Institute for Urban Health to help address issues of inadequate health care delivery and was named Sports Illustrated magazine's Sportsman of the Year. He also spent much of the last years of his life writing his memoir, Days of Grace, finishing the manuscript less than a week before his death. Personal life In October 1976, Ashe met photographer and graphic artist Jeanne Moutoussamy at a United Negro College Fund benefit. Moutoussamy, who is of mixed Indo-Guadeloupean and African-American heritage, is the daughter of architect John Moutoussamy. On February 20, 1977, they were married in the Church Center for the United Nations in New York City in a ceremony officiated by Andrew Young, the United States Ambassador to the United Nations.[32] In December 1986, Ashe and Moutoussamy adopted a daughter. They named their daughter Camera after her mother's professional instrument.[33] Health In July 1979, at the age of 36, Ashe suffered a heart attack while holding a tennis clinic in New York. In view of his high level of fitness as an athlete, his condition drew attention to the hereditary aspect of heart disease; his mother already had cardiovascular disease at the time of her death, aged 27, and his father had suffered a first heart attack, aged 55, and a second, aged 59, just a week before Ashe's own attack. Cardiac catheterization revealed one of Ashe's arteries was completely closed, another was 95 percent closed, and a third was closed 50 percent in two places. He underwent a quadruple bypass operation performed by John Hutchinson on December 13, 1979.[34] Ashe promoting heart health after his heart attack A few months after the operation, Ashe was on the verge of making his return to professional tennis. However, during a family trip in Cairo, Egypt, he developed chest pains while running. He stopped running and returned to see a physician accompanied by his close friend Douglas Stein. Stein urged him to return to New York City so he could be close to his cardiologist, his surgeon and top-class medical facilities.[34] In 1983, he underwent a second round of heart surgery to correct the previous bypass surgery. After the surgery, Ashe became national campaign chairman for the American Heart Association. In September 1988, Ashe was hospitalized after experiencing paralysis in his right arm. After undergoing exploratory brain surgery and a number of tests, doctors discovered that he had toxoplasmosis, a parasitic disease that is commonly found in people infected with HIV. A subsequent test later revealed that he was HIV-positive. Ashe and his doctors believed he contracted the virus from blood transfusions he received during his second heart surgery.[31][35] He and his wife decided to keep his illness private for the sake of their daughter, who was then two years old. In September 1992, Ashe suffered a mild heart attack. In 1992, a friend of Ashe who worked for USA Today heard that he was ill and called him to confirm the story. Ashe decided to preempt USA Today's plans to publish the story about his illness and, on April 8, 1992, publicly announced he had contracted HIV. He blamed USA Today for forcing him to go public with the news but also stated that he was relieved that he no longer had to lie about his illness. After the announcement, hundreds of readers called or wrote letters to USA Today criticizing their choice to run the story about Ashe that forced him to publicize his illness.[36] Death On February 6, 1993, Ashe died from AIDS-related pneumonia at New York Hospital at 3:13 p.m., at age 49. His funeral was held at the Arthur Ashe Athletic Center in Richmond, Virginia, on February 10.[35] Governor Douglas Wilder, who was a friend of Ashe's, allowed his body to lie in state at the Governor's Mansion in Richmond. More than 5,000 people lined up to walk past the casket. Andrew Young, who had performed the service for Ashe's wedding in 1977, officiated at his funeral. Over 6,000 mourners attended.[37] Ashe requested that he be buried alongside his mother, Mattie, who died in 1950, in Woodland Cemetery in Richmond, Virginia.[38] On February 12, 1993, a memorial service for Ashe was held at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in Manhattan.[39] Legacy Ashe remains the only Black man to win the singles title at Wimbledon, the US Open, or Australian Open.[citation needed] He is one of only two men of black African ancestry to win any Grand Slam singles title, the other being France's Yannick Noah, who won the French Open in 1983. He also led the United States to victory for three consecutive years (1968–70) in the Davis Cup.[citation needed] In his 1979 autobiography, Jack Kramer, the long-time tennis promoter and a world no. 1 player himself[40] in the 1940s, ranked Ashe as one of the 21 best players of all time.[41] Awards and honors The Arthur Ashe Stadium at the 2007 US Open The Arthur Ashe Student Health and Wellness Center, on the campus of UCLA In 1974, Ashe released one the sport's first instructional long-playing records, "Learn Tennis with Arthur Ashe. For Beginners and Advanced Players", co-produced by Richard B. Thompson.[42] In 1975, Arthur Ashe received the inaugural ATP Player of the Year Award. In 1975 he received the BBC Overseas Sports Personality of the Year.[43] In 1977, he received the ATP Sportsmanship Award, voted for by other ATP-tour players.[44] In 1979, Ashe was awarded ATP Comeback Player of the Year and was inducted into the Virginia Sports Hall of Fame. Commenting on the induction, the Hall started: "Arthur Ashe was certainly a hero to people of all ages and races, and his legacy continues to touch the lives of many today. For Arthur Ashe, tennis was a means to an end. Although he had a lucrative tennis career, it was always more than personal glory and individual accolades. He used his status as an elite tennis player to speak out against the moral inequalities that existed both in and out of the tennis world. Ashe sincerely wanted to bring about change in the world. What made him stand out was that he became a world champion along the way."[45] In 1982, The Arthur Ashe Athletic Center, a 6,000-seat multi-purpose arena, was built in Richmond, Virginia. It hosts local sporting events and concerts. Ashe was inducted into the Intercollegiate Tennis Association (ITA) Hall of Fame in 1983.[46] In 1985, he was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame. In 1986, Ashe won a Sports Emmy for co-writing the documentary A Hard Road to Glory, with Bryan Polivka.[47][48] On December 3, 1992, Ashe was presented with the "Sports Legend" Award by the American Sportscasters Association at their Eighth annual Hall of Fame Awards Dinner in New York City. On June 20, 1993, Ashe was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton.[49] In 1993, Ashe was awarded the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation's George Thomas "Mickey" Leland Award[50] In 1993, Arthur Ashe was also awarded posthumously the Arthur Ashe Humanitarian of the Year Award by the ATP, in honour of his career-long contributions to humanitarianism. In 1993, Arthur Ashe received the Award for Greatest Public Service Benefiting the Disadvantaged, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.[51] In 1996 the city of Richmond posthumously honored Arthur Ashe's life with a statue by sculptor Paul DiPasquale[52] on Monument Avenue, a place traditionally reserved for statues of key figures of the Confederacy. This decision led to some controversy in a city that was the capital of the Confederate States during the American Civil War.[53] The main stadium at the USTA National Tennis Center in Flushing Meadows Park, where the US Open is played, is named Arthur Ashe Stadium. This is also the home of the annual Arthur Ashe Kids' Day. In 2002, Ashe winning Wimbledon in 1975 was voted 95th in Channel 4's 100 Greatest Sporting Moments.[54] In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Arthur Ashe on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[55] In 2005, the United States Postal Service announced the release of an Arthur Ashe commemorative stamp, the first to feature a cover of Sports Illustrated magazine. Also in 2005, TENNIS Magazine ranked him 30th in their list of the 40 Greatest Players of the TENNIS Era.[56] ESPN's annual sports awards, the ESPY Awards, hands out the Arthur Ashe for Courage Award to a member of the sports world who best exhibits courage in the face of adversity. Philadelphia's Arthur Ashe Youth Tennis and Education Center (now named Legacy Youth Tennis and Education Center) and Richmond's Arthur Ashe Athletic Center have been named for Ashe. The Arthur Ashe Student Health and Wellness Center at Ashe's alma mater, UCLA, is named for him. It opened in 1997. On June 22, 2019, the renaming of the Boulevard as Arthur Ashe Boulevard was celebrated in Richmond, Virginia.[57] Diverse: Issues In Higher Education sponsors the Arthur Ashe Jr. Sports Scholar Awards to honor students of color who have excelled in the classroom as well as on the athletic field.[58] Grand Slam finals Singles: 7 (3 titles, 4 runner-ups) Result Year Championship Surface Opponent Score Loss 1966 Australian Open Grass Australia Roy Emerson 4–6, 8–6, 2–6, 3–6 Loss 1967 Australian Open Grass Australia Roy Emerson 4–6, 1–6, 4–6 ↓ Open Era ↓ Win 1968 US Open Grass Netherlands Tom Okker 14–12, 5–7, 6–3, 3–6, 6–3 Win 1970 Australian Open Grass Australia Dick Crealy 6–4, 9–7, 6–2 Loss 1971 Australian Open Grass Australia Ken Rosewall 1–6, 5–7, 3–6 Loss 1972 US Open Grass Romania Ilie Năstase 6–3, 3–6, 7–6, 4–6, 3–6 Win 1975 Wimbledon Grass United States Jimmy Connors 6–1, 6–1, 5–7, 6–4 Doubles: 5 finals (2 titles, 3 runners-up) Result Year Championship Surface Partner Opponents Score Loss 1968 US Open Grass Spain Andrés Gimeno United States Robert Lutz United States Stan Smith 9–11, 1–6, 5–7 Loss 1970 French Open Clay United States Charlie Pasarell Romania Ilie Năstase Romania Ion Țiriac 2–6, 4–6, 3–6 Win 1971 French Open Clay United States Marty Riessen United States Tom Gorman United States Stan Smith 6–8, 4–6, 6–3, 6–4, 11–9 Loss 1971 Wimbledon Grass United States Dennis Ralston Australia Roy Emerson Australia Rod Laver 6–4, 7–9, 8–6, 4–6, 4–6 Win 1977 (Jan) Australian Open Grass Australia Tony Roche United States Charlie Pasarell United States Erik van Dillen 6–4, 6–4 Grand Slam singles performance timeline Key W F SF QF #R RR Q# DNQ A NH (W) winner; (F) finalist; (SF) semifinalist; (QF) quarterfinalist; (#R) rounds 4, 3, 2, 1; (RR) round-robin stage; (Q#) qualification round; (DNQ) did not qualify; (A) absent; (NH) not held; (SR) strike rate (events won / competed); (W–L) win–loss record. Tournament 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 19771 1978 1979 SR W–L Australian Open A A A A A A A F F A A W F A A A A A QF A SF A 1 / 6 25–5 French Open A A A A A A A A A A 4R QF QF A 4R 4R A 4R A 4R 3R 0 / 8 25–8 Wimbledon A A A A 3R 4R 4R A A SF SF 4R 3R A A 3R W 4R A 1R 1R 1 / 12 35–11 US Open 1R 2R 2R 2R 3R 4R SF 3R A W SF QF SF F 3R QF 4R 2R A 4R A 1 / 18 53–17 Win–loss 0–1 1–1 1–1 1–1 4–2 6–2 8–2 7–2 4–1 11–1 13–3 15–3 15–4 6–1 5–2 9–3 10–1 7–3 3–1 10–4 2–2 3 / 44 138–41 1The Australian Open was held twice in 1977, in January and December. Singles titles (76) Note: Ashe won 28 titles before the Open Era No. Date Tournament Surface Opponent Score 1. Jul 1961 Eastern Clay Court Championships, Hackensack Clay United States Robert M. Baker 6–3, 2–6, 6–3, 4–6, 6–4 2. Aug 1961 American Tennis Association Championships, Hampton ? United States Wilbur H. Jenkins 6–1, 6–1, 6–3 3. Apr 1962 Ojai Tennis Tournament, Ojai Hard United States David R. Reed 6–3, 6–2 4. Jan 1962 Detroit Invitational, Detroit ? United States William (Bill) H.Wright 6–2, 6–2 5. Aug 1962 American Tennis Association Championships, Wilberforce ? United States Wilbur H. Jenkins 6–1, 6–2, 6–0[59] 6. Sep 1963 Pacific Southwest Championshipss, Los Angeles Hard United States Whitney Reed 2–6, 9–7, 6–2 7. Dec 1963 U.S. Hard Court Championships Hard United States Allen Fox 6–3, 12–10 8. Aug 1964 Eastern Grass Court Championships, New Jersey Grass United States Clark Graebner 4–6, 8–6, 6–4, 6–3[60] 9. Sep 1964 Perth Amboy Invitational, New Jersey ? United States Gene Scott 6–3, 8–6, 6–2[61] 10. Sep 1965 Colonial National Invitational, Texas ? Australia Fred Stolle 6–3, 6–4[62] 11. Nov 1965 Queensland Lawn Tennis Championships, Australia Grass Australia Roy Emerson 3–6, 6–2, 6–3, 3–6, 6–1[63] 12. Dec 1965 South Australian Championships Grass Australia Roy Emerson 7–9, 7–5, 6–0, 6–4[64] 13. Jan 1966 Western Australian Championships, Perth ? United States Cliff Richey 3–6, 6–2, 6–3, 6–4[65] 14. Jan 1966 Tasmanian Championships, Australia ? Australia John Newcombe 6–4, 6–4, 12–10[66] 15. Mar 1966 Thunderbird Invitational Tennis Tournament, Phoenix ? United States Jim Osborne 3–6, 6–3, 6–2[67] 16. Apr 1966 Caribe Hilton Invitational, Puerto Rico ? United States Cliff Richey 6–3, 6–4, 6–3[68] 17. Apr 1966 Dallas Invitational, Texas ? United States Charles Pasarell 7–9, 6–4, 6–4[69] 18. Feb 1967 Philadelphia International, USA ? United States Charles Pasarell 7–5, 9–7, 6–3[70] 19. Feb 1967 Concord International Indoor, Kiamesha Lake Hard (i) Brazil Thomaz Koch 6–3, 2–6, 6–2[71] 20. Feb 1967 Western Indoor Championship ? United States Clark Graebner 3–6, 6–3, 6–3[72] 21. Apr, 1967 Long Island Invitational ? round-robin [73] 22. Jul 1967 National Clay Court Championship, USA Clay United States Marty Riessen 4–6, 6–3, 6–1, 7–5[74] 23. 1967 Long Island Masters, New York ? United States Ronald Holmberg 31–27[75] 24. Jan 1968 Caribe Hilton Invitational, Puerto Rico ? United States Ronald Holmberg 6–4, 6–4[76] 25. Feb 1968 *Fidelity Bankers Invitational, Richmond ? United States Chuck McKinley 6–2, 6–1[77] 26. Feb 1968 Concord International Indoor, Kiamesha Lake Hard (i) United States Jan Leschly 6–3, 15–13[78] 27.[79] Mar 1968 Madison Square Garden Challenge Trophy, New York Carpet (i) Australia Roy Emerson 6–4, 6–4, 7–5[80] 28. Apr 1968 *Charlotte Invitation, Charlotte ? United States Ronald Holmberg 6–2, 6–4[81] ↓ Open Era ↓ 29. Jun 1968 West of England Championships, Bristol Grass United States Clark Graebner 6–4, 6–3[82] 30. Jul 1968 *Pennsylvania Lawn Tennis Championships, Haverford Grass United States Marty Riessen 6–2, 6–3, 6–3[83] 31. Aug 1968 *U.S. Amateur Championships, Boston Grass United States Bob Lutz 4–6, 6–3, 8–10, 6–0, 6–4 32. Sep 1968 *US Open, New York Grass Netherlands Tom Okker 14–12, 5–7, 6–3, 3–6, 6–3[84] 33. Sep 1968 Las Vegas Invitational ? United States Clark Graebner 9–7, 6–3[85] 34. Dec 1968 *Queensland Championships, Brisbane, Australia Grass United States Stan Smith 6–4, 1–6, 9–7, 4–6, 7–5[86] 35. Feb 1969 Balboa Bay Club Invitational ? United States Charles Pasarell shared title, rain[87] 36. Apr 1969 *Caribe Hilton International, San Juan, Puerto Rico Hard United States Charles Pasarell 5–7, 5–7, 6–0, 6–4, 6–3[88] 37. Jan 1970 *Australian Open, Melbourne Grass Australia Dick Crealy 6–4, 9–7, 6–2 38. Feb 1970 *Richmond WCT, Richmond Carpet (i) United States Stan Smith 6–2, 13–11[89] 39. Mar 1970 *Jacksonville Open, Florida Clay New Zealand Brian Fairlie 6–3, 4–6, 6–3[90] 40. Apr 1970 *Caribe Hilton International, San Juan, Puerto Rico Hard United States Cliff Richey 6–4, 6–3, 1–6, 6–3[91] 41. Apr 1970 Bacardi Invitational, Bermuda ? Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Željko Franulović 8–6, 7–5[92] 42. May 1970 *Glenwood Manor Invitational, Kansas City Hard United States Clark Graebner 7–6, 6–1[93] 43. May 1970 *Central California Championships, Sacramento Hard United States Barry MacKay 6–4, 6–2, 3–6, 10–8[94] 44. Jun 1970 John Player tournament ? round-robin [95] 45. Sep 1970 Seattle Tennis Invitational ? United States Tom Gorman 6–3, 6–4[96] 46. Sep 1970 *Berkeley, California Hard United States Cliff Richey 6–4, 6–2, 6–4 47. Oct 1970 *Denver Invitational, Denver, USA Hard (i) United States Charlie Pasarell 6–2, 5–6, 6–3[97] 48. Nov 1970 *Paris, France Carpet (i) United States Marty Riessen 7–6, 6–4, 6–3 49. Apr 1971 *Charlotte, USA Hard United States Stan Smith 6–3, 6–3 50. Nov 1971 *Stockholm WCT, Sweden Hard (i) Czechoslovakia Jan Kodeš 6–1, 3–6, 6–2, 1–6, 6–4 51. Jul 1972 *Louisville WCT Clay United Kingdom Mark Cox 6–4, 6–4 52. Sep 1972 *Montreal WCT Carpet (i) Australia Roy Emerson 7–5, 4–6, 6–2, 6–3 53. Nov 1972 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 3–6, 6–2, 6–1 54. Nov 1972 *Rome WCT Winter Finals Carpet (i) United States Bob Lutz 6–2, 3–6, 6–3, 3–6, 7–6 55. Feb 1973 *Chicago WCT Carpet (i) United Kingdom Roger Taylor 3–6, 7–6(11–9), 7–6(7–2) 56. Jul 1973 *Washington Clay Netherlands Tom Okker 6–4, 6–2 57. Feb 1974 *Bologna WCT Carpet (i) United Kingdom Mark Cox 6–4, 7–5 58. Mar 1974 *Barcelona WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 6–4, 3–6, 6–3 59. Nov 1974 *Stockholm Open Hard (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 6–2, 6–2 60. Feb 1975 *Barcelona WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 7–6, 6–3 61. Feb 1975 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 3–6, 6–2, 6–4 62. Mar 1975 *Munich WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 6–4, 7–6 63. Apr 1975 *Stockholm WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 6–4, 6–2 64. May 1975 *Dallas WCT Finals Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 3–6, 6–4, 6–4, 6–0 65. Jun 1975 Kent Championships Grass United States Roscoe Tanner 7–5, 6–4[98] 66. Jun 1975 *Wimbledon Grass United States Jimmy Connors 6–1, 6–1, 5–7, 6–4 67. Sep 1975 *Los Angeles Carpet (i) United States Roscoe Tanner 3–6, 7–5, 6–3 68. Sep 1975 *San Francisco Carpet (i) Argentina Guillermo Vilas 6–0, 7–6(7–4) 69. Jan 1976 *Columbus WCT Carpet (i) Rhodesia Andrew Pattison 3–6, 6–3, 7–6(7–4) 70. Jan 1976 *Indianapolis WCT Carpet (i) United States Vitas Gerulaitis 6–2, 6–7, 6–4 71. Feb 1976 *Richmond WCT Carpet (i) United States Brian Gottfried 6–2, 6–4 72. Feb 1976 *Rome WCT Clay United States Bob Lutz 6–2, 0–6, 6–3 73. Feb 1976 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) United States Bob Lutz 6–3, 6–3 74. Apr 1978 *San Jose Carpet (i) South Africa Bernard Mitton 6–7, 6–1, 6–2 75. Aug 1978 *Columbus Clay United States Bob Lutz 6–3, 6–4 76. Sep 1978 *Los Angeles Carpet (i) United States Brian Gottfried 6–2, 6–4 * 44 Open Era titles listed by the ATP website Notes In Grand Prix, WCT, Grand Slam-main draws, and Davis Cup.[2] References "Arthur Ashe: Career match record". thetennisbase.com. Tennis Base. Retrieved September 22, 2021. "Aurthur Ashe bio at ESPN". Retrieved August 6, 2014. The Times (London), 30 December 1975, p.6 Collins & Hollander (1997), p. 651 Quidet, Christian (1989). La Fabuleuse Histoire du Tennis (in French). Paris: Nathan. p. 772. ISBN 9782092864388. Barrett, John, ed. (1990). World Of Tennis. London: Collins Willow. pp. 235–237. ISBN 9780002183550. "Ashe replaces Connor in magazine rankings". The Morning Call. December 9, 1975. p. 38. "Rankings Dept". The Journal Herald. January 16, 1976. p. 18. "Times Tribune (Scranton), 8 February 1976". newspapers.com. February 8, 1976. "Arthur Ashe | Overview | ATP Tour | Tennis". ATP Tour. Retrieved June 12, 2019. Moore, Kenny (December 21, 1992). "The Eternal Example". sportsillustrated.cnn.com. p. 2. Retrieved October 31, 2015. Winiecki, Susan (February 22, 2019). "Blackwell-Ashe family tree to take root in Richmond". The Richmond Magazine. Retrieved April 14, 2020. Boyle, John (August 2, 2020). "What to do with the Vance obelisk?". Asheville Citizen-Times. Retrieved August 3, 2020. Ashe, Arthur; Rampersad, Arnold (1994). Days of Grace. Random House Digital, Inc. p. 58. ISBN 0-345-38681-7. "TRAVEL ADVISORY; Black History in St. Louis", The New York Times, May 10, 1992. Accessed December 11, 2007. "Sumner High School, the first school west of the Mississippi for Blacks, established in 1875 (among graduates are Grace Bumbry, Arthur Ashe, and Tina Turner)..." Daniel Schwartz/SI (August 24, 2010). "SI Cover History: August 23–29". SI.com. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: A Biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 22–23. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Army Register, 1969. Vol. 2, p. 32. "Arthur Robert Ashe Jr". TennisFame.com. Collins, Bud (2010). The Bud Collins History of Tennis (2nd ed.). [New York]: New Chapter Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-0942257700. "30 for 30 Shorts: 'Arthur & Johnnie'". Grantland. August 28, 2013. "Ashe signs 5-year professional contract". The Telegraph-Herald. September 16, 1970. Kamakshi Tandon (July 1, 2013). "It all changed in 1973 for the ATP". espn.go.com. ESPN. Richard E. Lapchick. "A legacy of change and hope". ESPN. "Ashe Wins Wimbledon Crown". Herald-Journal. AP. July 6, 1975. Fred Tupper (July 6, 1975). "Ashe Thrashes Connors For Wimbledon Title". Sarasota Herald-Tribune. N.Y. Times. "Arthur Ashe Biography". CMG WorldWide. Archived from the original on August 10, 2009. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Ashe, Arthur R. Jr. (November 13, 1988). "Views of Sport; Taking the Hard Road with Black Athletes". The New York Times. Retrieved May 27, 2012. Kupferberg, Herbert (March 12, 1989). "Their Hard Road to Glory". Parade. p. 12. Retrieved May 27, 2012. Michael O'Donnell (August 29, 2014). "Book Review: 'Arthur Ashe' by Eric Allen Hall". online.wsj.com. The Wall Street Journal. Sankaran, Gopal; Volkwein-Caplan, Karin A. E.; Bonsall, Dale R. (1999). HIV/Aids in Sport: Impact, Issues, and Challenges. Human Kinetics. p. 58. ISBN 0-880-11749-4. Ashe, Arthur (August 1981). "My Introduction To Sex, Love and Marriage". Ebony. Vol. 36, no. 10. Johnson Publishing Company. pp. 86, 90. ISSN 0012-9011. Young served as a minister in the United Church of Christ. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: A Biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 66. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Rampersad, Arnold; Arthur Ashe (1993). Days of Grace: A Memoir. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 35. ISBN 0-679-42396-6. Finn, Robin (February 8, 1993). "Arthur Ashe, Tennis Star, Is Dead at 49". nytimes.com. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Sankaran, Gopal; Volkwein-Caplan, Karin A. E.; Bonsall, Dale R. (1999). HIV/Aids in Sport: Impact, Issues, and Challenges. Human Kinetics. p. 59. ISBN 0-880-11749-4. "Friends and Fans Say Farewell to Arthur Ashe". Jet. Vol. 83, no. 18. Johnson Publishing Company. March 1, 1993. pp. 12–18. ISSN 0021-5996. Macenka, Joe (February 4, 1995). "Richmond still searching for way to honor Ashe". The Free Lance–Star. p. B1. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Goldman, John J. (February 13, 1993). "Thousands Pay Tribute to Ashe : Memorial service: Late tennis champion is honored by friends, politicians and others in New York". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 4, 2012. promoted to be ranked NO.1 Kramer considered the best ever to have been either Don Budge (for consistent play) or Ellsworth Vines (at the height of his game). The next four best were, chronologically, Bill Tilden, Fred Perry, Bobby Riggs, and Pancho Gonzales. After these six came the "second echelon" of Rod Laver, Lew Hoad, Ken Rosewall, Gottfried von Cramm, Ted Schroeder, Jack Crawford, Pancho Segura, Frank Sedgman, Tony Trabert, John Newcombe, Arthur Ashe, Stan Smith, Björn Borg, and Jimmy Connors. Kramer felt unable to rank Henri Cochet and René Lacoste accurately but felt they were among the very best. "Richard Thompson Obituary (2011) - Cliffside Park, NJ - The Record/Herald News". www.legacy.com. Retrieved May 9, 2021. "Past winners: 1973–1977: 1975 Winner". BBC. November 27, 2003. Archived from the original on December 14, 2007. Retrieved January 14, 2023. The ATP Player and Team of the Year awards are presently given to the player and team who end the year as world No. 1 in the ATP rankings Ashe induction Archived November 30, 2010, at the Wayback Machine at Virginia Sports Hall of Fame "ITA Men's Hall of Fame". Intercollegiate Tennis Association. Archived from the original on July 3, 2017. Retrieved September 9, 2009. "Arthur Ashe Biography". Encyclopedia of World Biography. [1][permanent dead link] "Presidential Medal of Freedom Recipients". senate.gov. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Arsenio hall to get black caucus award. (1993, Sep 16). Los Angeles Sentinel. "National – Jefferson Awards". Jefferson Awards. Archived from the original on November 24, 2010. Retrieved August 5, 2013. Correspondent, JOHN PACKETT Special. "On the 25th anniversary of Arthur Ashe's death, reflections on what he would make of today's society". Richmond Times-Dispatch. No. February 4, 2018. Richmond, Virginia. Retrieved February 4, 2018. Johnson, Nuala C. (2005). "Locating Memory: Tracing the Trajectories of Remembrance" (PDF). Historical Geography. 33: 165–179. Archived from the original (PDF) on November 5, 2013. Retrieved April 6, 2012. "C4 – 100 Greatest Sporting Moments". Channel Four. 2002. Archived from the original on September 16, 2002. Retrieved October 16, 2018. Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books. p. 400. ISBN 1-57392-963-8. "40 Greatest players of the TENNIS Era (29–32)". TENNIS Magazine. Retrieved September 9, 2009. "Signs for Arthur Ashe Boulevard are unveiled in Richmond". Retrieved June 22, 2019.[permanent dead link] "Arthur Ashe". Diverse: Issues In Higher Education. April 12, 2022. "Arthur Ashe Jr wins ATA singles crown". Alabama Tribune. August 31, 1962. p. 7. "Ashe wins his 1st major net tourney". The Boston Globe. August 3, 1964. p. 13. "Tennis title won by Ashe". The Courier News. September 14, 1964. p. 24. "Ashe topples Stolle". The Orlando Sentinel. September 20, 1965. p. 28. "Cannonball service, Ashe upsets Emerson". Fresno Bee. November 8, 1965. p. 20. "Yanks' Ashe tops Emerson". Southern Illinoisan. December 12, 1965. p. 13. "Ashe downs Richey". Democrat and Chronicle. January 10, 1966. p. 31. "Ashe outguns Newcombe". Asbury Park Press. January 17, 1966. p. 19. "Ashe wins Phoenix net title". Arizona Daily Star. March 21, 1966. p. 14. "Ashe stuns Richey in Caribe". Dayton Journal Herald. April 4, 1966. p. 18. "Ashe beats Pasarell in Dallas". Passiac Herald News. April 25, 1966. p. 26. "Ashe sweeps Pasarell in Phila. net final". The Philadelphia Inquirer. February 13, 1967. p. 22. "Ashe defeats Koch in final". New York Daily News. 23 February 1967. p. 417. "Western net meet won by Arthur Ashe". Indianapolis Star. February 27, 1967. p. 30. "Ashe takes indoor title". The Indianapolis News. April 3, 1967. p. 29. "Ashe whips Riessen in title dual". St. Joseph Gazette. July 24, 1967. p. 9. "Ashe beats Holmberg at Long Island Masters". Jet. Johnson Publishing Company. January 4, 1968. p. 51. Retrieved October 30, 2019. "Ashe beats Holmberg in Puerto Rico". Los Angeles Times. January 15, 1968. p. 41. "Ashe whips McKinley". The South Bend Tribune. February 5, 1968. p. 17. "Ashe stops Leschly, keeps Concord title". Pensacola News Journal. February 29, 1968. p. 36. "New York: Overview ATP Tour 1968 to 1972". ATP Tour. ATP. Retrieved October 6, 2023. "Ashe tops Emerson in tennis". Allentown Morning Call. March 31, 1968. p. 44. "Ashe crushes Holmberg for Charlotte title". The Boston Globe. April 22, 1968. p. 27. "Ashe tops Graebner". Waterloo The Courier. June 17, 1968. p. 11. "Arthur Ashe rips Riessen in net final". Springfield Leader and Press. July 29, 1968. p. 20. "Ashe Wins U.S. Open Singles Title", Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, September 10, 1968, p. 27. "Ashe trounces Graebner in Vegas net final". The Fresno Bee. September 14, 1968. p. 16. "Takes 5 sets, but Ashe defeats Smith". Harlington Valley Morning Star. December 16, 1968. p. 11. "Net final postponed". Los Angeles Times. February 24, 1969. p. 38. "Ashe beats Pasarell for Caribe title". Oakland Tribune. April 7, 1969. p. 46. "Ashe downs Stan Smith". The Des Moines Register. February 16, 1970. p. 21. "Ashe conquers Fairlie". Los Angeles Times. March 30, 1970. p. 44. "Ashe outlasts Richey". Hartford Courant. April 6, 1970. p. 24. "Ashe wins tourney in Bermuda". Tampa Bay Times. April 13, 1970. p. 34. "Ashe defeats Graebner". Wisconsin Rapids Daily Tribune. May 4, 1970. p. 10. "Ashe nips MacKay". Dayton Daily News. p. 9. "Round robin net crown to Ashe". Des Moines Register. June 14, 1970. p. 31. "Ashe Wins in Seattle". Spokane Spokesman-Review. September 22, 1970. p. 15. "Ashe tops Pasarell for Denver crown". Springfield Leader and Press. October 12, 1970. p. 15. "Arthur Ashe tops Tanner". The Post Crescent. June 15, 1975. p. 40. Bibliography iconTennis portal Ashe, Arthur; Clifford George Gewecke (1967). Advantage Ashe. University of Michigan: Coward-McCann. p. 192. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Ashe, Arthur; Neil Amdur (1981). Off the court. New American Library. p. 230. ISBN 0-453-00400-8. Ashe, Arthur; Rampersad, Arnold (1993). Days of Grace: A Memoir. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-679-42396-6. Ashe, Arthur (1993). A Hard Road to Glory: A History of the African-American Athlete. New York: Amistad. ISBN 1-56743-006-6. Collins, Bud; Hollander, Zander (1997). Bud Collins' Tennis Encyclopedia (3rd ed.). Detroit: Visible Ink Press. ISBN 978-1578590001. Further reading McPhee, John (1969). Levels of the Game – exploring the 1968 U.S. Open semifinal between Clark Graebner and Arthur Ashe. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN 0-374-51526-3. Robinson, Louie (1969). Arthur Ashe: Tennis Champion. Washington Square Press. p. 135. ISBN 0-671-29278-1. Retrieved September 9, 2009.[permanent dead link] Deford, Frank; Ashe, Arthur (1975). Arthur Ashe: Portrait in Motion. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-20429-1. Weissberg, Ted; Coretta Scott King (1991). Arthur Ashe – tennis great. Demco Media. p. 109. ISBN 0-7910-1115-1. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Collins, David (1994). Arthur Ashe: against the wind. Dillon Press. p. 128. ISBN 0-87518-647-5. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Towle, Mike (2001). I Remember Arthur Ashe: Memories of a True Tennis Pioneer and Champion of Social Causes by the People Who Knew Him. Cumberland House Publishing. ISBN 1-58182-149-2. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: a biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 103. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Mantell, Paul (2006). Arthur Ashe: Young Tennis Champion. Simon & Schuster. p. 224. ISBN 0-689-87346-8. Henderson, Douglas Jr. (2010). Endeavor to Persevere: A Memoir on Jimmy Connors, Arthur Ashe, Tennis and Life Kindle Edition. Untreed Reads. ISBN 978-1-61187-039-8. Arsenault, Raymond (2018). Arthur Ashe: A Life. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-8904-7.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Australia, officially the Commonwealth of Australia,[17] is a sovereign country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent, the island of Tasmania, and numerous smaller islands.[18] Australia is the largest country by area in Oceania and the world's sixth-largest country. Australia is the oldest,[19] flattest,[20] and driest inhabited continent,[21][22] with the least fertile soils.[23][24] It is a megadiverse country, and its size gives it a wide variety of landscapes and climates, with deserts in the centre, tropical rainforests in the north-east, tropical savannas in the north, and mountain ranges in the south-east. The ancestors of Aboriginal Australians began arriving from south-east Asia 50,000 to 65,000 years ago, during the last glacial period.[25][26][27] Arriving by sea, they settled the continent and had formed approximately 250 distinct language groups by the time of European settlement, maintaining some of the longest known continuing artistic and religious traditions in the world.[28] Australia's written history commenced with the European maritime exploration of Australia. The Dutch navigator Willem Janszoon was the first known European to reach Australia, in 1606. In 1770, the British explorer James Cook mapped and claimed the east coast of Australia for Great Britain, and the First Fleet of British ships arrived at Sydney in 1788 to establish the penal colony of New South Wales. The European population grew in subsequent decades, and by the end of the 1850s gold rush, most of the continent had been explored by European settlers and an additional five self-governing British colonies were established. Democratic parliaments were gradually established through the 19th century, culminating with a vote for the federation of the six colonies and foundation of the Commonwealth of Australia on 1 January 1901.[29] This began a process of increasing autonomy from the United Kingdom, highlighted by the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, and culminating in the Australia Act 1986.[29] Australia is a federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy, comprising six states and ten territories. Australia's population of nearly 27 million[11] is highly urbanised and heavily concentrated on the eastern seaboard.[30] Canberra is the nation's capital, while its most populous cities are Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and Adelaide.[31] It is ethnically diverse and multicultural, the product of large-scale immigration, with almost half of the population having at least one parent born overseas.[32] Australia's abundant natural resources and well-developed international trade relations are crucial to the country's economy, which generates its income from various sources including services, mining exports, banking, manufacturing, agriculture and international education.[33][34][35] Australia ranks highly for quality of life, health, education, economic freedom, civil liberties and political rights.[36] Australia has a highly developed market economy and one of the highest per capita incomes globally.[37][38] Australia is a regional power, and has the world's thirteenth-highest military expenditure.[39] It is a member of international groupings including the United Nations; the G20; the OECD; the World Trade Organization; Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation; the Pacific Islands Forum; the Pacific Community; the Commonwealth of Nations; and the defence/security organisations ANZUS, AUKUS, and the Five Eyes. It is a major non-NATO ally of the United States.[40] Etymology Main article: Name of Australia The name Australia (pronounced /əˈstreɪliə/ in Australian English[41]) is derived from the Latin Terra Australis ("southern land"), a name used for a hypothetical continent in the Southern Hemisphere since ancient times.[42] Several sixteenth century cartographers used the word Australia on maps, but not to identify modern Australia.[43] When Europeans began visiting and mapping Australia in the 17th century, the name Terra Australis was naturally applied to the new territories.[N 5] Until the early 19th century, Australia was best known as New Holland, a name first applied by the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman in 1644 (as Nieuw-Holland) and subsequently anglicised. Terra Australis still saw occasional usage, such as in scientific texts.[N 6] The name Australia was popularised by the explorer Matthew Flinders, who said it was "more agreeable to the ear, and an assimilation to the names of the other great portions of the Earth".[49] The first time that Australia appears to have been officially used was in April 1817, when Governor Lachlan Macquarie acknowledged the receipt of Flinders' charts of Australia from Lord Bathurst.[50] In December 1817, Macquarie recommended to the Colonial Office that it be formally adopted.[51] In 1824, the Admiralty agreed that the continent should be known officially by that name.[52] The first official published use of the new name came with the publication in 1830 of The Australia Directory by the Hydrographic Office.[53] Colloquial names for Australia include "Oz" and "the Land Down Under" (usually shortened to just "Down Under"). Other epithets include "the Great Southern Land", "the Lucky Country", "the Sunburnt Country", and "the Wide Brown Land". The latter two both derive from Dorothea Mackellar's 1908 poem "My Country".[54] History Main article: History of Australia For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Australian history. Indigenous peoples Main articles: Prehistory of Australia and Indigenous Australians Aboriginal rock art in the Kimberley region of Western Australia Indigenous Australians comprise two broad groups: the Aboriginal peoples of the Australian mainland (and surrounding islands including Tasmania), and the Torres Strait Islanders, who are a distinct Melanesian people. Human habitation of the Australian continent is estimated to have begun 50,000 to 65,000 years ago,[25][55][56][26] with the migration of people by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia.[57] It is uncertain how many waves of immigration may have contributed to these ancestors of modern Aboriginal Australians.[58][59] The Madjedbebe rock shelter in Arnhem Land is recognised as the oldest site showing the presence of humans in Australia.[60] The oldest human remains found are the Lake Mungo remains, which have been dated to around 41,000 years ago.[61][62] Aboriginal Australian culture is one of the oldest continuous cultures on Earth.[63] At the time of first European contact, Aboriginal Australians were complex hunter-gatherers with diverse economies and societies and about 250 different language groups.[64][65] Recent archaeological finds suggest that a population of 750,000 could have been sustained.[66][67] Aboriginal Australians have an oral culture with spiritual values based on reverence for the land and a belief in the Dreamtime.[68] The Torres Strait Islander people first settled their islands around 4000 years ago.[69] Culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples, they were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas.[70] European exploration and colonisation Main articles: European maritime exploration of Australia, European land exploration of Australia, and History of Australia (1788–1850) Landing of Lieutenant James Cook at Botany Bay, 29 April 1770 Landing of James Cook at Botany Bay on 29 April 1770 to claim Australia's east coast for Great Britain The northern coasts and waters of Australia were visited sporadically for trade by Makassan fishermen from what is now Indonesia.[71] The first recorded European sighting of the Australian mainland, and the first recorded European landfall on the Australian continent, are attributed to the Dutch.[72] The first ship and crew to chart the Australian coast and meet with Aboriginal people was the Duyfken, captained by Dutch navigator Willem Janszoon.[73] He sighted the coast of Cape York Peninsula in early 1606, and made landfall on 26 February 1606 at the Pennefather River near the modern town of Weipa on Cape York.[74] Later that year, Spanish explorer Luís Vaz de Torres sailed through and navigated the Torres Strait Islands.[75] The Dutch charted the whole of the western and northern coastlines and named the island continent "New Holland" during the 17th century, and although no attempt at settlement was made,[74] a number of shipwrecks left men either stranded or, as in the case of the Batavia in 1629, marooned for mutiny and murder, thus becoming the first Europeans to permanently inhabit the continent.[76] In 1770, Captain James Cook sailed along and mapped the east coast, which he named "New South Wales" and claimed for Great Britain.[77] Following the loss of its American colonies in 1783, the British Government sent a fleet of ships, the First Fleet, under the command of Captain Arthur Phillip, to establish a new penal colony in New South Wales. A camp was set up and the Union Flag raised at Sydney Cove, Port Jackson, on 26 January 1788,[78][79] a date which later became Australia's national day. Most early convicts were transported for petty crimes and assigned as labourers or servants to "free settlers" (non-convict immigrants). While the majority of convicts settled into colonial society once emancipated, convict rebellions and uprisings were also staged, but invariably suppressed under martial law. The 1808 Rum Rebellion, the only successful armed takeover of government in Australia, instigated a two-year period of military rule.[80] The following decade, social and economic reforms initiated by Governor Lachlan Macquarie saw New South Wales transition from a penal colony to a civil society.[81][82] The indigenous population declined for 150 years following settlement, mainly due to infectious disease.[83] Thousands more died as a result of frontier conflict with settlers.[84] Colonial expansion Main articles: History of Australia (1788–1850) and History of Australia (1851–1900) A calm body of water is in the foreground. The shoreline is about 200 metres away. To the left, close to the shore, are three tall gum trees; behind them on an incline are ruins, including walls and watchtowers of light-coloured stone and brick, what appear to be the foundations of walls, and grassed areas. To the right lie the outer walls of a large rectangular four-storey building dotted with regularly spaced windows. Forested land rises gently to a peak several kilometres back from the shore. Tasmania's Port Arthur penal settlement is one of eleven UNESCO World Heritage-listed Australian Convict Sites. The British continued to push into other areas of the continent in the early 19th century, initially along the coast. In 1803, a settlement was established in Van Diemen's Land (present-day Tasmania),[85] and in 1813, Gregory Blaxland, William Lawson and William Wentworth crossed the Blue Mountains west of Sydney, opening the interior to European settlement.[86] The British claim extended to the whole Australian continent in 1827 when Major Edmund Lockyer established a settlement on King George Sound (modern-day Albany).[87] The Swan River Colony (present-day Perth) was established in 1829, evolving into the largest Australian colony by area, Western Australia.[88] In accordance with population growth, separate colonies were carved from New South Wales: Tasmania in 1825, South Australia in 1836, New Zealand in 1841, Victoria in 1851, and Queensland in 1859.[89] South Australia was founded as a "free province"—it was never a penal colony.[90] Western Australia was also founded "free" but later accepted transported convicts, the last of which arrived in 1868, decades after transportation had ceased to the other colonies.[91] In 1823, a Legislative Council nominated by the governor of New South Wales was established, together with a new Supreme Court, thus limiting the powers of colonial governors.[92] Between 1855 and 1890, the six colonies individually gained responsible government, thus becoming elective democracies managing most of their own affairs while remaining part of the British Empire.[93] The Colonial Office in London retained control of some matters, notably foreign affairs[94] and defence.[95] In the mid-19th century, explorers such as Burke and Wills went further inland to determine its agricultural potential and answer scientific questions.[96] A series of gold rushes beginning in the early 1850s led to an influx of new migrants from China, North America and continental Europe,[97] as well as outbreaks of bushranging and civil unrest; the latter peaked in 1854 when Ballarat miners launched the Eureka Rebellion against gold license fees.[98] From 1886, Australian colonial governments began introducing policies resulting in the removal of many Aboriginal children from their families and communities (referred to as the Stolen Generations).[99] Federation to the World Wars Main article: History of Australia (1901–1945) See also: Federation of Australia, Military history of Australia during World War I, and Military history of Australia during World War II The Big Picture, a painting by Tom Roberts, depicts the opening of the first Australian Parliament in 1901. On 1 January 1901, federation of the colonies was achieved after a decade of planning, constitutional conventions and referendums, resulting in the establishment of the Commonwealth of Australia as a nation and the entering into force of the Australian Constitution.[100] After the 1907 Imperial Conference, Australia and several other self-governing British settler colonies were given the status of self-governing "dominions" within the British Empire.[101][102] Australia was one of the founding members of the League of Nations in 1920,[103] and subsequently of the United Nations in 1945.[104] Britain's Statute of Westminster 1931 formally ended most of the constitutional links between Australia and the United Kingdom. Australia adopted it in 1942,[105] but it was backdated to 1939 to confirm the validity of legislation passed by the Australian Parliament during World War II.[106][107] The Federal Capital Territory (later renamed the Australian Capital Territory) was formed in 1911 as the location for the future federal capital of Canberra. Melbourne was the temporary seat of government from 1901 to 1927 while Canberra was being constructed.[108] The Northern Territory was transferred from the control of the South Australian government to the federal parliament in 1911.[109] Australia became the colonial ruler of the Territory of Papua (which had initially been annexed by Queensland in 1883)[110] in 1902 and of the Territory of New Guinea (formerly German New Guinea) in 1920. The two were unified as the Territory of Papua and New Guinea in 1949 and gained independence from Australia in 1975.[111][112][113] The 1942 Bombing of Darwin, the first of over 100 Japanese air raids on Australia during World War II In 1914, Australia joined the Allies in fighting the First World War, and took part in many of the major battles fought on the Western Front.[114] Of about 416,000 who served, about 60,000 were killed and another 152,000 were wounded.[115] Many Australians regard the defeat of the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZACs) at Gallipoli in 1915 as the nation's "baptism of fire"—its first major military action,[116][117] with the anniversary of the landing at Anzac Cove commemorated each year on Anzac Day.[118] From 1939 to 1945, Australia joined the Allies in fighting the Second World War. Australia's armed forces fought in the Pacific, European and Mediterranean and Middle East theatres.[119][120] The shock of Britain's defeat in Asia in 1942, followed soon after by the bombing of Darwin and other Japanese attacks on Australian soil, led to a widespread belief in Australia that a Japanese invasion was imminent, and a shift from the United Kingdom to the United States as Australia's principal ally and security partner.[121] Since 1951, Australia has been a formal military ally of the United States, under the ANZUS treaty.[122] Post-war and contemporary eras Main article: History of Australia (1945–present) Postwar migrants from Europe arriving in Australia in 1954 In the decades following World War II, Australia enjoyed significant increases in living standards, leisure time and suburban development.[123][124] Using the slogan "populate or perish", the nation encouraged a large wave of immigration from across Europe, with such immigrants referred to as "New Australians".[125] A member of the Western Bloc during the Cold War, Australia participated in the Korean War and the Malayan Emergency during the 1950s and the Vietnam War from 1962 to 1972.[126] During this time, tensions over communist influence in society led to unsuccessful attempts by the Menzies Government to ban the Communist Party of Australia,[127] and a bitter splitting of the Labor Party in 1955.[128] As a result of a 1967 referendum, the Federal Government received a mandate to implement policies to benefit Aboriginal people, and all Indigenous Australians were included in the Census.[129] Traditional ownership of land ("native title") was recognised in law for the first time when the High Court of Australia held in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) that the legal doctrine of terra nullius ("land belonging to no one") did not apply to Australia at the time of European settlement.[130] Following the final abolition of the White Australia policy in 1973,[131] Australia's demography and culture transformed as a result of a large and ongoing wave of non-European immigration, mostly from Asia.[132][133] The late 20th century also saw an increasing focus on foreign policy ties with other Pacific Rim nations.[134] While the Australia Act 1986 severed the remaining vestigial constitutional ties between Australia and the United Kingdom,[135] a 1999 referendum resulted in 55% of voters rejecting a proposal to abolish the Monarchy of Australia and become a republic.[136] Following the September 11 attacks on the United States, Australia joined the United States in fighting the Afghanistan War from 2001 to 2021 and the Iraq War from 2003 to 2009.[137] The nation's trade relations also became increasingly oriented towards East Asia in the 21st century, with China becoming the nation's largest trading partner by a large margin.[138] During the COVID-19 pandemic which commenced in Australia in 2020, several of Australia's largest cities were locked down for extended periods of time, and free movement across state borders was restricted in an attempt to slow the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus.[139] Geography Main articles: Geography of Australia and Environment of Australia See also: Environmental issues in Australia General characteristics Map showing the topography of Australia, showing some elevation in the west and very high elevation in mountains in the southeast Topographic map of Australia. Dark green represents the lowest elevation and dark brown the highest. Surrounded by the Indian and Pacific oceans,[N 7] Australia is separated from Asia by the Arafura and Timor seas, with the Coral Sea lying off the Queensland coast, and the Tasman Sea lying between Australia and New Zealand. The world's smallest continent[141] and sixth largest country by total area,[142] Australia—owing to its size and isolation—is often dubbed the "island continent"[143] and is sometimes considered the world's largest island.[144] Australia has 34,218 km (21,262 mi) of coastline (excluding all offshore islands),[145] and claims an extensive Exclusive Economic Zone of 8,148,250 square kilometres (3,146,060 sq mi). This exclusive economic zone does not include the Australian Antarctic Territory.[146] Mainland Australia lies between latitudes 9° and 44° South, and longitudes 112° and 154° East.[147] Australia's size gives it a wide variety of landscapes, with tropical rainforests in the north-east, mountain ranges in the south-east, south-west and east, and desert in the centre.[148] The desert or semi-arid land commonly known as the outback makes up by far the largest portion of land.[149] Australia is the driest inhabited continent; its annual rainfall averaged over continental area is less than 500 mm.[150] The population density is 3.4 inhabitants per square kilometre, although the large majority of the population lives along the temperate south-eastern coastline. The population density exceeds 19,500 inhabitants per square kilometre in central Melbourne.[151] Fitzroy Island, one of the 600 islands within the main archipelago of the Great Barrier Reef The Great Barrier Reef, the world's largest coral reef,[152] lies a short distance off the north-east coast and extends for over 2,000 km (1,200 mi). Mount Augustus, claimed to be the world's largest monolith,[153] is located in Western Australia. At 2,228 m (7,310 ft), Mount Kosciuszko is the highest mountain on the Australian mainland. Even taller are Mawson Peak (at 2,745 m (9,006 ft)), on the remote Australian external territory of Heard Island, and, in the Australian Antarctic Territory, Mount McClintock and Mount Menzies, at 3,492 m (11,457 ft) and 3,355 m (11,007 ft) respectively.[154] Eastern Australia is marked by the Great Dividing Range, which runs parallel to the coast of Queensland, New South Wales and much of Victoria. The name is not strictly accurate, because parts of the range consist of low hills, and the highlands are typically no more than 1,600 m (5,200 ft) in height.[155] The coastal uplands and a belt of Brigalow grasslands lie between the coast and the mountains, while inland of the dividing range are large areas of grassland and shrubland.[155][156] These include the western plains of New South Wales, and the Mitchell Grass Downs and Mulga Lands of inland Queensland.[157][158][159][160] The northernmost point of the mainland is the tropical Cape York Peninsula.[147] Uluru in the semi-arid region of Central Australia The landscapes of the Top End and the Gulf Country—with their tropical climate—include forest, woodland, wetland, grassland, rainforest and desert.[161][162][163] At the north-west corner of the continent are the sandstone cliffs and gorges of The Kimberley, and below that the Pilbara. The Victoria Plains tropical savanna lies south of the Kimberley and Arnhem Land savannas, forming a transition between the coastal savannas and the interior deserts.[164][165][166] At the heart of the country are the uplands of central Australia. Prominent features of the centre and south include Uluru (also known as Ayers Rock), the famous sandstone monolith, and the inland Simpson, Tirari and Sturt Stony, Gibson, Great Sandy, Tanami, and Great Victoria deserts, with the famous Nullarbor Plain on the southern coast.[167][168][169][170] The Western Australian mulga shrublands lie between the interior deserts and Mediterranean-climate Southwest Australia.[169][171] Geology Main article: Geology of Australia Basic geological regions of Australia, by age Lying on the Indo-Australian Plate, the mainland of Australia is the lowest and most primordial landmass on Earth with a relatively stable geological history.[172][173] The landmass includes virtually all known rock types and from all geological time periods spanning over 3.8 billion years of the Earth's history. The Pilbara Craton is one of only two pristine Archaean 3.6–2.7 Ga (billion years ago) crusts identified on the Earth.[174] Having been part of all major supercontinents, the Australian continent began to form after the breakup of Gondwana in the Permian, with the separation of the continental landmass from the African continent and Indian subcontinent. It separated from Antarctica over a prolonged period beginning in the Permian and continuing through to the Cretaceous.[175] When the last glacial period ended in about 10,000 BC, rising sea levels formed Bass Strait, separating Tasmania from the mainland. Then between about 8,000 and 6,500 BC, the lowlands in the north were flooded by the sea, separating New Guinea, the Aru Islands, and the mainland of Australia.[176] The Australian continent is moving toward Eurasia at the rate of 6 to 7 centimetres a year.[177] The Australian mainland's continental crust, excluding the thinned margins, has an average thickness of 38 km, with a range in thickness from 24 km to 59 km.[178] Australia's geology can be divided into several main sections, showcasing that the continent grew from west to east: the Archaean cratonic shields found mostly in the west, Proterozoic fold belts in the centre and Phanerozoic sedimentary basins, metamorphic and igneous rocks in the east.[179] The Australian mainland and Tasmania are situated in the middle of the tectonic plate and have no active volcanoes,[180] but due to passing over the East Australia hotspot, recent volcanism has occurred during the Holocene, in the Newer Volcanics Province of western Victoria and southeastern South Australia. Volcanism also occurs in the island of New Guinea (considered geologically as part of the Australian continent), and in the Australian external territory of Heard Island and McDonald Islands.[181] Seismic activity in the Australian mainland and Tasmania is also low, with the greatest number of fatalities having occurred in the 1989 Newcastle earthquake.[182] Climate Main article: Climate of Australia Köppen climate types of Australia[183] The climate of Australia is significantly influenced by ocean currents, including the Indian Ocean Dipole and the El Niño–Southern Oscillation, which is correlated with periodic drought, and the seasonal tropical low-pressure system that produces cyclones in northern Australia.[184][185] These factors cause rainfall to vary markedly from year to year. Much of the northern part of the country has a tropical, predominantly summer-rainfall (monsoon).[150] The south-west corner of the country has a Mediterranean climate.[186] The south-east ranges from oceanic (Tasmania and coastal Victoria) to humid subtropical (upper half of New South Wales), with the highlands featuring alpine and subpolar oceanic climates. The interior is arid to semi-arid.[150] Driven by climate change, average temperatures have risen more than 1°C since 1960. Associated changes in rainfall patterns and climate extremes exacerbate existing issues such as drought and bushfires. 2019 was Australia's warmest recorded year,[187] and the 2019–2020 bushfire season was the country's worst on record.[188] Australia's greenhouse gas emissions per capita are among the highest in the world.[189] Water restrictions are frequently in place in many regions and cities of Australia in response to chronic shortages due to urban population increases and localised drought.[190][191] Throughout much of the continent, major flooding regularly follows extended periods of drought, flushing out inland river systems, overflowing dams and inundating large inland flood plains, as occurred throughout Eastern Australia in the early 2010s after the 2000s Australian drought.[192] Biodiversity See also: Fauna of Australia, Flora of Australia, and Fungi of Australia A koala holding onto a eucalyptus tree with its head turned so both eyes are visible The koala and the eucalyptus form an iconic Australian pair. Although most of Australia is semi-arid or desert, the continent includes a diverse range of habitats from alpine heaths to tropical rainforests. Fungi typify that diversity—an estimated 250,000 species—of which only 5% have been described—occur in Australia.[193] Because of the continent's great age, extremely variable weather patterns, and long-term geographic isolation, much of Australia's biota is unique. About 85% of flowering plants, 84% of mammals, more than 45% of birds, and 89% of in-shore, temperate-zone fish are endemic.[194] Australia has at least 755 species of reptile, more than any other country in the world.[195] Besides Antarctica, Australia is the only continent that developed without feline species. Feral cats may have been introduced in the 17th century by Dutch shipwrecks, and later in the 18th century by European settlers. They are now considered a major factor in the decline and extinction of many vulnerable and endangered native species.[196] Seafaring immigrants from Asia are believed to have brought the dingo to Australia sometime after the end of the last ice age—perhaps 4000 years ago—and Aboriginal people helped disperse them across the continent as pets, contributing to the demise of thylacines on the mainland.[197] Australia is also one of 17 megadiverse countries.[198] Australian forests are mostly made up of evergreen species, particularly eucalyptus trees in the less arid regions; wattles replace them as the dominant species in drier regions and deserts.[199] Among well-known Australian animals are the monotremes (the platypus and echidna); a host of marsupials, including the kangaroo, koala, and wombat, and birds such as the emu and the kookaburra.[199] Australia is home to many dangerous animals including some of the most venomous snakes in the world.[200] The dingo was introduced by Austronesian people who traded with Indigenous Australians around 3000 BCE.[201] Many animal and plant species became extinct soon after first human settlement,[202] including the Australian megafauna; others have disappeared since European settlement, among them the thylacine.[203][204] Many of Australia's ecoregions, and the species within those regions, are threatened by human activities and introduced animal, chromistan, fungal and plant species.[205] All these factors have led to Australia's having the highest mammal extinction rate of any country in the world.[206] The federal Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 is the legal framework for the protection of threatened species.[207] Numerous protected areas have been created under the National Strategy for the Conservation of Australia's Biological Diversity to protect and preserve unique ecosystems;[208][209] 65 wetlands are listed under the Ramsar Convention,[210] and 16 natural World Heritage Sites have been established.[211] Australia was ranked 21st out of 178 countries in the world on the 2018 Environmental Performance Index.[212] There are more than 1,800 animals and plants on Australia's threatened species list, including more than 500 animals.[213] Paleontologists discovered a fossil site of a prehistoric rainforest in McGraths Flat, in South Australia, that presents evidence that this now arid desert and dry shrubland/grassland was once home to an abundance of life.[214][215] Government and politics Main articles: Government of Australia and Politics of Australia Charles III, King of Australia David Hurley, Governor-General of Australia Anthony Albanese, Prime Minister of Australia Australia is a federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy.[216] The country has maintained a stable liberal democratic political system under its constitution, which is one of the world's oldest, since Federation in 1901. It is also one of the world's oldest federations, in which power is divided between the federal and state and territorial governments. The Australian system of government combines elements derived from the political systems of the United Kingdom (a fused executive, constitutional monarchy and strong party discipline) and the United States (federalism, a written constitution and strong bicameralism with an elected upper house), along with distinctive indigenous features.[217][218] The federal government is separated into three branches:[219] Legislature: the bicameral Parliament, comprising the monarch (represented by the governor-general), the Senate, and the House of Representatives; Executive: the Federal Executive Council, which in practice gives legal effect to the decisions of the cabinet, comprising the prime minister and other ministers of state appointed by the governor-general on the advice of Parliament;[220] Judiciary: the High Court of Australia and other federal courts, whose judges are appointed by the governor-general on advice of Parliament Charles III reigns as King of Australia and is represented in Australia by the governor-general at the federal level and by the governors at the state level, who by convention act on the advice of his ministers.[221][222] Thus, in practice the governor-general acts as a legal figurehead for the actions of the prime minister and the Federal Executive Council. The governor-general, however, does have reserve powers which, in some situations, may be exercised outside the prime minister's request. These powers are held by convention and their scope is unclear. The most notable exercise of these powers was the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in the constitutional crisis of 1975.[223] A large white and cream coloured building with grass on its roof. The building is topped with a large flagpole. Parliament House, Canberra In the Senate (the upper house), there are 76 senators: twelve each from the states and two each from the mainland territories (the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory).[224] The House of Representatives (the lower house) has 151 members elected from single-member electoral divisions, commonly known as "electorates" or "seats", allocated to states on the basis of population,[225] with each original state guaranteed a minimum of five seats.[226] Elections for both chambers are normally held every three years simultaneously; senators have overlapping six-year terms except for those from the territories, whose terms are not fixed but are tied to the electoral cycle for the lower house; thus only 40 of the 76 places in the Senate are put to each election unless the cycle is interrupted by a double dissolution.[224] Australia's electoral system uses preferential voting for all lower house elections with the exception of Tasmania and the ACT which, along with the Senate and most state upper houses, combine it with proportional representation in a system known as the single transferable vote. Voting is compulsory for all enrolled citizens 18 years and over in every jurisdiction,[227] as is enrolment.[228] The party with majority support in the House of Representatives forms the government and its leader becomes Prime Minister. In cases where no party has majority support, the Governor-General has the constitutional power to appoint the Prime Minister and, if necessary, dismiss one that has lost the confidence of Parliament.[229] Due to the relatively unique position of Australia operating as a Westminster parliamentary democracy with an elected upper house, the system has sometimes been referred to as having a "Washminster mutation",[230] or as a semi-parliamentary system.[231] There are two major political groups that usually form government, federally and in the states: the Australian Labor Party and the Coalition, which is a formal grouping of the Liberal Party and its minor partner, the National Party.[232][233] The Liberal National Party and the Country Liberal Party are merged state branches in Queensland and the Northern Territory that function as separate parties at a federal level.[234] Within Australian political culture, the Coalition is considered centre-right and the Labor Party is considered centre-left.[235] Independent members and several minor parties have achieved representation in Australian parliaments, mostly in upper houses. The Australian Greens are often considered the "third force" in politics, being the third largest party by both vote and membership.[236][237] The most recent federal election was held on 21 May 2022 and resulted in the Australian Labor Party, led by Anthony Albanese, being elected to government.[238] States and territories Main article: States and territories of Australia A map of Australia's states and territories Australia has six states—New South Wales (NSW), Queensland (Qld), South Australia (SA), Tasmania (Tas), Victoria (Vic) and Western Australia (WA)—and three mainland territories—the Australian Capital Territory (ACT), the Northern Territory (NT), and the Jervis Bay Territory (JBT). The ACT and NT are mostly self-governing, except that the Commonwealth Parliament has the power to modify or repeal any legislation passed by the territory parliaments.[239] Under the constitution, the states essentially have plenary legislative power to legislate on any subject, whereas the Commonwealth (federal) Parliament may legislate only within the subject areas enumerated under section 51. For example, state parliaments have the power to legislate with respect to education, criminal law and state police, health, transport, and local government, but the Commonwealth Parliament does not have any specific power to legislate in these areas.[240] However, Commonwealth laws prevail over state laws to the extent of the inconsistency.[241] Each state and major mainland territory has its own parliament—unicameral in the Northern Territory, the ACT and Queensland, and bicameral in the other states. The states are sovereign entities, although subject to certain powers of the Commonwealth as defined by the Constitution. The lower houses are known as the Legislative Assembly (the House of Assembly in South Australia and Tasmania); the upper houses are known as the Legislative Council. The head of the government in each state is the Premier and in each territory the Chief Minister. The King is represented in each state by a governor. In the Commonwealth, the King's representative is the governor-general.[242] The Commonwealth Parliament also directly administers the external territories of Ashmore and Cartier Islands, Christmas Island, the Cocos (Keeling) Islands, the Coral Sea Islands, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, and the claimed region of Australian Antarctic Territory, as well as the internal Jervis Bay Territory, a naval base and sea port for the national capital in land that was formerly part of New South Wales.[220] The external territory of Norfolk Island previously exercised considerable autonomy under the Norfolk Island Act 1979 through its own legislative assembly and an Administrator to represent the monarch.[243] In 2015, the Commonwealth Parliament abolished self-government, integrating Norfolk Island into the Australian tax and welfare systems and replacing its legislative assembly with a council.[244] Macquarie Island is part of Tasmania,[245] and Lord Howe Island of New South Wales.[246] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Australia Diplomatic missions of Australia Over recent decades, Australia's foreign relations have been driven by a focus on relationships within the Asia-Pacific region and a continued close association with the United States through the ANZUS pact and its status as a major non-NATO ally of that country.[247] A regional power, Australia is a member of regional and cultural groupings including the Pacific Islands Forum, the Pacific Community and the Commonwealth of Nations, and is a participant in the ASEAN+6 mechanism and the East Asia Summit. Australia is a member of several defence, intelligence and security groupings including the Five Eyes intelligence alliance with the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand; the ANZUS alliance with the United States and New Zealand; the AUKUS security treaty with the United States and United Kingdom; the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with the United States, India and Japan; the Five Power Defence Arrangements with New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Malaysia and Singapore; and the Reciprocal Access defence and security agreement with Japan. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese with American President Joe Biden in Kantei, Tokyo, 2022 Australia has pursued the cause of international trade liberalisation.[248] It led the formation of the Cairns Group and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation,[249][250] and is a member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the World Trade Organization (WTO).[251][252] In recent decades, Australia has entered into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership multilateral free trade agreements as well as bilateral free trade agreements with the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, the United Kingdom and New Zealand.[253] Australia maintains a deeply integrated relationship with neighbouring New Zealand, with free mobility of citizens between the two countries under the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement and free trade under the Closer Economic Relations agreement.[254] The most favourably viewed countries by the Australian people in 2021 include New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Japan, Germany, Taiwan, Thailand, the United States and South Korea.[255] A founding member country of the United Nations, Australia is strongly committed to multilateralism,[256] and maintains an international aid program under which some 60 countries receive assistance.[257] Australia ranked fourth in the Center for Global Development's 2021 Commitment to Development Index.[258] Military Main articles: Australian Defence Force, Royal Australian Navy, Australian Army, and Royal Australian Air Force HMAS Canberra, a Canberra class landing helicopter dock, and HMAS Arunta, an Anzac-class frigate, sailing in formation Australia's armed forces—the Australian Defence Force (ADF)—comprise the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), the Australian Army and the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF), in total numbering 81,214 personnel (including 57,982 regulars and 23,232 reservists) as of November 2015. The titular role of Commander-in-Chief is vested in the Governor-General, who appoints a Chief of the Defence Force from one of the armed services on the advice of the government.[259] In a diarchy, the Chief of the Defence Force serves as co-chairman of the Defence Committee, conjointly with the Secretary of Defence, in the command and control of the Australian Defence Organisation.[260] In the 2016–2017 budget, defence spending comprised 2% of GDP, representing the world's 12th largest defence budget.[261] Australia has been involved in United Nations and regional peacekeeping, disaster relief, as well as armed conflicts from the First World War onwards. Human rights See also: Human rights in Australia and LGBT rights in Australia Legal and social rights in Australia are regarded as among the most developed in the world.[36] Attitudes towards LGBT people are generally positive within Australia, and same-sex marriage has been legal in the nation since 2017.[262][263] Australia has had anti-discrimination laws regarding disability since 1992.[264] Economy Main article: Economy of Australia Further information: Economic history of Australia and Tourism in Australia The central business district of Sydney is the financial centre of Australia. Australia's high-income mixed-market economy is rich in natural resources.[265] It is the world's fourteenth-largest by nominal terms, and the 18th-largest by PPP. As of 2021, it has the second-highest amount of wealth per adult, after Luxembourg,[266] and has the thirteenth-highest financial assets per capita.[267] Australia has a labour force of some 13.5 million, with an unemployment rate of 3.5% as of June 2022.[268] According to the Australian Council of Social Service, the poverty rate of Australia exceeds 13.6% of the population, encompassing 3.2 million. It also estimated that there were 774,000 (17.7%) children under the age of 15 living in relative poverty.[269][270] The Australian dollar is the national currency, which is also shared with three Island states in the Pacific: Kiribati, Nauru, and Tuvalu.[271] Australian government debt, about $963 billion, exceeds 45.1% of the country's total GDP, and is the world's eighth-highest.[272] Australia had the second-highest level of household debt in the world in 2020, after Switzerland.[273] Its house prices are among the highest in the world, especially in the large urban areas.[274] The large service sector accounts for about 71.2% of total GDP, followed by the industrial sector (25.3%), while the agriculture sector is by far the smallest, making up only 3.6% of total GDP.[275] Australia is the world's 21st-largest exporter and 24th-largest importer.[276][277] China is Australia's largest trading partner by a wide margin, accounting for roughly 40% of the country's exports and 17.6% of its imports.[278] Other major export markets include Japan, the United States, and South Korea.[279] Australia has high levels of competitiveness and economic freedom, and was ranked fifth in the Human Development Index in 2021.[280] As of 2022, it is ranked twelfth in the Index of Economic Freedom and nineteenth in the Global Competitiveness Report.[281][282] It attracted 9.5 million international tourists in 2019,[283] and was ranked thirteenth among the countries of Asia-Pacific in 2019 for inbound tourism.[284] The 2021 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report ranked Australia seventh-highest in the world out of 117 countries.[285] Its international tourism receipts in 2019 amounted to $45.7 billion.[284] Energy Main articles: Energy policy of Australia and Renewable energy in Australia In 2003, Australia's energy sources were coal (58.4%), hydropower (19.1%), natural gas (13.5%), liquid/gas fossil fuel-switching plants (5.4%), oil (2.9%), and other renewable resources like wind power, solar energy, and bioenergy (0.7%).[286] During the 21st century, Australia has been trending to generate more energy using renewable resources and less energy using fossil fuels. In 2020, Australia used coal for 62% of all energy (3.6% increase compared to 2013), wind power for 9.9% (9.5% increase), natural gas for 9.9% (3.6% decrease), solar power for 9.9% (9.8% increase), hydropower for 6.4% (12.7% decrease), bioenergy for 1.4% (1.2% increase), and other sources like oil and waste coal mine gas for 0.5%.[287][288] In August 2009, Australia's government set a goal to achieve 20% of all energy in the country from renewable sources by 2020.[289] They achieved this goal, as renewable resources accounted for 27.7% of Australia's energy in 2020.[287] Science and technology In 2019, Australia spent A$35.6 billion on research and development, allocating about 1.79% of GDP.[290] A recent study by Accenture for the Tech Council shows that the Australian tech sector combined contributes $167 billion a year to the economy and employs 861,000 people.[291] The country's most recognized and important sector of this type is mining,[292] where Australia continues to have the highest penetration of technologies, especially drones, autonomous and remote-controlled vehicles and mine management software.[293] In addition, recent startup ecosystems in Sydney and Melbourne are already valued at $34 billion combined.[294] Australia ranked 24th in the Global Innovation Index 2023.[295] With only 0.3% of the world's population, Australia contributed 4.1% of the world's published research in 2020, making it one of the top 10 research contributors in the world.[296][297] CSIRO, Australia's national science agency, contributes 10% of all research in the country, while the rest is carried out by universities.[297] Its most notable contributions include the invention of atomic absorption spectroscopy,[298] the essential components of Wi-Fi technology,[299] and the development of the first commercially successful polymer banknote.[300] Australia is a key player in supporting space exploration. Facilities such as the Square Kilometre Array and Australia Telescope Compact Array radio telescopes, telescopes such as the Siding Spring Observatory, and ground stations such as the Canberra Deep Space Communication Complex are of great assistance in deep space exploration missions, primarily by NASA.[301] Demographics Main article: Demographics of Australia For a more comprehensive list, see List of cities in Australia by population. Australia has an average population density of 3.5 persons per square kilometre of total land area, which makes it one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world. The population is heavily concentrated on the east coast, and in particular in the south-eastern region between South East Queensland to the north-east and Adelaide to the south-west.[302] Australia is highly urbanised, with 67% of the population living in the Greater Capital City Statistical Areas (metropolitan areas of the state and mainland territorial capital cities) in 2018.[303] Metropolitan areas with more than one million inhabitants are Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and Adelaide.[304] In common with many other developed countries, Australia is experiencing a demographic shift towards an older population, with more retirees and fewer people of working age. In 2018 the average age of the Australian population was 38.8 years.[305] In 2015, 2.15% of the Australian population lived overseas, one of the lowest proportions worldwide.[306] vte Largest populated areas in Australia 2021 data from Australian Bureau of Statistics[307] Rank Name State Pop. Rank Name State Pop. 1 Sydney NSW 5,259,764 11 Geelong Vic 289,400 2 Melbourne Vic 4,976,157 12 Hobart Tas 251,047 3 Brisbane Qld 2,568,927 13 Townsville Qld 181,665 4 Perth WA 2,192,229 14 Cairns Qld 155,638 5 Adelaide SA 1,402,393 15 Darwin NT 148,801 6 Gold Coast–Tweed Heads Qld/NSW 706,673 16 Toowoomba Qld 143,994 7 Newcastle–Maitland NSW 509,894 17 Ballarat Vic 111,702 8 Canberra–Queanbeyan ACT/NSW 482,250 18 Bendigo Vic 102,899 9 Sunshine Coast Qld 355,631 19 Albury-Wodonga NSW/Vic 97,676 10 Wollongong NSW 305,880 20 Launceston Tas 93,332 Ancestry and immigration Main article: Immigration to Australia Australian residents by country of birth, 2021 census Between 1788 and the Second World War, the vast majority of settlers and immigrants came from the British Isles (principally England, Ireland and Scotland), although there was significant immigration from China and Germany during the 19th century. In the decades immediately following the Second World War, Australia received a large wave of immigration from across Europe, with many more immigrants arriving from Southern and Eastern Europe than in previous decades. Since the end of the White Australia policy in 1973, Australia has pursued an official policy of multiculturalism,[308] and there has been a large and continuing wave of immigration from across the world, with Asia being the largest source of immigrants in the 21st century.[309] Today, Australia has the world's eighth-largest immigrant population, with immigrants accounting for 30% of the population, the highest proportion among major Western nations.[310][311] 160,323 permanent immigrants were admitted to Australia in 2018–2019 (excluding refugees),[309] whilst there was a net population gain of 239,600 people from all permanent and temporary immigration in that year.[312] The majority of immigrants are skilled,[309] but the immigration program includes categories for family members and refugees.[312] In 2020, the largest foreign-born populations were those born in England (3.8%), India (2.8%), Mainland China (2.5%), New Zealand (2.2%), the Philippines (1.2%) and Vietnam (1.1%).[313] The Australian Bureau of Statistics does not collect data on race, but asks each Australian resident to nominate up to two ancestries each census.[314] These ancestry responses are classified into broad standardised ancestry groups.[315] At the 2021 census, the number of ancestry responses within each standardised group as a proportion of the total population was as follows:[316] 57.2% European (including 46% North-West European and 11.2% Southern and Eastern European), 33.8% Oceanian,[N 8] 17.4% Asian (including 6.5% Southern and Central Asian, 6.4% North-East Asian, and 4.5% South-East Asian), 3.2% North African and Middle Eastern, 1.4% Peoples of the Americas, and 1.3% Sub-Saharan African. At the 2021 census, the most commonly nominated individual ancestries as a proportion of the total population were:[6] English (33%) Australian (29.9%)[N 9] Irish (9.5%) Scottish (8.6%) Chinese (5.5%) Italian (4.4%) German (4%) Indian (3.1%) Aboriginal (2.9%)[N 10] Greek (1.7%) Filipino (1.6%) Dutch (1.5%) Vietnamese (1.3%) Lebanese (1%) At the 2021 census, 3.8% of the Australian population identified as being Indigenous—Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders.[N 11][318] Language Main article: Languages of Australia Although English is not the official language of Australia in law, it is the de facto official and national language.[319][320] Australian English is a major variety of the language with a distinctive accent and lexicon,[321] and differs slightly from other varieties of English in grammar and spelling.[322] General Australian serves as the standard dialect.[323] At the 2021 census, English was the only language spoken in the home for 72% of the population. The next most common languages spoken at home were Mandarin (2.7%), Arabic (1.4%), Vietnamese (1.3%), Cantonese (1.2%) and Punjabi (0.9%).[32] Over 250 Australian Aboriginal languages are thought to have existed at the time of first European contact.[324] The National Indigenous Languages Survey (NILS) for 2018–19 found that more than 120 Indigenous language varieties were in use or being revived, although 70 of those in use were endangered.[325] The 2021 census found that 167 Indigenous languages were spoken at home by 76,978 Indigenous Australians.[326] NILS and the Australian Bureau of Statistics use different classifications for Indigenous Australian languages.[327] The Australian sign language known as Auslan was used at home by 16,242 people at the time of the 2021 census.[328] Religion Main article: Religion in Australia Australia is secular and hosts a diversity of religions. St Mary's Cathedral in Sydney belongs to the Roman Catholic Church, Australia's largest religious denomination. Australia has no state religion; Section 116 of the Australian Constitution prohibits the federal government from making any law to establish any religion, impose any religious observance, or prohibit the free exercise of any religion.[329] As of 2023, a plurality of Australians are irreligious.[330] At the 2021 Census, 38.9% of the population identified as having "no religion",[6] up from 15.5% in 2001.[331] The largest religion is Christianity (43.9% of the population).[6] The largest Christian denominations are the Roman Catholic Church (20% of the population) and the Anglican Church of Australia (9.8%). Multicultural immigration since the Second World War has led to the growth of non-Christian religions, the largest of which are Islam (3.2%), Hinduism (2.7%), Buddhism (2.4%), Sikhism (0.8%), and Judaism (0.4%).[6] In 2021, just under 8,000 people declared an affiliation with traditional Aboriginal religions.[6] In Australian Aboriginal mythology and the animist framework developed in Aboriginal Australia, the Dreaming is a sacred era in which ancestral totemic spirit beings formed The Creation. The Dreaming established the laws and structures of society and the ceremonies performed to ensure continuity of life and land.[332] Health See also: Health care in Australia Australia's life expectancy of 83 years (81 years for males and 85 years for females),[333] is the fifth-highest in the world. It has the highest rate of skin cancer in the world,[334] while cigarette smoking is the largest preventable cause of death and disease, responsible for 7.8% of the total mortality and disease. Ranked second in preventable causes is hypertension at 7.6%, with obesity third at 7.5%.[335][336] Australia ranked 35th in the world in 2012 for its proportion of obese women[337] and near the top of developed nations for its proportion of obese adults;[338] 63% of its adult population is either overweight or obese.[339] Australia spent around 9.91% of its total GDP to health care in 2021.[340] It introduced universal health care in 1975.[341] Known as Medicare, it is now nominally funded by an income tax surcharge known as the Medicare levy, currently at 2%.[342] The states manage hospitals and attached outpatient services, while the Commonwealth funds the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (subsidising the costs of medicines) and general practice.[341] During the COVID-19 pandemic Australia had one of the most restrictive quarantine policies, resulting in one of the lowest death rates worldwide.[343] Education Main article: Education in Australia Five Australian universities rank in the top 50 of the QS World University Rankings, including the Australian National University (19th).[344] School attendance, or registration for home schooling,[345] is compulsory throughout Australia. Education is the responsibility of the individual states and territories[346] so the rules vary between states, but in general children are required to attend school from the age of about 5 until about 16.[347][348] In some states (Western Australia, Northern Territory and New South Wales), children aged 16–17 are required to either attend school or participate in vocational training, such as an apprenticeship.[349][350][351][352] Australia has an adult literacy rate that was estimated to be 99% in 2003.[353] However, a 2011–2012 report for the Australian Bureau of Statistics reported that Tasmania has a literacy and numeracy rate of only 50%.[354] Australia has 37 government-funded universities and three private universities, as well as a number of other specialist institutions that provide approved courses at the higher education level.[355] The OECD places Australia among the most expensive nations to attend university.[356] There is a state-based system of vocational training, known as TAFE, and many trades conduct apprenticeships for training new tradespeople.[357] About 58% of Australians aged from 25 to 64 have vocational or tertiary qualifications[358] and the tertiary graduation rate of 49% is the highest among OECD countries. 30.9% of Australia's population has attained a higher education qualification, which is among the highest percentages in the world.[359][360][361] Australia has the highest ratio of international students per head of population in the world by a large margin, with 812,000 international students enrolled in the nation's universities and vocational institutions in 2019.[362][363] Accordingly, in 2019, international students represented on average 26.7% of the student bodies of Australian universities. International education therefore represents one of the country's largest exports and has a pronounced influence on the country's demographics, with a significant proportion of international students remaining in Australia after graduation on various skill and employment visas.[364] Education is Australia's third-largest export, after iron ore and coal, and contributed over $28 billion to the economy in 2016–17.[297] Culture Main article: Culture of Australia Ornate white building with an elevated dome in the middle, fronted by a golden fountain and orange flowers The Royal Exhibition Building in Melbourne was the first building in Australia to be listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2004.[365] The country is home to a diversity of cultures, a result of its history of immigration.[366] Prior to 1850, Australia was dominated by Indigenous cultures.[367][368] Since then, Australian culture has primarily been a Western culture, strongly influenced by Anglo-Celtic settlers.[369][370] Other influences include Australian Aboriginal culture, the traditions brought to the country by waves of immigration from around the world,[371] and the culture of the United States.[372] The cultural divergence and evolution that has occurred over the centuries since European settlement has resulted in a distinctive Australian culture.[373][374] Arts Main articles: Australian art, Australian literature, Theatre of Australia, and Dance in Australia Sidney Nolan's Snake mural (1970), held at the Museum of Old and New Art in Hobart, Tasmania, is inspired by the Aboriginal creation myth of the Rainbow Serpent, as well as desert flowers in bloom after a drought.[375] Australia has over 100,000 Aboriginal rock art sites,[376] and traditional designs, patterns and stories infuse contemporary Indigenous Australian art, "the last great art movement of the 20th century" according to critic Robert Hughes;[377] its exponents include Emily Kame Kngwarreye.[378] Early colonial artists showed a fascination with the unfamiliar land.[379] The impressionistic works of Arthur Streeton, Tom Roberts and other members of the 19th-century Heidelberg School—the first "distinctively Australian" movement in Western art—gave expression to nationalist sentiments in the lead-up to Federation.[379] While the school remained influential into the 1900s, modernists such as Margaret Preston, and, later, Sidney Nolan, explored new artistic trends.[379] The landscape remained central to the work of Aboriginal watercolourist Albert Namatjira,[380] as well as Fred Williams, Brett Whiteley and other post-war artists whose works, eclectic in style yet uniquely Australian, moved between the figurative and the abstract.[379][381] Australian literature grew slowly in the decades following European settlement though Indigenous oral traditions, many of which have since been recorded in writing, are much older.[382] In the 19th-century, Henry Lawson and Banjo Paterson captured the experience of the bush using a distinctive Australian vocabulary.[383] Their works are still popular; Paterson's bush poem "Waltzing Matilda" (1895) is regarded as Australia's unofficial national anthem.[384] Miles Franklin is the namesake of Australia's most prestigious literary prize, awarded annually to the best novel about Australian life.[385] Its first recipient, Patrick White, went on to win the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1973.[386] Australian Booker Prize winners include Peter Carey, Thomas Keneally and Richard Flanagan.[387] Australian public intellectuals have also written seminal works in their respective fields, including feminist Germaine Greer and philosopher Peter Singer.[388] Many of Australia's performing arts companies receive funding through the federal government's Australia Council.[389] There is a symphony orchestra in each state,[390] and a national opera company, Opera Australia,[391] well known for its famous soprano Joan Sutherland.[392] At the beginning of the 20th century, Nellie Melba was one of the world's leading opera singers.[393] Ballet and dance are represented by The Australian Ballet and various state companies. Each state has a publicly funded theatre company.[394] Media Main articles: Cinema of Australia, Television in Australia, Media of Australia, and Music of Australia Actor playing the bushranger Ned Kelly in The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906), the world's first feature-length narrative film The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906), the world's first feature-length narrative film, spurred a boom in Australian cinema during the silent film era.[395] After World War I, Hollywood monopolised the industry,[396] and by the 1960s Australian film production had effectively ceased.[397] With the benefit of government support, the Australian New Wave of the 1970s brought provocative and successful films, many exploring themes of national identity, such as Wake in Fright and Gallipoli,[398] while Crocodile Dundee and the Ozploitation movement's Mad Max series became international blockbusters.[399] In a film market flooded with foreign content, Australian films delivered a 7.7% share of the local box office in 2015.[400] The AACTAs are Australia's premier film and television awards, and notable Academy Award winners from Australia include Geoffrey Rush, Nicole Kidman, Cate Blanchett and Heath Ledger.[401] Australia has two public broadcasters (the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the multicultural Special Broadcasting Service), three commercial television networks, several pay-TV services,[402] and numerous public, non-profit television and radio stations. Each major city has at least one daily newspa

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Former CIA official John Stockwell delves into the covert operations and political machinations of the United States in Nicaragua and Grenada. Drawing from personal experiences and intimate knowledge of CIA workings, Stockwell draws parallels between his involvement in Angola and the agency's activities in these Central American nations. In this revealing discourse recorded in April 1984, Stockwell dissects the US intervention in Nicaragua, offering a critical analysis of the events in Grenada, including the coup and subsequent invasion. With an insider's perspective, he scrutinizes Reagan's justifications for the invasion and dissects media coverage while shedding light on the historical context of American interference in Grenada. Drawing on his connections with key figures in Grenada's government, Stockwell unpicks the intricacies of destabilization efforts, including CIA-backed terrorist attacks and economic manipulation. By juxtaposing Nicaragua's situation with Grenada's, he offers a comparative analysis, connecting the dots between Reagan's foreign policy and CIA operations. Stockwell's insights, gained from direct interactions with Nicaraguan leaders and his comprehensive understanding of historical contexts, provide a thought-provoking examination of US foreign policy in the 1980s, exposing the covert actions and their repercussions in these nations. Since the 19th century, the United States government has participated and interfered, both overtly and covertly, in the replacement of many foreign governments. In the latter half of the 19th century, the U.S. government initiated actions for regime change mainly in Latin America and the southwest Pacific, including the Spanish–American and Philippine–American wars. At the onset of the 20th century, the United States shaped or installed governments in many countries around the world, including neighbors Hawaii, Panama, Honduras, Nicaragua, Mexico, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. During World War II, the United States helped overthrow many Nazi German or Imperial Japanese puppet regimes. Examples include regimes in the Philippines, Korea, East China, and parts of Europe. United States forces, together with the Soviet Union, were also instrumental in removing Adolf Hitler from power in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy. In the aftermath of World War II, the U.S. government struggled with the Soviet Union for global leadership, influence and security within the context of the Cold War. Under the Truman administration, the U.S. government feared that communism would be spread, sometimes with the assistance of the Soviet Union's own involvement in regime change, and promoted the domino theory, with later presidents following Truman's precedent.[1] Subsequently, the United States expanded the geographic scope of its actions beyond traditional area of operations, Central America and the Caribbean. Significant operations included the United States and United Kingdom-orchestrated 1953 Iranian coup d'état, the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion targeting Cuba, and support for the overthrow of Sukarno by General Suharto in Indonesia. In addition, the U.S. has interfered in the national elections of countries, including Italy in 1948,[2] the Philippines in 1953, Japan in the 1950s and 1960s[3][4] Lebanon in 1957,[5] and Russia in 1996.[6] According to one study, the U.S. performed at least 81 overt and covert known interventions in foreign elections during the period 1946–2000.[7] According to another study, the U.S. engaged in 64 covert and six overt attempts at regime change during the Cold War.[1] Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United States has led or supported wars to determine the governance of a number of countries. Stated U.S. aims in these conflicts have included fighting the War on Terror, as in the Afghan War, or removing weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), as in the Iraq War. Prior to 1887 1846–1848 Annexation of Texas and invasion of California Main articles: Mexican–American War and Texas annexation The United States annexed the Republic of Texas, at the time considered by Mexico to be a rebellious state of Mexico.[8] During the war with Mexico that ensued, the United States seized Alta California from Mexico.[9] 1865–1867: Mexico See also: Second French intervention in Mexico While the American Civil War was taking place in the United States, France and other countries invaded Mexico to collect debts. France then installed Habsburg prince Maximilian I as the Emperor of Mexico. After the Civil war ended, the United States began supporting the Liberal forces of Benito Juárez (who had been the interim President of Mexico since 1858 under the liberal Constitution of 1857 and then elected as president in 1861 before the French invasion) against the forces of Maximilian. The United States began sending and dropping arms into Mexico and many Americans fought alongside Juarez. Eventually, Juarez and the Liberals took back power and executed Maximillian I.[10][11][12] The United States opposed Maximilian and had invoked the Monroe Doctrine. William Seward said afterwards "The Monroe Doctrine, which eight years ago was merely a theory, is now an irreversible fact."[13] 1887–1912: U.S. expansionism and Roosevelt administration 1880s 1887–1889: Samoa Main articles: Samoan Civil War, Samoan crisis, and Second Samoan Civil War Samoa in Oceania In the 1880s, Samoa was a monarchy with two rival claimants to the throne: Malietoa Laupepa and Mata'afa Iosefo. The Samoan crisis was a confrontation between the United States, Germany and the United Kingdom from 1887 to 1889, with the powers backing rival claimants to the throne of the Samoan Islands which became the First Samoan Civil War.[14] 1890s 1893: Kingdom of Hawaii Main articles: Overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom and Republic of Hawaii Hawaii in Oceania Anti-monarchs, mostly Americans, in Hawaii, engineered the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii. On January 17, 1893, the native monarch, Queen Lili'uokalani, was overthrown. Hawaii was initially reconstituted as an independent republic, but the ultimate goal of the action was the annexation of the islands to the United States, which was finally accomplished with the Newlands Resolution of 1898.[15] 1899–1901: Boxer Rebellion [icon] This section needs expansion with: the Boxer Rebellion. You can help by adding to it. (March 2021) 1899–1902: Philippines Main article: History of the Philippines (1898–1946) The successful Philippine Revolution saw the defeat of the Spanish Empire and the establishment of the First Philippine Republic, ending centuries of Spanish colonial rule in the archipelago. The U.S., which had allied with the revolutionaries and emerged victorious in the concurrent Spanish–American War, was "granted" the Philippines in the Treaty of Paris. Wishing to establish its own control over the country, the U.S. engaged in the Philippine–American War, the success of which saw the dissolution of the self-governing Philippine Republic and formation of an Insular Government of the Philippine Islands in 1902. The Philippines became a self-governing Commonwealth in 1935 and was granted full sovereignty by 1946. 1900s 1903–1925: Honduras Main article: Banana Wars In what became known as the "Banana Wars," between the end of the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the inception of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934, the U.S. staged many military invasions and interventions in Central America and the Caribbean.[16] One of these incursions, in 1903, involved regime change rather than regime preservation. The United States Marine Corps, which most often fought these wars, developed a manual called The Strategy and Tactics of Small Wars in 1921 based on its experiences. On occasion, the Navy provided gunfire support and Army troops were also used. The United Fruit Company and Standard Fruit Company dominated Honduras' key banana export sector and associated land holdings and railways. The U.S. staged invasions and incursions of US troops in 1903 (supporting a coup by Manuel Bonilla), 1907 (supporting Bonilla against a Nicaraguan-backed coup), 1911 and 1912 (defending the regime of Miguel R. Davila from an uprising), 1919 (peacekeeping during a civil war, and installing the caretaker government of Francisco Bográn), 1920 (defending the Bográn regime from a general strike), 1924 (defending the regime of Rafael López Gutiérrez from an uprising) and 1925 (defending the elected government of Miguel Paz Barahona) to defend US interests.[17] 1906–1909: Cuba Main article: Second Occupation of Cuba After the explosion of the USS Maine the United States declared war on Spain, starting the Spanish–American War.[18] The United States invaded and occupied Spanish-ruled Cuba in 1898. Many in the United States did not want to annex Cuba and passed the Teller Amendment, forbidding annexation. Cuba was occupied by the U.S. and run by military governor Leonard Wood during the first occupation from 1898 to 1902, after the end of the war. The Platt Amendment was passed later on outlining U.S. Cuban relations. It said the U.S. could intervene anytime against a government that was not approved, forced Cuba to accept U.S. influence, and limited Cuban abilities to make foreign relations.[19] The United States forced Cuba to accept the terms of the Platt Amendment, by putting it into their constitution.[20] After the occupation, Cuba and the U.S. would sign the Cuban–American Treaty of Relations in 1903, further agreeing to the terms of the Platt Amendment.[21] Tomás Estrada Palma became the first President of Cuba after the U.S. withdrew. He was a member of the Republican Party of Havana. He was re-elected in 1905 unopposed; however, the Liberals accused him of electoral fraud. Fighting began between the Liberals and Republicans. Due to the tensions he resigned on September 28, 1906, and his government collapsed soon afterwards. U.S. Secretary of State William Howard Taft invoked the Platt Amendment and the 1903 treaty, under approval of President Theodore Roosevelt, invading the country, and occupying it. The country would be governed by Charles Edward Magoon during the occupation. They oversaw the election of José Miguel Gómez in 1909, and afterwards withdrew from the country.[22] 1909–1910: Nicaragua See also: United States occupation of Nicaragua Governor Juan José Estrada, member of the Conservative Party, led a revolt against President José Santos Zelaya, member of the Liberal Party reelected in 1906. This became what is known as the Estrada rebellion. The United States supported the conservative forces because Zelaya had wanted to work with Germany or Japan to build a new canal through the country. The U.S. controlled the Panama Canal and did not want competition from another country outside of the Americas. Thomas P Moffat, a US council[23] in Bluefields, Nicaragua would give overt support, in conflict with the US trying to only give covert support. Direct intervention would be pushed by the secretary of state Philander C. Knox. Two Americans were executed by Zelaya for their participation with the conservatives. Seeing an opportunity the United States became directly involved in the rebellion and sent in troops, which landed on the Mosquito Coast. On December 14, 1909 Zelaya was forced to resign under diplomatic pressure from America and fled Nicaragua. Before Zelaya fled, he along with the liberal assembly choose José Madriz to lead Nicaragua. The U.S. refused to recognize Madriz. The conservatives eventually beat back the liberals and forced Madriz to resign. Estrada then became the president. Thomas Cleland Dawson was sent as a special agent to the country and determined that any election held would bring the liberals into power, so had Estrada set up a constituent assembly to elect him instead. In August 1910 Estrada became President of Nicaragua under U.S. recognition, agreeing to certain conditions from the U.S. After the intervention, the U.S. and Nicaragua signed a treaty on June 6, 1911.[24][25][26] 1912–1941: Wilson administration, World War I and interwar period 1910s 1912–1933: Nicaragua See also: United States occupation of Nicaragua The Taft administration sent troops into Nicaragua and occupied the country. When the Wilson administration came into power, they extended the stay and took complete financial and governmental control of the country, leaving a heavily armed legation. U.S. president Calvin Coolidge removed troops from the country, leaving a legation and Adolfo Diaz in charge of the country. Rebels ended up capturing the town with the legation and Diaz requested troops came back, which they did a few months after leaving. The U.S. government fought against rebels led by Augusto Cesar Sandino. Franklin D. Roosevelt pulled out because the U.S. could no longer afford to keep troops in the country due to the Great Depression. The second intervention in Nicaragua would become one of the longest wars in United States history. The United States left the Somoza family in charge, who killed Sandino in 1934.[27] 1915–1934: Haiti Main article: United States occupation of Haiti The U.S. occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. U.S.-based banks had lent money to Haiti and the banks requested U.S. government intervention. In an example of "gunboat diplomacy," the U.S. sent its navy to intimidate to get its way.[28] Eventually, in 1917, the U.S. installed a new government and dictated the terms of a new Haitian constitution of 1917 that instituted changes that included an end to the prior ban on land ownership by non-Haitians. The Cacos were originally armed militias of formerly enslaved persons who rebelled and took control of mountainous areas following the Haitian Revolution in 1804. Such groups fought a guerrilla war against the U.S. occupation in what were known as the "Caco Wars."[29] 1916–1924: Dominican Republic Main article: United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924) U.S. marines invaded the Dominican Republic and occupied it from 1916 to 1924, and this was preceded by US military interventions in 1903, 1904, and 1914. The US Navy installed its personnel in all key positions in government and controlled the Dominican military and police.[30] Within a couple of days, President Juan Isidro Jimenes resigned.[31] World War I Main article: United States in World War I 1917–1919: Germany After the release of the Zimmermann Telegram the United States joined the First World War on April 6, 1917, declaring war on the German Empire, a monarchy.[32] The Wilson Administration made abdication of the Kaiser and the creation of a German Republic a requirement of surrender. Woodrow Wilson had made U.S. policy to "Make the World Safe for Democracy". Germany surrendered November 11, 1918.[33] Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated on November 28, 1918.[34] While the United States did not ratify it, the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 had much input from the United States. It mandated for Kaiser Wilhelm II to be removed from the government and tried, though the second part was never carried out.[35] Germany would then become the Weimar Republic, a liberal democracy. The United States signed the U.S.-German peace Treaty in 1921, solidifying the agreements made previously to the rest of the Entente with the U.S.[36] 1917–1920: Austria-Hungary On December 7, 1917, the United States declared war on Austria-Hungary, a monarchy, as part of World War I.[37] Austria-Hungary surrendered on November 3, 1918.[38] Austria became a republic and signed Treaty of Saint Germain in 1919 effectively dissolving Austria-Hungary.[39] The Treaty disallowed Austria to ever unite with Germany. Even though the United States had much effect on the treaty it did not ratify it and instead signed the U.S.-Austrian Peace Treaty in 1921, solidifying their new borders and government to the United States.[40] After brief civil strife, the Kingdom of Hungary became a monarchy without a monarch, instead governed by Miklós Horthy as Regent. Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon, in 1920 with the Entente, without the United States.[41] They signed the U.S.-Hungarian Peace Treaty in 1921 solidifying their status and borders with the United States.[42] 1918–1920: Russia Main article: Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War In 1918 the U.S. military took part in the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War to support White movement and overthrow the Bolsheviks.[43] President Wilson agreed to send 5,000 United States Army troops in the campaign. This force, which became known as the "American North Russia Expeditionary Force"[44] (a.k.a. the Polar Bear Expedition) launched the North Russia Campaign from Arkhangelsk, while another 8,000 soldiers, organised as the American Expeditionary Force Siberia,[45] launched the Siberia intervention from Vladivostok.[46] The forces were withdrawn in 1920.[47] 1941–1945: World War II and aftermath Main article: Military history of the United States during World War II 1941–1952: Japan Main article: Occupation of Japan Representatives of the Empire of Japan stand aboard USS Missouri prior to signing of the Instrument of Surrender In December 1941, the US joined the Allies in war against the Empire of Japan, a monarchy. After the Allied victory, Japan was occupied by Allied forces under the command of American general Douglas MacArthur. In 1946, the Japanese Diet ratified a new Constitution of Japan that followed closely a 'model copy' prepared by MacArthur's command,[48] and was promulgated as an amendment to the old Prussian-style Meiji Constitution. The constitution renounced aggressive war and was accompanied by liberalization of many areas of Japanese life. While liberalizing life for most Japanese, the Allies tried many Japanese war criminals and executed some, while granting amnesty to the family of Emperor Hirohito.[49] The occupation was ended by the Treaty of San Francisco.[49] Following the United States invasion of Okinawa during the Pacific War, the U.S. installed the United States Military Government of the Ryukyu Islands. Pursuant to a treaty with the Japanese government (Message of Emperor), in 1950 the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands took over and ruled Okinawa and the rest of the Ryukyu Islands until 1972. During this "trusteeship rule," the U.S. built numerous military bases, including bases that operated nuclear weapons. U.S. rule was opposed by many local residents, creating the Ryukyu independence movement that struggled against U.S. rule.[50] 1941–1949: Germany Main articles: Western Allied invasion of Germany and Allied-occupied Germany In December 1941, the United States joined the Allied campaign against Nazi Germany, a fascist dictatorship. The US took part in the Allied occupation and Denazification of the Western portion of Germany. Former Nazis were subjected to varying levels of punishment, depending on how the US assessed their levels of guilt. US general Dwight D. Eisenhower initially estimated that the process would take 50 years.[51] Depending on a former Nazi's level of culpability, punishments could range from a fine (for those judged least culpable), to denial of permission to work as anything but a manual laborer, to imprisonment and even death for the most severe offenders, such as those convicted in the Nuremberg Trials. At the end of 1947, for example, the Allies held 90,000 Nazis in detention; another 1,900,000 were forbidden to work as anything but manual laborers.[52] As Germans took more and more responsibility for Germany, they pushed for an end to the denazification process, and the Americans allowed this. In 1949, an independent liberal democracy, the Federal Republic of Germany, also known as West Germany, was formed and took responsibility for denazification. For most former Nazis, the process came to an end with amnesty laws passed in 1951.[53] The ultimate outcome of denazification was the creation of a parliamentary democracy in West Germany.[54] 1941–1946: Italy Main articles: Italian Civil War and Liberation of Italy In July–August 1943, the US participated in the Allied invasion of Sicily, spearheaded by the U.S. Seventh Army, under Lieutenant General George S. Patton, in which over 2000 US servicemen were killed,[55] initiating the Italian Campaign which conquered Italy from the fascist regime of Benito Mussolini and its Nazi German allies. Mussolini was arrested by order of King Victor Emmanuel III, provoking a civil war. The king appointed Pietro Badoglio as new Prime Minister. Badoglio stripped away the final elements of Fascist rule by banning the National Fascist Party, then signed an armistice with the Allied armed forces. The Royal Italian Army outside of the peninsula itself collapsed, its occupied and annexed territories fell under German control. Italy capitulated to the Allies on 3 September 1943. The northern half of the country was occupied by the Germans with help from Italian fascists and made a collaborationist puppet state, while the south was governed by monarchist forces, which fought for the Allied cause as the Italian Co-Belligerent Army.[56] 1944–1946: France Main articles: Liberation of France, Operation Goodwood, and Operation Cobra General Charles de Gaulle and his entourage proudly stroll down the Champs-Élysées to Notre-Dame Cathedral for a Te Deum ceremony following Paris's liberation on 25 August 1944. British, Canadian and United States forces were critical participants in Operation Goodwood and Operation Cobra, leading to a military breakout that ended the Nazi occupation of France. The actual Liberation of Paris was accomplished by French forces. The French formed the Provisional Government of the French Republic in 1944, leading to the formation of the French Fourth Republic in 1946.[citation needed] The liberation of France is celebrated regularly up to the present day.[57][58] See also: Free France § Liberation of France 1944–1945: Belgium Main article: Liberation of Belgium American troops during the Battle of the Bulge In the wake of the 1940 invasion, Germany established the Reichskommissariat of Belgium and Northern France to govern Belgium. United States, Canadian, British, and other Allied forces ended the Nazi occupation of most of Belgium in September 1944. The Belgian Government in Exile under Prime Minister Hubert Pierlot returned on 8 September.[59] In December, American forces suffered over 80,000 casualties defending Belgium from a German counterattack in the Battle of the Bulge. By February 1945, all of Belgium was in Allied hands.[60] The year 1945 was chaotic. Pierlot resigned, and Achille Van Acker of the Belgian Socialist Party formed a new government. There were riots over the Royal Question—the return of King Leopold III. Although the war continued, Belgians were again in control of their own country.[61] 1944–1945: Netherlands Main articles: Operation Market Garden and Operation Plunder During the Nazi occupation, the Netherlands was governed by the Reichskommissariat Niederlande, headed by Arthur Seyss-Inquart. British, Canadian, and American forces liberated portions of the Netherlands in September 1944. However, after the failure of Operation Market Garden, the liberation of the largest cities had to wait until the last weeks of the European theatre of World War II. The occupied portions of the Netherlands suffered a famine that winter. British and American forces crossed the Rhine on 23 March 1945; Canadian forces in their wake then entered the Netherlands from the east. The remaining German forces in the Netherlands surrendered on 5 May, which is celebrated as Liberation Day in the Netherlands. Queen Wilhelmina returned on 2 May; elections were held in 1946, leading to a new government headed by Prime Minister Louis Beel.[62][63] 1944–1945: Philippines Main articles: Philippines Campaign (1944–1945) and Commonwealth of the Philippines General Douglas MacArthur, President Osmeña and staff land at Palo, Leyte on October 20, 1944 United States landings in 1944 ended the Japanese occupation of the Philippines.[64] After the Japanese were defeated and the puppet regime that was controlling the Second Philippine Republic was overthrown, the United States fulfilled a promise by granting independence to the Philippines. Sergio Osmeña formed the government of the restored Commonwealth of the Philippines, overseeing democratic transition to the fully sovereign Third Philippine Republic in 1946.[65] 1945–1955: Austria Main article: Allied-occupied Austria Austria was annexed to Germany in the 1938 Anschluss. As German citizens, many Austrians fought on the side of Germany during World War II. After the Allied victory, the Allies treated Austria as a victim of Nazi aggression, rather than as a perpetrator. The United States Marshall Plan provided aid.[66] The 1955 Austrian State Treaty re-established Austria as a free, democratic, and sovereign state. It was signed by representatives of the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and France. It provided for the withdrawal of all occupying troops and guaranteed Austrian neutrality in the Cold War.[67] 1945–1991: Cold War 1940s 1945–1948: South Korea Main articles: United States Army Military Government in Korea, First Republic of Korea, and Syngman Rhee The Empire of Japan surrendered to the United States in August 1945, ending the Japanese rule of Korea. Under the leadership of Lyuh Woon-Hyung People's Committees throughout Korea formed to coordinate transition to Korean independence. On August 28, 1945 these committees formed the temporary national government of Korea, naming it the People's Republic of Korea (PRK) a couple of weeks later.[68][69] On September 8, 1945, the United States government landed forces in Korea and thereafter established the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGK) to govern Korea south of the 38th parallel. The USAMGK outlawed the PRK government.[70][71] In May 1948, Syngman Rhee, who had previously lived in the United States, won the 1948 South Korean presidential election, which had been boycotted by most other politicians and in which voting was limited to property owners and tax payers or, in smaller towns, to town elders voting for everyone else.[72][73] Syngman Rhee, backed by the U.S. government, set up authoritarian rule that coordinated closely with the business sector and lasted until Rhee's overthrow in 1961, which led to a similarly authoritarian regime that would last ultimately until the late 1980s.[74] 1947–1949: Greece Main article: Greek Civil War Greece had been under Axis occupation since 1941. Its government-in-exile, unelected and loyal to King George II, was based in Cairo. By the Summer of 1944, communist guerrillas, then known as the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), who had been armed by the Western powers, exploiting the gradual collapse of the Axis, claimed to have liberated nearly all of Greece outside of Athens from Axis occupation, while also attacking and defeating rival non-Communist partisan groups, forming a rival unelected government, the Political Committee of National Liberation. On 12 August 1944, German forces retreated from the Athens area two days ahead of British landings there, ending the occupation.[75] The British Armed Forces together with Greek forces under control of the Greek government (now a government of national unity led by Konstantinos Tsaldaris, elected in the 1946 Greek legislative election boycotted by the Communist Party of Greece) then fought for control of the country in the Greek Civil War against the communists, who at that time were self-proclaimed as the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). By early 1947, the British government could no longer afford the huge cost of financing the war against DSE, and pursuant to the October 1944 Percentages Agreement between Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin, Greece was to remain part of the Western sphere of influence. Accordingly, the British requested the US government to step in and the U.S. flooded the country with military equipment, military advisers and weapons.[76]: 553–554 [77]: 129 [78][79] With increased U.S. military aid, by September 1949 the government eventually won, fully restoring the Kingdom of Greece.[80]: 616–617  1948: Costa Rica Main article: Costa Rican Civil War Christian socialist medic Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia of the National Republican Party was elected in 1944, promoting a general social reform and allied to the Costa Rican Communist Party.[81] In the 1948 election, the opposition won the presidency but lost the Congress. This prompted the Congress to annul the results of the presidential election but not the results of the congressional election; on the same day as the annulment, the leader of the opposition campaign was assassinated.[82] These events led to the short-lived Costa Rican Civil War of 1948, in which the US supported the opposition, and Somoza-ran Nicaragua supported Calderón. The war ended Calderón's government and led to the short de facto rule of 18 months by José Figueres Ferrer.[81] However, Figueres also held some left-leaning ideas and continued the process of social reform.[83] After the war, democracy was quickly restored and a two-party system encompassed by the parties of the Calderonistas and Figueristas developed in the country for nearly 60 years.[83] 1949–1953: Albania See also: Albanian Subversion Albania was in chaos after World War II and the country was not as focused on peacetime conferences in comparison to other European nations, while having suffered high casualties.[84] It was threatened by its larger neighbors with annexation. After Yugoslavia dropped out of the Eastern Bloc, the small country of Albania was geographically isolated from the rest of the Eastern Bloc.[citation needed] The United States and United Kingdom took advantage of the situation and recruited anti-communist Albanians who had fled after the USSR invaded. The US and UK formed the Free Albania National Committee, made up of many of the emigres. Recruited Albanians were trained by the U.S. and U.K. and infiltrated the country multiple times. Eventually, the operation was found out and many of the agents fled, were executed, or were tried. The operation would become a failure. The operation was declassified in 2006, due to the Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act and is now available in the National Archives.[85][86] 1949: Syria Main article: March 1949 Syrian coup d'état The government of Shukri al-Quwatli, reelected in 1948, was overthrown by a junta led by the Syrian Army chief of staff at the time, Husni al-Za'im, who became President of Syria on April 11, 1949. Za'im had extensive connections to CIA operatives,[87] although the exact nature of U.S. involvement in the coup remains highly controversial.[88][89][90] The construction of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, which had been held up in the Syrian parliament, was approved by Za'im, the new president, just over a month after the coup.[91] 1950s 1950–1953: Burma and China See also: Kuomintang in Burma § CIA connection and opium trade The Chinese Civil War had recently ended, with the communists winning and the nationalists losing. The nationalists retreated to areas such as Taiwan and north Burma.[92] Operation Paper began in late 1950[93] or early 1951 following Chinese involvement in the Korean War.[94] Operation Paper entailed CIA plans used by CIA military advisors on the ground in Burma to assist Kuomintang incursions into Western China over several years, under the command of General Li Mi, with Kuomintang leadership hoping to eventually retake China, despite opposition from the US State Department.[95] However, each attempted invasion was repelled by the Chinese army. The Kuomintang took control of large swaths of Burma, while the government of Burma complained repeatedly of the military invasion to the United Nations.[96] On secret flights from Thailand to Burma, CAT aircraft flown by pilots hired by the CIA brought American weapons and other supplies to the Kuomintang and on return flights the CAT aircraft transported opium from the Kuomintang to Chinese organized crime drug traffickers in Bangkok, Thailand.[96][97] 1952: Egypt Main articles: Egyptian revolution of 1952 and Project FF In February 1952, following January's riots in Cairo amid widespread nationalist discontent over the continued British occupation of the Suez Canal and Egypt's defeat in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, CIA officer Kermit Roosevelt Jr. was dispatched by the State Department to meet with Farouk I of the Kingdom of Egypt. American policy at that time was to convince Farouk to introduce reforms that would weaken the appeal of Egyptian radicals and stabilize Farouk's grip on power. The U.S. was notified in advance of the successful July coup led by nationalist and anti-communist Egyptian military officers (the "Free Officers") that replaced the Egyptian monarchy with the Republic of Egypt under the leadership of Mohamed Naguib and Gamal Abdel Nasser. CIA officer Miles Copeland Jr. recounted in his memoirs that Roosevelt helped coordinate the coup during three prior meetings with the plotters (including Nasser, the future Egyptian president); this has not been confirmed by declassified documents but is partially supported by circumstantial evidence. Roosevelt and several of the Egyptians said to have been present in these meetings denied Copeland's account; another U.S. official, William Lakeland, said its veracity is open to question. Hugh Wilford notes that "whether or not the CIA dealt directly with the Free Officers prior to their July 1952 coup, there was extensive secret American-Egyptian contact in the months after the revolution."[98][99] 1952: Guatemala Main article: Operation PBFortune Operation PBFortune, also known as Operation Fortune, was a covert United States operation to overthrow Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz in 1952. The operation was authorized by U.S. President Harry Truman and planned by the Central Intelligence Agency. The plan involved providing weapons to the exiled Guatemalan military officer Carlos Castillo Armas, who was to lead an invasion from Nicaragua.[100] 1952–1953: Iran Main article: 1953 Iranian coup d'état Since 1944, Iran was a constitutional monarchy ruled by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. From the discovery of oil in Iran in the late nineteenth century major powers exploited the weakness of the Iranian government to obtain concessions that many believed failed to give Iran a fair share of the profits. During World War II, the UK, the USSR and the US all became involved in Iranian affairs, including the joint Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. Iranian officials began to notice that British taxes were increasing while royalties to Iran declined. By 1948, Britain received substantially more revenue from the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) than Iran. Negotiations to meet this and other Iranian concerns exacerbated rather than eased tensions.[101] On March 15, 1951 the Majlis, the Iranian parliament, passed legislation championed by reformist politician Mohammad Mosaddegh to nationalize the AIOC. The senate approved the measure two days later. Fifteen months later, Mosadegh was elected Prime Minister by the Majlis. International business concerns then boycotted oil from the nationalized Iranian oil industry. This contributed to concerns in Britain and the US that Mosadegh might be a communist. He was reportedly supported by the Communist Tudeh Party.[102][103] The CIA began supporting 18 of their favorite candidates in the 1952 Iranian legislative election, which Mosaddegh suspended after urban deputies loyal to him were elected.[104] The new parliament gave Mosaddegh emergency powers which weakened the power of the Shah, and there was a constitutional struggle over the roles of the Shah and prime minister. Britain strongly backed the Shah, while the US officially remained neutral. However, America's position shifted in late 1952 with the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as U.S. president. The CIA launched Operation Ajax, directed by Kermit Roosevelt Jr., with help from Norman Darbyshire, to remove Mosaddegh by persuading the Shah to replace him, using diplomacy and bribery. The 1953 Iranian coup d'état (known in Iran as the "28 Mordad coup")[105] was orchestrated by the intelligence agencies of the United Kingdom such as MI6 (under the name "Operation Boot") and the United States (under the name "TPAJAX Project").[106][107][108][109] The coup saw the transition of Pahlavi from a constitutional monarch to an authoritarian, who relied heavily on United States government support. That support dissipated during the Iranian Revolution of 1979, as his own security forces refused to shoot into non-violent crowds.[110] The CIA did not admit its responsibility until the 60th anniversary of the coup in August 2013.[111] 1954: Guatemala Main article: 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état See also: Guatemalan Civil War In a 1954 CIA operation code named Operation PBSuccess, the U.S. government executed a coup that successfully overthrew the government of President Jacobo Árbenz, elected in 1950, and installed Carlos Castillo Armas, the first of a line of right-wing dictators, in its place.[112][113][114] Not only was it done for the ideological purpose of containment, but the CIA had been approached by the United Fruit Company as it saw possible loss in profits due to the situation of workers in the country, i.e. the introduction of anti-exploitation laws.[115] The perceived success of the operation made it a model for future CIA operations because the CIA lied to the president of the United States when briefing him regarding the number of casualties.[116][117] 1956–1957: Syria See also: CIA activities in Syria In 1956 Operation Straggle was a failed coup plot against Nasserist civilian politician Sabri al-Asali. The CIA made plans for a coup for late October 1956 to topple the Syrian government. The plan entailed takeover by the Syrian military of key cities and border crossings.[118][119][120] The plan was postponed when Israel invaded Egypt in October 1956 and US planners thought their operation would be unsuccessful at a time when the Arab world is fighting "Israeli aggression." The operation was uncovered and American plotters had to flee the country.[121] In 1957 Operation Wappen was a second coup plan against Syria, orchestrated by the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt Jr.. It called for assassination of key senior Syrian officials, staged military incidents on the Syrian border to be blamed on Syria and then to be used as pretext for invasion by Iraqi and Jordanian troops, an intense US propaganda campaign targeting the Syrian population, and "sabotage, national conspiracies and various strong-arm activities" to be blamed on Damascus.[122][123][120][124] This operation failed when Syrian military officers paid off with millions of dollars in bribes to carry out the coup revealed the plot to Syrian intelligence. The U.S. Department of State denied accusation of a coup attempt and along with US media accused Syria of being a "satellite" of the USSR.[123][125][126] There was also a third plan in 1957, called "The Preferred Plan". Alongside Britain's MI6, the CIA planned to support and arm several uprisings. However, this plan was never carried out.[122] 1957–1959: Indonesia See also: Permesta and CIA activities in Indonesia Starting in 1957, Eisenhower ordered the CIA to overthrow Sukarno. The CIA supported the failed Permesta Rebellion by rebel Indonesian military officers in February 1958. CIA pilots, such as Allen Lawrence Pope, piloted planes operated by CIA front organization Civil Air Transport (CAT) that bombed civilian and military targets in Indonesia. The CIA instructed CAT pilots to target commercial shipping in order to frighten foreign merchant ships away from Indonesian waters, thereby weakening the Indonesian economy and thus destabilizing the government of Indonesia. The CIA aerial bombardment resulted in the sinking of several commercial ships[127] and the bombing of a marketplace that killed many civilians.[128] Pope was shot down and captured on 18 May 1958, revealing U.S. involvement, which Eisenhower publicly denied at the time. The rebellion was ultimately defeated by 1961.[129][130] 1959: Iraq See also: CIA activities in Iraq Iraq_in_its_region Concerned about the influence of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) in Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim's administration, President Eisenhower questioned that "it might be good policy to help [Gamal Abdel Nasser] take over in Iraq," recommending that Nasser be provided with "money and support," thus the U.S. "moved into increasingly close alignment with Egypt with regard to Qasim and Iraq."[131] After Iraq withdrew from the anti-Soviet alliance—the Baghdad Pact—the United States National Security Council (NSC) proposed various contingencies for preventing a communist takeover of the country,[132] and "soon developed a detailed plan for assisting nationalist elements committed to the overthrow of Qasim."[131] The U.S. also "approached Nasser to discuss 'parallel measures' that could be taken by the two countries against Iraq."[133] During a NSC meeting on September 24, two representatives from the State Department urged a cautious approach, while the other twelve representatives, namely from the CIA and the Department of Defense, "strong[ly] pitch[ed] for a more active policy toward Iraq." One CIA representative noted that there is a "small stockpile [of weapons] in the area," and that the CIA "could support elements in Jordan and the UAR to help Iraqis filter back to Iraq."[133] That same day, the NSC would also prepare a study which called for "covert assistance to Egyptian efforts to topple Qasim," and for "grooming political leadership for a successor government."[131] Bryan R. Gibson writes that "there is no documentation that ties the United States directly to any of Nasser's many covert attempts to overthrow the Qasim regime."[134] However, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt states that the U.S. issued its "tacit support for Egyptian efforts to bring [Qasim's government] down,"[131] and Kenneth Osgood writes that "circumstantial evidence in declassified records suggests that ... [t]he United States was working with Nasser on some level, even if the precise nature of that collaboration is not known."[133] Contemporary documents pertaining to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified or heavily redacted, thus "allow[ing] for plausible deniability."[135] Richard Sale of United Press International (UPI), citing former U.S. diplomat and intelligence officials, Adel Darwish, and other experts, reported that the unsuccessful October 7, 1959 assassination attempt on Qasim involving a young Saddam Hussein and other Ba'athist conspirators was a collaboration between the CIA and Egyptian intelligence.[136] Gibson has disputed Sale and Darwish's account, concluding that available declassified records show that "while the United States was aware of several plots against Qasim, it had still adhered to [a] nonintervention policy."[137] Wolfe-Hunnicutt observes that "[i]t seems more likely that it was October 7 that brought the Ba'ath to the attention of the US government."[138] On the other hand, Osgood writes that "the circumstantial evidence is such that the possibility of US–UAR collaboration with Ba'ath Party activists cannot be ruled out," concluding that: "Whatever the validity of [Sale's] charges, at the very least currently declassified documents reveal that US officials were actively considering various plots against Qasim and that the CIA was building up assets for covert operations in Iraq."[133] The assassins, including Saddam, escaped to Cairo, Egypt "where they enjoyed Nasser's protection for the remainder of Qasim's tenure in power."[139] One of the conspirators involved in the assassination attempt, Hazim Jawad, "received training from the UAR intelligence service in clandestine wireless telegraphy," before returning to Iraq in 1960 to coordinate "clandestine radio operations for the UAR." Wolfe-Hunnicutt writes that in the 1959–1960 period, during the "peak of US-UAR intelligence collaboration ... [i]t is quite possible that Jawad became familiar to US intelligence," as a 1963 State Department cable described him as "one of our boys."[140] Similarly, it is possible that Saddam visited the U.S. embassy in Cairo,[141] and some evidence suggests that he was "in frequent contact with US officials and intelligence agents."[133] A former high-ranking U.S. official told Marion Farouk–Sluglett and Peter Sluglett that Iraqi Ba'athists, including Saddam, "had made contact with the American authorities in the late 1950s and early 1960s."[142] 1959–1963: South Vietnam Main articles: War in Vietnam (1959–1963), 1963 South Vietnamese coup, Arrest and assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem, and Buddhist crisis See also: 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt and 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing In 1959 a branch of the Worker's Party of Vietnam was formed in the south of the country and began an insurgency against the Republic of Vietnam.[143] They were supplied through Group 559, which was formed the same year by North Vietnam to send weapons down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.[144][145] The US supported the RoV against the communists. After the 1960 US election, President John F. Kennedy became much more involved with the fight against the insurgency.[146] Location of South Vietnam From mid-1963, the Kennedy administration became increasingly frustrated with South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem's corrupt and repressive rule and his persecution of the Buddhist majority. In light of Diem's refusal to adopt reforms, American officials debated whether they should support efforts to replace him. These debates crystallized after the ARVN Special Forces, which took their orders directly from the palace, raided Buddhist temples across the country, leaving a death toll estimated in the hundreds, and resulted in the dispatch of Cable 243 on August 24, 1963, which instructed United States Ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., to "examine all possible alternative leadership and make detailed plans as to how we might bring about Diem's replacement if this should become necessary". Lodge and his liaison officer, Lucien Conein, contacted discontented Army of the Republic of Vietnam officers and gave assurances that the US would not oppose a coup or respond with aid cuts. These efforts culminated in a coup d'état on November 1–2, 1963, during which Diem and his brother were assassinated.[147] By the end of 1963 the Viet Cong switched to a much more aggressive strategy in fighting the Southern government and the US. The Pentagon Papers concluded that "Beginning in August of 1963 we variously authorized, sanctioned and encouraged the coup efforts of the Vietnamese generals and offered full support for a successor government. In October we cut off aid to Diem in a direct rebuff, giving a green light to the generals. We maintained clandestine contact with them throughout the planning and execution of the coup and sought to review their operational plans and proposed new government."[148] 1959–1962: Cuba Main articles: Cuban Project, Bay of Pigs Invasion, and Assassination attempts on Fidel Castro Location of Bay of Pigs in Cuba Fulgencio Batista was a military dictator who seized power in Cuba in March 1952 via a coup d'état and was backed by the U.S. government until March 1958. His regime was overthrown on December 31, 1958, thus bringing an end to the Cuban Revolution that was led by Fidel Castro and his 26th of July Movement. Castro became President in February 1959. The CIA backed a force composed of CIA-trained Cuban exiles to invade Cuba with support and equipment from the US military, in an attempt to overthrow Castro's government. The invasion was launched in April 1961, three months after John F. Kennedy assumed the presidency in the United States, but the Cuban armed forces defeated the invading combatants within three days.[149] Operation MONGOOSE was a year-long U.S. government effort to overthrow the government of Cuba.[150] The operation included economic warfare, including an embargo against Cuba, "to induce failure of the Communist regime to supply Cuba's economic needs", a diplomatic initiative to isolate Cuba, and psychological operations "to turn the peoples' resentment increasingly against the regime."[151] The economic warfare prong of the operation also included the infiltration of CIA operatives to carry out many acts of sabotage against civilian targets, such as a railway bridge, a molasses storage facilities, an electric power plant, and the sugar harvest, notwithstanding Cuba's repeated requests to the United States government to cease its armed operations.[152][151] In addition, the CIA planned a number of assassination attempts against Fidel Castro, head of government of Cuba, including attempts that entailed CIA collaboration with the American mafia.[153][154][155] In April 2021, documents released by the National Security Archive showed that the CIA was also involved in a plot to assassinate Raúl Castro in 1960.[156] 1959: Cambodia Main article: Bangkok Plot Ngo Dinh Nhu meeting US Vice-President Lyndon Johnson in 1961 In December 1958 Ngo Dinh Nhu – Ngo Dinh Diem's younger brother and chief adviser – broached the idea of orchestrating a coup to overthrow Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[157] Nhu contacted Dap Chhuon, Sihanouk's Interior Minister, who was known for his pro-American sympathies, to prepare for the coup against his boss.[158] Chhuon received covert financial and military assistance from Thailand, South Vietnam, and the CIA.[159] In January 1959 Sihanouk learned of the coup plans through intermediaries who were in contact with Chhuon.[160] The following month, Sihanouk sent the army to capture Chhuon, who was summarily executed as soon as he was captured, effectively ending the coup attempt.[161] Sihanouk then accused South Vietnam and the U.S. of orchestrating the coup attempt.[162] Six months later, on 31 August 1959, a small packaged lacquer gift, which was fitted with a parcel bomb, was delivered to the royal palace. Norodom Vakrivan, the chief of protocol, was killed instantly when he opened the package. Sihanouk's parents, Suramarit and Kossamak, who were sitting in another room not far from Vakrivan, narrowly escaped unscathed. An investigation traced the origin of the parcel bomb to an American military base in Saigon.[163] While Sihanouk publicly accused Ngo Dinh Nhu of masterminding the bomb attack, he secretly suspected that the U.S. was also involved.[164] The incident deepened his distrust of the U.S.[165] 1960s 1960–1965: Congo-Leopoldville Main articles: Patrice Lumumba and Congo Crisis Patrice Lumumba was elected the first Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in May 1960, and in June 1960, the country achieved full independence from Belgium. In July, the Congo Crisis erupted with a mutiny among army, followed by the regions Katanga and South Kasai succeeding with support from Belgium, who wished to keep power over resources in the region. Lumumba called in the United Nations to help him, but the U.N. force only agreed to keep peace and not stop the separatist movements. Lumumba then agreed to receive help from the USSR in order to stop the separatists, worrying the United States, due to the supply of uranium in the country. At first, The Eisenhower Administration planned to poison him with his toothpaste, but this was abandoned.[166] The CIA sent official Sydney Gottlieb with a poison to liaison with an African CIA asset code-named WI/Rogue who was to assassinate Lumumba, but Lumumba went into hiding before the operation was completed.[167] The United States encouraged Mobutu Sese Seko, a colonel in the army, to overthrow him, which he did on September 14, 1960. After being locked in prison, Mobutu sent him to Katanga, and he was executed soon after on January 17, 1961.[168][169] After Lumumba was killed, the US began funding Mobutu in order to secure him against the separatists and opposition. Many of Lumumba's supporters went east and formed the Free Republic of the Congo with its capital in Stanleyville in opposition to Mobutu's government. Eventually, the government in Stanleyville agreed to rejoin with the Leopoldville government under the latter's rule,[170][171] however in 1963, Lumumba supporters formed another separate government in the east of the country and launched the Simba rebellion. The rebellion had support from the Soviet Union and many other countries in the Eastern Bloc.[172] In November 1964, the U.S. and Belgium launched Operation Dragon Rouge to rescue hostages taken by Simba rebels in Stanleyville. The operation was a success and expelled the Simba rebels from the city, leaving them in disarray. The Simbas were ultimately defeated the following year by the Congolese army.[173][174] After the March 1965 elections, Mobutu Sese Seko launched a second coup in November with the support of the U.S. and other powers. Mobutu Sese Seko claimed democracy would return in five years and he was popular initially.[175] However, he instead took increasingly authoritarian powers eventually becoming the dictator of the country.[175] 1960: Laos Main articles: Laotian Civil War and 1960 Laotian coups On August 9, 1960, Captain Kong Le with his Royal Lao Army paratroop battalion seized control of the administrative capital city of Vientiane in a bloodless coup on a "neutralist" platform with the stated aims of ending the civil war raging in Laos, ending foreign interference in the country, ending the corruption caused by foreign aid, and better treatment for soldiers.[176][177] With CIA support, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, the Prime Minister of Thailand, set up a covert Royal Thai Armed Forces advisory group, called Kaw Taw. Kaw Taw together with the CIA backed a November 1960 counter-coup against the new Neutralist government in Vientiane, supplying artillery, artillerymen, and advisers to General Phoumi Nosavan, first cousin of Sarit. It also deployed the Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit (PARU) to operations within Laos, sponsored by the CIA.[178] With the help of CIA front organization Air America to airlift war supplies and with other U.S. military assistance and covert aid from Thailand, General Phoumi Nosavan's forces captured Vientiane in November 1960.[179][180] 1961: Dominican Republic Main article: Rafael Trujillo In May 1961, the ruler of the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo was murdered with weapons supplied by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[181][182] An internal CIA memorandum states that a 1973 Office of Inspector General investigation into the murder disclosed "quite extensive Agency involvement with the plotters." The CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the Dominican Republic as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the Dominican Republic from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy."[183][184] Juan Bosch, an earlier recipient of CIA funding, was elected president of the Dominican Republic in 1962 and was deposed in 1963.[185] 1963: Iraq Main article: Ramadan Revolution Qasim in 1959 During the coup, the Ba'ath Party executed Iraq's prime minister, Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim (pictured), and desecrated his corpse on Iraqi television. It has long been suspected that the Ba'ath Party collaborated with the CIA in planning and carrying out its violent coup that overthrew Iraq's leader, Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim, on February 8, 1963.[186] Pertinent contemporary documents relating to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified[135][187][188] and as of 2021, "[s]cholars are only beginning to uncover the extent to which the United States was involved in organizing the coup,"[189] but are "divided in their interpretations of American foreign policy."[190] Bryan R. Gibson, writes that although "[i]t is accepted among scholars that the CIA ... assisted the Ba’th Party in its overthrow of [Qasim's] regime," that "barring the release of new information, the preponderance of evidence substantiates the conclusion that the CIA was not behind the February 1963 Ba'thist coup."[191] Peter Hahn argues that "[d]eclassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support" suggestions of direct U.S. involvement.[192] On the other hand, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt cites "compelling evidence of an American role,"[190] and that publicly declassified documents "largely substantiate the plausibility" of CIA involvement in the coup.[193] Eric Jacobsen, citing the testimony of contemporary prominent Ba'athists and U.S. government officials, states that "[t]here is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup."[194] Nathan J. Citino writes that "Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba‘th Party that overthrew Qasim," but that "the extent of U.S. responsibility cannot be fully established on the basis of available documents," and that "[a]lthough the United States did not initiate the 14 Ramadan coup, at best it condoned and at worst it contributed to the violence that followed."[195] Ba'athist leaders maintained supportive relationships with U.S. officials before, during, and after the coup.[196][197] A March 1964 State Department memorandum would state that U.S. "officers assiduously cultivated" a "Baathi student organization, which triggered the revolution of February 8, 1963 by sponsoring a successful student strike at the University of Baghdad,"[198] and according to Wolfe-Hunnicutt, documents at the Kennedy Library suggest that the Kennedy administration viewed two prominent Ba'athist officials as "assets."[197] Senior National Security Council official Robert Komer wrote to President John F. Kennedy on February 8, 1963 that the Iraqi coup "is almost certainly a net gain for our side ... CIA had excellent reports on the plotting, but I doubt either they or UK should claim much credit for it."[199][200] The U.S. offered material support to the new Ba'athist government after the coup, amidst an anti-communist purge and Iraqi atrocities against Kurdish rebels and civilians,[201] and while it is unlikely that the Ba'athists would've needed assistance in identifying Iraqi communists,[202][203] it is widely believed that the CIA provided the Ba'athist National Guard with lists of communists and other leftists, who were then arrested or killed.[204] Gibson emphasizes that the Ba'athists compiled their own lists, citing Bureau of Intelligence and Research reports.[205] On the other hand, Citino and Wolfe-Hunnicutt consider the assertions plausible because the U.S. embassy in Iraq had actually compiled such lists, were known to be in contact with the National Guard during the purge, and because National Guard members involved in the purge received training in the U.S.[203][206] Furthermore, Wolfe-Hunnicutt, citing contemporary U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine, notes that the assertions "would be consistent with American special warfare doctrine" regarding U.S. covert support to anti-communist "Hunter-Killer" teams "seeking the violent overthrow of a communist dominated and supported government",[207] and draws parallels to other CIA operations in which lists of suspected communists were compiled, such as Guatemala in 1954 and Indonesia in 1965-66.[208] 1964: Brazil Main articles: 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, Operation Brother Sam, and Operation Condor The United States through Operation Brother Sam used their Navy[209] and Air Force[210] to support the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état agaisnt the democratically elected João Goulart,[211] who was accused of being a communist by his political opponents. Since the Cuban Revolution, the United States started keeping an eye on Latin America to keep any socialist governments out,[212][213] and in 1961, when the Brazilian president Jânio Quadros resigned and the vice-president João Goulart assumed power after the scandal of the Legality Campaign,[214] the United States started to get worried, because João Goulart had alredy showed sympathy for the socialist ideology, and slowly, the relationship between Brazil and the United States started deteriorating, and Washington started to get favorable to a coup d'état to oust him.[215][216] When João Goulart started talking about an agrarian reform,[217] many groups, specially in the military, started conspiring agaisnt him, and the idea of a coup d'état to overthrow him started appearing and gain force within the Brazilian population and military.[218] A series of political chaos would go on until the March of the Family with God for Liberty happened where many people who opposed him went to the streets to protest agaisnt him,[219] it became clear that a coup d'état agaisnt him would happen, and when the coup d'état broke out on the 31st of March of 1964, the United States sent its Navy[209] and Air Force[210] to help the military rebels through Operation Brother Sam, the coup d'état ended up being successful and João Goulart was overthrown, after that, a right-wing military dictatorship assumed power and ended up running the country until March of 1985. The United States would also go on to support the Brazilian military dictatorship through Operation Condor.[220][221][222] 1965–1967: Indonesia Main article: Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66 Junior army officers and the commander of the palace guard of President Sukarno accused senior Indonesian National Armed Forces brass of planning a CIA-backed coup against President Sukarno and killed six senior generals on October 1, 1965. General Suharto and other senior military officers attacked the junior officers on the same day and accused the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) of planning the killing of the six generals.[223] The army launched a propaganda campaign based on lies and riled up civilian mobs to attack those believed to be PKI supporters and other political opponents. Indonesian government forces with collaboration of some civilians perpetrated mass killings over many months. Scholars estimate the number of civilians killed range from a half million to over a million.[224][225][226] US Ambassador Marshall Green encouraged the military leaders to act forcefully against the political opponents.[227] In 2017, declassified documents from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta have confirmed that the US had knowledge of, facilitated and encouraged mass killings for its own geopolitical interests.[228][229][230][231] US diplomats admitted to journalist Kathy Kadane in 1990 that they had provided the Indonesian army with thousands of names of alleged PKI supporters and other alleged leftists, and that the U.S. officials then checked off from their lists those who had been murdered.[232][233] President Sukarno's base of support was largely annihilated, imprisoned and the remainder terrified, and thus he was forced out of power in 1967, replaced by an authoritarian military regime led by General Suharto.[234][235] Historian John Roosa states that "almost overnight the Indonesian government went from being a fierce voice for cold war neutrality and anti-imperialism to a quiet, compliant partner of the US world order."[236]: 158 This campaign is considered a major turning point in the Cold War, and was such a success that it served as a model for other U.S.-backed coups and anti-communist extermination campaigns throughout Asia and Latin America.[231][236] 1970s 1970–1979: Cambodia Main articles: Cambodian Civil War, 1970 Cambodian coup d'ét

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Helen Suzman, OMSG, DBE (née Gavronsky; 7 November 1917 – 1 January 2009) was a South African anti-apartheid activist and politician. She represented a series of liberal and centre-left opposition parties during her 36-year tenure in the whites-only, National Party-controlled House of Assembly of South Africa at the height of apartheid. She hosted the meeting that founded the Progressive Party in 1959, and was its only MP in the 160-member House for thirteen years. She was the only member of the South African Parliament to consistently and unequivocally oppose all apartheid legislation. Suzman was instrumental in improving prison conditions for members of the banned African National Congress including Nelson Mandela, despite her reservations about Mandela's revolutionary policies, and was also known for using her parliamentary privilege to evade government censorship and pass information to the media about the worst abuses of apartheid. She was twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. Early life and education Suzman was born Helen Gavronsky in 1917 to Frieda and Samuel Gavronsky, Jewish Lithuanian immigrants.[1][2] She was born in Germiston, then a small mining town outside Johannesburg. Her mother died shortly after she was born.[3] Suzman matriculated in 1933 from Parktown Convent, Johannesburg. She studied for a bachelor's degree in commerce at Witwatersrand University. At age 19, she married Dr. Moses Suzman (who died in 1994), who was 33, and an eminent physician; the couple had two daughters, one of whom became a physician.[4] Helen Suzman returned to university in 1941 to complete a degree in economics and economic history. After completing her degree she spent the rest of the war working for the Governor-General's War Fund and as a statistician at the War Supply board. In 1945, she became a tutor and later lecturer in economic history at Witwatersrand University.[5][3] Career Career before Parliament As a member of the South African Institute of Race Relations, she was involved in preparing evidence for the Fagan Commission's inquiry into laws applying to Africans in urban areas and into the system of migrant labour. She attributed this experience to her first real awareness of the hardship and difficulties experienced by Africans seeking work in urban areas.[3] Parliamentary career Suzman has been described in The Guardian as having had "among the most courageous Parliamentary careers ever".[6] She was elected to the House of Assembly in 1953 as a member of the United Party for the Houghton constituency in Johannesburg. The United Party caucus supported the second reading of the 1953 Separate Amenities Bill that provided for separate (and effectively unequal) facilities for Blacks, Coloureds, Indians and Whites. When the vote was taken, Helen Suzman and one other UP member refused to vote and walked out of the House.[3] Dissatisfied with the supine stance of the United Party to the apartheid policies of the Government, Suzman and eleven other liberal members of the United Party broke away to form the Progressive Party in 1959. The party rejected race discrimination and advocated equal opportunities for all with a qualified franchise with a common voter's roll.[3] Suzman with the breakaway Progressive Party's House caucus in 1960. This was prior to the disastrous 1961 election that left Suzman as the sole parliamentarian opposed to apartheid for 13 years In the 1961 South African general election, all the other Progressive MPs lost their seats, while Suzman retained hers by a margin of just 564 votes.[5] This left Suzman as the sole parliamentarian unequivocally opposed to apartheid for 13 years from 1961 to 1974.[7][8] The solo years: 1961–1974 After the 1961 election, Prime Minister Hendrik F. Verwoerd announced in Parliament that he had never believed the Progressive Party would be a threat and, turning towards Suzman, said "I have written you off". Suzman replied "And the whole world has written you off".[9] As the sole representative of her party in Parliament, she sought to do the work of an entire opposition party by herself. In her first session she made 66 speeches, moved 26 amendments and put 137 questions. Most of her questions concerned treatment of Black, Coloured and Indian people – on issues such as housing, education, forced removals, Pass Law offences, detentions, bannings, whippings, police brutality and execution.[3] Mandela later wrote: "She was undoubtedly the only real anti-apartheid voice in parliament and the discourtesy of the Nat MPs towards her showed how they felt her punches and how deeply they resented her presence."[10] For two more general elections (1966 and 1970), she was again the sole member returned for her party to Parliament. As a result, for 13 years, she dined alone in Parliament with no other MP to discuss tactics or approach. Often, as apartheid legislation was introduced, she would call a division of the house, a process whereby the members of the Parliament had physically to stand up and be counted. On many such occasions, as when opposing the infamous 90-day detention law, she found herself alone at one side of the Parliamentary chamber and all other MPs at the other side.[9][5] An eloquent public speaker with a sharp and witty manner, Suzman was noted for her strong public criticism of the governing National Party's policies of apartheid at a time when this was atypical of white South Africans. She found herself even more of an outsider because she was an English-speaking Jewish woman in a parliament dominated by Calvinist Afrikaner men. In her 13 years as the sole member of her party in the South African Parliament, Suzman made 885 speeches on almost every conceivable subject and posed 2,262 questions. In a period in which there were numerous laws passed imposing censorship on the press, parliamentary privilege ensured that her exchanges in Parliament could be published.[11] She was once accused by a minister of asking questions in parliament that embarrassed South Africa, to which she replied: "It is not my questions that embarrass South Africa; it is your answers."[12] On one occasion, Prime Minister Verwoerd announced in Parliament to her: 'You are of no account. Your days in Parliament are numbered.' Suzman replied: 'Why? Are you going to put me under house arrest or put me on Robben Island?'[3] Suzman was resolute in her opposition to all forms of racial discrimination. Early in her career, a white woman said at a caucus meeting, "Well, I don't know about Mrs Suzman, but when I go to a museum, I don't like it if some strange black man rubs himself up against me". Suzman retorted: "Don't you mind it if some strange white man rubs himself up against you?" Later in her career, she mused in Parliament: "I do not know why we equate—and with such examples before us—a white skin with civilisation".[9] Abuse and Suzman's responses Suzman was subject to anti-semitic and misogynist abuse by Nationalist MPs in Parliament and out. Frequent comments were made to her in Parliament such as "We don't like your screeching Jewish voice" or "Go back to Israel!" One Nationalist MP, Piet Koornhof, said to her in Parliament: "If I should come home one evening and my wife should rant and rave the way the hon. member for Houghton did this afternoon, there would be only one of two things that one could do to her... I think she deserves a good hiding". In May 1965 P. W. Botha (then Minister of Coloured Affairs) remarked: ‘The Honourable Member for Houghton... is in the habit of chattering continually. If my wife chattered like that Honourable Member, I would know what to do with her. There is nothing that works on my nerves more than a woman who continually interrupts me. She is like water dripping on a tin roof.’ In 1986, she had the following exchange with the then State President Botha: "Helen Suzman: Stupid! P. W. Botha: Woman!" [9][3] When Prime Minister Verwoerd was assassinated in the Parliamentary chamber in 1966, P. W. Botha, then Minister of Defence, had accused Suzman of being responsible, saying: "It's you! You liberals did this! Now we'll get you!" She demanded, and eventually received a formal apology, but the enmity between the two remained. In the early 1980s, she had stayed to observe police dismantle shacks in a black settlement and take the occupants to jail. P. W. Botha warned in Parliament that her conduct was bordering on illegal and said "I am telling you that if you try to break the law you will see what happens". Suzman responded: "the prime minister has been trying to bully me for twenty-eight years and he has not succeeded yet. I am not frightened of you. I never have been and I never will be. I think nothing of you."[9] On one occasion, P. W. Botha said "The Hon. Member for Houghton, it is well known, does not like me". Suzman interjected: ‘Like you? I can’t stand you!’[3] She was often harassed by the police and her phone was tapped by them. She listed her name in the phone book and often received phone calls with obscene, racist and threatening messages.[9] She had a special technique for dealing with such calls, which was to blow a shrill whistle into the mouthpiece of the phone.[13][9] Marie van Zyl, of the Kappie Kommando (An ultra-conservative Afrikaner women's political organization)[further explanation needed], wrote to Suzman protesting the latter's support for "heathens" and boasting that her own people, the Voortrekkers, had brought the Bible over the mountains to the interior to the blacks. She asked what Suzman's people had done. Suzman replied: “You say your people brought the Bible over the mountains and ask what mine did. They wrote it, my dear …”[14] In February 1974, LJC Botha, Nationalist MP for Rustenburg remarked: ‘When she gets up in this House, she reminds me of a cricket in a thorn tree when it is very dry in the bushveld. His chirping makes you deaf but the tune remains the same year in and year out. In her fight for the Bantu, the honourable member... sings the same tune for year after year.’[3] She famously advised John Vorster, Prime Minister from 1966 to 1978, to some day visit a township, "in heavy disguise as a human being". When a minister complained of the murder rate in his constituency, she advised him not to go there "or it will rise by one".[15] Parliamentary career: 1974–1989 Later, as parliamentary white opposition to apartheid grew, the Progressive Party gained a further 6 seats (in 1974) and Suzman was joined in parliament by notable liberal colleagues such as Colin Eglin. The party then merged in 1975 with Harry Schwarz's Reform Party and became the Progressive Reform Party. It was renamed the Progressive Federal Party when further MPs from the reformist wing of the United Party joined in 1977 and the party became the official opposition.[3] She spent a total of 36 years in Parliament.[16] After the 1976 Soweto shootings, MP Dr HMJ van Rensburg said: "It is a pity you were not one of them, Helen" and another called her "a saboteur of the police". Suzman herself said: "Every Nationalist MP should go to at least one funeral for unrest victims heavily disguised as human beings, instead of sitting on their green benches in parliament, insulated like fish in an aquarium."[14] In 1982, following Neil Aggett's death, she read out in Parliament a letter smuggled out of prison concerning Aggett's torture at the hands of the security police.[17] In 1986, there was the following exchange in Parliament when Minister of Law and Order Le Grange asked "Who is the hon Member for Houghton's No 1 man in South Africa? It is Nelson Mandela" Mrs Suzman responded: "Let him go!" Le Grange continued: "She admires him with everything she has. He is the only man who according to her can counteract the present unrest situation in South Africa and negotiate on peace". Mrs Suzman interjected: "That's right!"[9] Extra-parliamentary activity Suzman's motto was to "go and see for yourself".[11] She was a frequent visitor to prisons to protect prisoners from warder brutality, and campaigned for improved prison conditions. She visited Nelson Mandela on numerous occasions while he was in prison and made representations to the authorities to improve his conditions and those of other prisoners on Robben Island. In his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela wrote: “It was an odd and wonderful sight to see this courageous woman peering into our cells and strolling around our courtyard. She was the first and only woman ever to grace our cells".[5] Many of the prisoners, including Neville Alexander and Mandela himself, attributed improvements to their conditions, in part, to her visits:[18][10] In his autobiography, Mandela attributes the removal of the sadistic warder Van Rensberg (aka "Suitcase"), who had a swastika tattooed on his hand, to Suzman's visit and her subsequent representations to the authorities and in Parliament.[19] Neville Alexander, too, attributed the transfer of Van Rensberg to another prison, to Suzman's visit. Alexander noted that:"Had Mrs Suzman not come in February 1967 there is no saying what might have happened"[20] According to Neville Alexander, it was "important to note that, unofficially, the first Suzman visit is considered to be the turning point in the treatment of the political prisoners at Robben Island. This was certainly no mere coincidence..."[21] Andrew Mlangeni, a senior ANC member who was on Robben Island with Mandela, described how "[w]henever our treatment in prison tended to improve a little bit, we knew that Suzman was on her way. We would get things such as books that you perhaps ordered more than six months ago. They would give you your books if you were studying, because those were some of the things we raised on Robben Island. You would have to wait for months before you could get books prescribed by the University of South Africa and other institutions, but as soon as you got them, you knew that Suzman was on her way to see the conditions under which we were living, to see how best she could help us. Only a person such as Suzman could help us. The International Red Cross also used to visit us on Robben Island, but they couldn’t do as much as Suzman. Suzman was not afraid to go to Pretoria to the commissioner and raise these issues personally, to say that these were the conditions under which people were living, please bring about some improvement. She was a fearless lady."[22] She visited Robert Sobukwe when he was in virtual solitary confinement for 6 years and repeatedly sought his release in Parliament.[5] During one debate in Parliament in which Suzman raised the conditions of Sobukwe's imprisonment without trial in a compound in Robben Island, Nationalist MP GPC Bezuidenhout asked: “Why do you say that he is living in a compound? Is it not a flat?” Mrs Suzman answered: “I wonder whether the hon member who is so cynical about this would care to take up permanent residence in that flat. Perhaps he will enjoy it.”[23] She visited banned persons, such as Albert Luthuli, Winnie Mandela and Mamphela Ramphele, and made effective representations on their behalf.[5] In 1963, Albert Luthuli, then President of the ANC, wrote to Helen Suzman and expressed his "deep appreciation and admiration for your heroic and lone stand against a most reactionary Parliament...I most heartily congratulate you for your untiring efforts in a situation that would frustrate and benumb many... For ever remember, you are a bright Star in a dark Chamber...Not only ourselves – your contemporaries, but also posterity, will hold you in high esteem".[24] She visited Bram Fischer and other ANC and Communist Party political prisoners and personally provided them with speakers and records, seeking improvements to their conditions with ministers and in Parliament.[25] She visited Fischer several times in hospital, calling repeatedly for his release and remarking in the press that with so many millions spent on security she did not understand why the government was so afraid of one incapacitated, bedridden old man. She was influential in his eventual release.[26] She attended the militant – and often dangerous – funerals of activists whenever invited to do so in the belief that her presence could prevent police brutality.[11][14] She visited resettlement areas, townships and squatter camps, observing conditions and giving assistance to individuals where she could.[27] She used these visits to arm herself with evidence from on the spot investigations "to challenge forcefully the government and bear personal witness to the suffering inflicted on millions of South Africans".[3] Suzman was inundated with requests for assistance from individuals harmed by the apartheid laws and bureaucracy. She regarded herself as the "honorary ombudsman of the dispossessed" and sought tirelessly to make representations on their behalf to the relevant authorities.[3] Nadine Gordimer commented: "[But over the years I have observed – that when people are in trouble, she has been the one they have appealed to. She is the one everyone trusted]…Suzman never refused anyone her help, that I knew of. No matter how unpleasant or hostile the individual's attitude to her and her political convictions had been."[28] Other issues Although principally concerned with issues of race discrimination, Suzman was also concerned with other issues including women's rights. Her maiden speech was on the 1953 Matrimonial Affairs Bill. Women's rights (and in particular those of Black women) became part of the larger fight for human rights. She campaigned against gender discrimination, particularly as it affected African women whose status in customary law was that of "perpetual minors." In 1988 she was instrumental in having matrimonial legislation enacted that greatly improved the legal status of women. She fought for equal matrimonial property rights for Black women, divorce by consent and the reform of abortion laws.[29][3] She was opposed to the death penalty and campaigned against its reintroduction.[30] In 1971, she was the only member of Parliament who voted against what she described as "the harshest drugs law in the world" that laid down a mandatory 2-year sentence of imprisonment for possession of cannabis and a mandatory 5-year sentence of imprisonment for possession of more than 115g of cannabis. She supported the decriminalisation of marijuana use long before it was fashionable, stating publicly that possession of marijuana/cannabis (or dagga, as it is known in South Africa) for personal use should not be a criminal offence.[31][32][33] Post-parliamentary career: 1989–2009 She was appointed by Mandela to the first electoral commission of South Africa that oversaw the first election based on universal franchise in 1994.[34] She was chairwoman of the Vaal Reef Disaster Fund for three years, appointed to look after the widows and children of the 104 men killed in the Vaal Reef mining disaster of 10 May 1995. She was president of the South African Institute of Race Relations, one of the premier research institutions in SA.[34] She served as a member of the Human Rights Commission from 1995 to 1998.[3] She was present with Mandela when he signed the new constitution in 1996.[35] Speaking in 2004 at the age of 86, Suzman confessed that she was disappointed by the African National Congress. Suzman stated: "I had hoped for something much better... [t]he poor in this country have not benefited at all from the ANC. This government spends 'like a drunken sailor'. Instead of investing in projects to give people jobs, they spend millions buying weapons and private jets, and sending gifts to Haiti." Referring to South Africa's relations with Zimbabwe, whose president Robert Mugabe had in 2001 declared Suzman an "enemy of the state", she said: "Mugabe has destroyed that country while South Africa has stood by and done nothing. The way Mugabe was feted at the inauguration last month was an embarrassing disgrace. But it served well to illustrate very clearly Mbeki's point of view."[36] Suzman also stated her distrust of the racial politics of Mbeki: "Don't think for a moment that Mbeki is not anti-white – he is, most definitely. His speeches all have anti-white themes and he continues to convince everyone that there are two types of South African – the poor black and the rich white."[36] Perhaps conscious that she might be misconstrued, Suzman added: "For all my criticisms of the current system, it doesn't mean that I would like to return to the old one. I don't think we will ever go the way of Zimbabwe, but people are entitled to be concerned. I am hopeful about any future for whites in this country – but not entirely optimistic."[36] Recognition and legacy Western Boulevard in Cape Town was renamed Helen Suzman Boulevard in 2011. Working from within the system, she earned the respect of Nelson Mandela. He praised her courage and credited her with improving prison conditions. Outspoken and independent, Suzman spoke out against the regime but sometimes opposed Mandela's policies. She was critical of Mandela when he praised dictator Muammar Gaddafi as a supporter of human rights.[8] Mandela wrote a message to Suzman on her 85th birthday, stating "Your courage, integrity and principled commitment to justice have marked you as one of the outstanding figures in the history of public life in South Africa. On your 85th birthday we can but pay tribute to you, thank you and let you know how fortunate our country feels for having had you as part of its public life and politics." Mandela added: "Now, looking back from the safety of our non-racial democracy, we can even feel some sympathy for the National Party members who shared Parliament with you. Knowing what a thorn in the flesh of even your friends and political allies you can be, your forthright fearlessness must have made life hell for them when confronted by you."[37] She opposed economic sanctions as counterproductive and harmful to poor blacks. After Mandela's release "she was prominent among those...who persuaded him to drop the ANC's revolutionary program in favour of an evolutionary one, retaining a market economy and a parliamentary democracy."[8] She continued to be a critic after the fall of Apartheid. According to her biographer, Lord Robin Renwick, before and after the ANC came to power, she continued to speak out against those in power who would "put party and state above the individual whether black or white".[8][38] Some in the ANC and SACP were critical of her method of opposition to apartheid. She was denounced as an agent of colonialism and "part of the system" as well as for her failure to back sanctions.[8] Mandela remained an admirer, saying "the consistency with which you defended the basic values of freedom and the rule of law over the last three decades has earned you the admiration of many South Africans."[8] So did many others in the anti-apartheid movement, including Winnie Mandela.[39] Suzman was awarded 27 honorary doctorates from universities around the world, including from Harvard, Yale, Oxford and Cambridge.[3] She was twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize[40] and received numerous other awards from religious and human rights organisations around the world. Former Queen of South Africa, Elizabeth II made her an honorary Dame Commander (Civil Division) of the Order of the British Empire in 1989.[41] She was awarded the Order for Meritorious Service, Class I, Gold by Nelson Mandela in 1997. She was voted No. 24 in the Top 100 Great South Africans TV series. She was awarded the Freedom of the City of Kingston upon Hull in 1987.[42] Suzman was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 2008.[43] Liberia issued a postage stamp to honour Suzman in March 2011, calling her one of the legendary heroes of Africa. In November 2017, the South African Post Office announced that it "has honoured this great, brave and pioneering woman with a rare gesture of a postage stamp" as an "indication of her importance to the country and to the liberation thereof and to that of women".[44] The Progressive Federal Party of which Suzman was the sole Parliamentary representative between 1961 and 1973 became the Democratic Party after merging with the National Democratic Movement and the Independent Party in 1989. The Democratic Party was renamed the Democratic Alliance (DA) in 2000. The DA is currently the official opposition party of South Africa, under the interim leadership of John Steenhuisen. In November 2017, former DA leader Mmusi Maimane paid tribute to Suzman, noting that "Every value we call our own in the DA can be traced back to the principles Helen fought for over her 36-year-long career as a Member of Parliament".[45] The poet George Szirtes wrote the poem "Song" in her honor.[46] The Helen Suzman Foundation was founded in 1993 to honour the life work of Helen Suzman. The Foundation seeks to promote the values espoused by Helen Suzman throughout her public life and in her devotion to public service.[47] Death Suzman died in her sleep of natural causes on 1 January 2009. She was 91 years old.[41] Achmat Dangor, the Nelson Mandela Foundation chief executive, said Suzman was a "great patriot and a fearless fighter against apartheid".[48] Flags in South Africa flew at half-mast in her honour.[49] See also Biography portalflagSouth Africa portal List of South Africans List of Jews from Sub-Saharan Africa Progressive Party References Tran, Mark (1 January 2009). "Anti-apartheid campaigner Helen Suzman dies at 91". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 4 May 2010. "Obituary: Helen Suzman". BBC News. 1 January 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Goldberg, B. "Moses Meyer Suzman". Royal College of Physicians. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Jenkins, Simon (6 March 2014). "Helen Suzman deserves her tribute alongside Nelson Mandela". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 September 2021. In No Uncertain Terms, Memoirs Helen Suzman Jonathan Ball Publishers "Liberal light: The long life of a South African heroine". The Economist. 18 January 2014. Archived from the original on 10 September 2018. "THE HON. MEMBER FOR HOUGHTON". The New Yorker. 13 April 1987. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 July 2013. Retrieved 9 July 2013. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "About Helen Suzsman". The Helen Suzman Foundation. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Burns, John F.; Cowell, Alan (2 January 2009). "Helen Suzman, Relentless Challenger of Apartheid System, Is Dead at 91". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 January 2009. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 September 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Jenkins, Simon (6 March 2014). "Helen Suzman deserves her tribute alongside Nelson Mandela – Simon Jenkins". The Guardian. "Obituary: Helen Suzman". The Economist. Vol. 390, no. 8613. London. 10 January 2009. p. 73. "Neil Aggett's sister disturbed by testimonies about his torture". "the long walk of nelson mandela – interviews: neville alexander". PBS. "Long Walk To Freedom – 68". archives.obs-us.com. Robben Island Dossier 1964-1974, Report to the International Community, by Neville Alexander (UCT Press, 1994) p.34 Robben Island Dossier 1964-1974, Report to the International Community, by Neville Alexander (UCT Press, 1994) p. 88 https://hsf.org.za/publications/focus/focus-53 p.31 https://hsf.org.za/publications/focus/focus-53 p.28 "Maimane pays tribute to Helen Suzman on her 100th birthday". Stephen Clingman, Bram Fischer (Afrikaner Revolutionary), 2nd edn p. 384 Clingman, Bram Fischer (Afrikaner Revolutionary), 2nd edn p.293, 393, 397-8 "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 January 2017. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "On Helen Suzman and her legacy – Kgalema Motlanthe – DOCUMENTS – Politicsweb". politicsweb.co.za. "Helen Suzman – Jewish Women's Archive". jwa.org. "Helen Suzman – Liberal International". CALM (2 June 2016). "Helen Suzman on Cannabis" – via YouTube. Nullis, Clare (2 January 2009). "Helen Suzman; White Lawmaker Fought Apartheid in South Africa". The Washington Post. "Dagga clouds Polly's feat". "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "Côte Saint-Luc adds name to Human Rights Walkway". Archived from the original on 13 December 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. Flanagan, Jane (15 May 2004). "Democracy? It was better under apartheid, says Helen Suzman". The Daily Telegraph. "Nelson Mandela – Speeches – Message by Nelson Mandela to Helen Suzman on her 85th birthday". mandela.gov.za. Archived from the original on 7 February 2022. Retrieved 13 March 2022. "Nelson Mandela – Speeches – Message by Nelson Mandela to Helen Suzman on her 85th birthday". mandela.gov.za. "Celebrating Helen Suzman – A Bright Star in a Dark Chamber — Helen Suzman Foundation". Archived from the original on 26 January 2018. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "King's confers first Honorary Degree". King's College London. Archived from the original on 10 June 2011. Retrieved 1 January 2009. "Anti-apartheid icon Suzman dies". BBC News. 2 January 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. Shoesmith, Kevin (23 November 2017). "Bee Lady gets highest honour and she's humble as ever about it". "APS Member History". search.amphilsoc.org. Retrieved 3 May 2021. "Helen Suzman". Postoffice.co.za. Retrieved 10 August 2018. "Helen Suzman was unashamedly liberal – Mmusi Maimane – POLITICS – Politicsweb". politicsweb.co.za. "The Liberal: Poetry - Song (for Helen Suzman)". www.theliberal.co.uk. Retrieved 13 March 2022. "Helen Suzman Foundation". Hsf.org.za. Retrieved 10 August 2018. "South African Activist Helen Suzman Dies". CBS News. 1 January 2009. "Flags to fly at half-mast to honour Suzman – IOL News". Bibliography Joanna Strangwayes-Booth: A Cricket in the Thorn Tree: Helen Suzman and the Progressive Party. Johannesburg Hutchinson Group, 1976. ISBN 0-09 126080 9 Ed. Robin Lee, Values Alive. A Tribute to Helen Suzman. Johannesburg, Jonathan Ball, 1990. ISBN 0-947464 23 9 Ed. Phyllis Lewson, Helen Suzman's Solo Years. Johannesburg, Jonathan Ball and A.D Donker, 1991. ISBN 0-86852 191 4 Helen Suzman: In No Uncertain Terms: A South African Memoir. New York, Knopf, 1993. ISBN 0-679-40985-8 Exhib. Catalogue Helen Suzman: Fighter for Human Rights. Cape Town, South African Jewish Museum publ Kaplan Centre for Jewish Studies, UCT, 2005, ISBN 0-620 33955 1 Helen Suzman Foundation: Focus: Tribute Issue 48, December 2007, Helen Suzman Foundation: Focus: Suzman Tribute Edition, Issue 53, April 2009, Gillian Godsell, Helen Suzman (Series: They Fought for Freedom), Cape Town, Maskew Miller Longman, 2011. ISBN 978-0-636-09816-9 Robin Renwick: Helen Suzman: Bright Star in a Dark Chamber. London, Biteback Publ., 2014. ISBN 978-184954667 Parameter error in {{ISBN}}: length External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Helen Suzman. Wikiquote has quotations related to Helen Suzman. Helen Suzman (BBC radio programme) Helen Suzman honoured in Côte Saint-Luc, Quebec Canada The Post, 1 January 2009 Archived 29 May 2020 at the Wayback Machine Mark Tran, "Anti-apartheid campaigner Helen Suzman dies at 91", The Guardian, 1 January 2009 Stanley Uys, "Helen Suzman: Campaigner who single-handedly carried the anti-racism banner in South Africa's apartheid parliament", The Guardian, Thursday, 1 January 2009 Scott Bobb, "Anti-Apartheid Activist Helen Suzman Dies at 91" Voice of America "Helen Suzman, Anti-Apartheid Leader, Dies at 91", The New York Times, 1 January 2009 "Helen Suzman: The woman who changed a nation" M&G House of Assembly of South Africa Preceded by Eric Bell Member of Parliament for Houghton 1953–1989 Succeeded by Tony Leon vte Liberalism in South Africa Apartheid-era political parties and groups Liberal Party of South Africa Progressive Party Democratic Party Progressive Federal Party Reform Party Progressive Reform Party Independent Party Black Sash Post-Apartheid political parties and groups Democratic Alliance South African Institute of Race Relations Helen Suzman Foundation People before and during the apartheid era Alan Paton Colin Eglin Harry Schwarz Helen Suzman Zach de Beer Denis Worrall Wynand Malan Frederik van Zyl Slabbert Donald Barkly Molteno Jan Steytler Margaret Ballinger Post-apartheid people Tony Leon Helen Zille Gwen Ngwenya John Steenhuisen Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway Germany Israel United States Australia Croatia Netherlands Academics CiNii People Trove Other SNAC IdRef Categories: 1917 births2009 deathsPeople from GermistonSouth African JewsUnited Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Reform Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Federal Party politiciansHonorary Dames Commander of the Order of the British EmpireJewish South African politiciansSouth African women activistsWomen members of the Parliament of South AfricaSouth African people of Lithuanian-Jewish descentMembers of the House of Assembly (South Africa)20th-century South African women politicians20th-century South African politiciansJewish South African anti-apartheid activistsUniversity of the Witwatersrand alumniAcademic staff of the University of the WitwatersrandWomen civil rights activists

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The North African campaign of the Second World War took place in North Africa from 10 June 1940 to 13 May 1943. It included campaigns fought in the Libyan and Egyptian deserts (Western Desert campaign, also known as the Desert War) and in Morocco and Algeria (Operation Torch), as well as Tunisia (Tunisia campaign). The campaign was fought between the Allies and the Axis Powers. The Allied war effort was dominated by the British Commonwealth and exiles from German-occupied Europe. The United States officially entered the war in December 1941 and began direct military assistance in North Africa on 11 May 1942. Fighting in North Africa started with the Italian declaration of war on 10 June 1940. On 14 June, the British 11th Hussars and part of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment, 1st RTR) crossed the border from Egypt into Libya and captured Fort Capuzzo. This was followed by an Italian counter-offensive into Egypt and the capture of Sidi Barrani in September. The British recaptured Sidi Barrani in December during Operation Compass. The Italian 10th Army was destroyed and the German Afrika Korps was dispatched to North Africa in February 1941 in Operation Sonnenblume to reinforce Italians and prevent an Axis defeat. Battles for control of Libya and Egypt followed, with advances and retreats until the Second Battle of El Alamein in October 1942 when the Eighth Army (Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery) defeated the German–Italian Panzerarmee Afrika and forced its remnants into Tunisia. After Operation Torch, the Anglo-American landings in North-West Africa in November 1942 and fighting against Vichy France forces (which then changed sides), the Allies trapped about 250,000 German and Italian personnel in northern Tunisia, forcing their surrender in May 1943. Information gleaned via British Ultra code-breaking was important in the Allied victory in North Africa. The Italian campaign followed, which culminated in the downfall of the fascist government in Italy and the elimination of Germany's main European ally. German and Italian forces committed atrocities against prisoners of war and Jewish, Berber and Arab populations. Darryl Francis Zanuck (September 5, 1902 – December 22, 1979) was an American film producer and studio executive; he earlier contributed stories for films starting in the silent era. He played a major part in the Hollywood studio system as one of its longest survivors (the length of his career was rivaled only by that of Adolph Zukor).[1] He produced three films that won the Academy Award for Best Picture during his tenure. Early life Zanuck was born in Wahoo, Nebraska, the son of Sarah Louise (née Torpin), who later married Charles Norton,[2] and Frank Harvey Zanuck, who owned and operated a hotel in Wahoo. He had an older brother, Donald (1893–1903), who died in an accident when he was only 9 years old.[3][4] Zanuck was of partial Swiss descent, and raised a Protestant.[5] At age six, Zanuck and his mother moved to Los Angeles, where the better climate could improve her poor health. At age eight, he found his first movie job as an extra, but his disapproving father recalled him to Nebraska.[citation needed] In 1917, despite being 15, he deceived a recruiter, joined the United States Army, and served in France with the Nebraska National Guard during World War I. Upon returning to the US, he worked in many part-time jobs while seeking work as a writer. He found work producing movie plots, and sold his first story in 1922 to William Russell and his second to Irving Thalberg. Screenwriter Frederica Sagor Maas, story editor at Universal Pictures' New York office, stated that one of the stories Zanuck sent out to movie studios around this time was completely plagiarized from another author's work.[6] Zanuck then worked for Mack Sennett and FBO (where he wrote the serials The Telephone Girl and The Leather Pushers) and took that experience to Warner Bros., where he wrote stories for Rin Tin Tin and under a number of pseudonyms wrote over 40 scripts from 1924 to 1929, including Red Hot Tires (1925) and Old San Francisco (1927). He moved into management in 1929, and became head of production in 1931.[citation needed] Career Studio head Zanuck at the Academy Awards celebration In 1933, Zanuck left Warner Bros. over a salary dispute with studio head Jack L. Warner. A few days later, he partnered with Joseph Schenck to form 20th Century Pictures, Inc. with financial help from Joseph's brother Nicholas Schenck and Louis B. Mayer, president and studio head of Loew's, Inc and its subsidiary Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, along with William Goetz and Raymond Griffith. 20th Century released its material through United Artists. During that short time (1933–1935), 20th Century became the most successful independent movie studio of its time, breaking box-office records with 18 of its 19 films, all profitable, including Clive of India, Les Miserables, and The House of Rothschild. After a dispute with United Artists over stock ownership, Schenck and Zanuck negotiated and used their studio to bring the bankrupt Fox studios in 1935 to create Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation.[7] Zanuck was Vice President of Production of this new studio and took a hands-on approach, closely involving himself in scripts, film editing, and producing.[citation needed] World War II This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Darryl F. Zanuck" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (November 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) When the U.S. entered World War II at the end of 1941, he was commissioned as a colonel in the Army Signal Corps, but was frustrated to find himself posted to the Astoria studios in Queens, New York, and even worse, serving alongside the spoiled son of Universal's founder, Carl Laemmle Jr., who was chauffeured by limousine to the facility each morning from a luxury Manhattan hotel. Appalled by such privileged cosseting, Zanuck stormed down to Washington, DC, and into the War Department, demanding a riskier assignment from Chief of Staff, General George C. Marshall. Since American forces were not yet fighting anywhere, Marshall had Zanuck posted to London as chief U.S. liaison officer to the British Army film unit, where at least he would be studying army training films while under Nazi bombardment by Hitler's Luftwaffe.[8] He even persuaded Lord Mountbatten to allow him along on a secret coastal raid across the Channel to occupied France. The daring nighttime attack on a German radar site was a success. Zanuck, ever the showman, sent his wife in Santa Monica a package of "Nazi-occupied sand", writing her "I've just been swimming on an enemy beach" – not allowed, of course, to tell her where he had been, let alone that they had been under Nazi gunfire and helped the wounded back to the ship.[9] While Zanuck was on duty, 20th Century-Fox, like the other studios, contributed to the war effort by releasing a large number of their male stars for overseas service and many of their female stars for USO and war bond tours — while creating patriotic films under the often contentious supervision of a fledgling Office of War Information. Jack L. Warner, whose studio lot happened to be next door to a Lockheed factory, was made a colonel in the Army Air Corps without ever actually having to leave the studio, let alone put on a uniform. Not so Zanuck, who pleaded with the War Department, as soon as American troops were posted for action in North Africa, and was rewarded with the assignment of covering the invasion for the Signal Corps. Director John Ford, a longtime adversary of Zanuck despite the latter's having shepherded Ford's The Grapes of Wrath (1940) past the censorious Hays office into production, had been making films as a commander in the U.S. Navy even before the U.S. entered the war, and he was horrified to discover himself drafted into Zanuck's Africa unit. "Can't I ever get away from you?" he growled. "I bet if I die and go to heaven, you'll be waiting for me under a sign reading 'Produced by Darryl F. Zanuck'." Ford's chagrin turned to real outrage when Zanuck, after three months, took all their footage from battles in Tunisia, most of which Ford had shot, and hastily assembled it into a picture that went into American theaters without Ford's name appearing anywhere. The movie, released as At The Front with Zanuck credited as producer, was poorly received in the States, called amateurish, dull, and even lacking in realism, prompting the affronted Zanuck to counter in The New York Times that he had resisted the temptation to stage events for a more convincing film. Unfortunately, this controversy landed Zanuck into a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Harry S. Truman, investigating "instant" colonels who were popping up and concentrating on famous Hollywood names. Unlike Col. Warner, most colonels from the studio system — Col. Frank Capra, Col. Anatole Litvak, Col. Hal Roach—were actually doing their cinematic jobs, often, like Zanuck, under enemy fire. Nonetheless, when Col. Zanuck was named in this investigation in 1944, the usually combative mogul uncharacteristically and abruptly resigned his commission and left the Army. Biographer Leonard Mosley suggests this to be because of an inadvertent security leak when Zanuck had mentioned a top-secret, brand new, massively powerful bomb the size of a "golf ball" to a fellow officer from his Hollywood world. Whatever the reason, despite having published his own first-person account of his wartime adventures (The New York Times critic Bosley Crowther actually liked this book better than the film), he resigned.[10] Studio head (1944–1956) Zanuck returned to 20th Century-Fox in 1944 a changed man.[11] He avoided the studio and instead read books at home, surrounded by his growing family, and caught up on all the films he had missed while overseas in his private screening room. He did not return to take the reins until William Goetz, the man Zanuck had left in charge when he went off to war, left for a job at Universal. Zanuck's tenure in the 1940s and '50s resonated with his astute choices. He first personally rescued a cumbersome cut of The Song of Bernadette (1943), recutting the completed film into a surprise hit that made a star of newcomer Jennifer Jones, who won the Oscar. He relented to actor Otto Preminger's fervent wish to direct a modest thriller called Laura (1944), casting Clifton Webb in his Oscar-nominated role as Gene Tierney's controlling mentor, with David Raksin's haunting score. Leading theater director Elia Kazan was carefully nurtured through his first film, A Tree Grows in Brooklyn (1945), based on a popular novel. It did so well, he chose Kazan to direct the first studio film on antisemitism, Gentleman's Agreement (1947), with Gregory Peck playing a Gentile reporter whose life falls apart due to implacable antisemitism emerging from friends and family when he pretends to be Jewish for an exposé. After Kazan triumphed in Tennessee Williams' Broadway hit, A Streetcar Named Desire, he brought Kazan back to direct Pinky (1949), another film about prejudice, this time racial. The scathing theater world of Bette Davis's aging actress in All About Eve (1950) went on to win six Oscars at the Academy Awards;[12] the disturbing questions of a bomber squadron leader Gregory Peck in Twelve O'Clock High (1949) challenged wartime patriotism. Both showed Zanuck's ability to create box-office hits via brilliant films with unflinching examinations of demanding, hierarchical worlds. Zanuck continued to tackle social issues other studios would not touch, but he stumbled with idealistic projects. Wilson (1944), an expensive picture that was unsuccessful at the box office, and an attempt to make a film of One World, a memoir by politician Wendell Willkie of his tour of war-damaged Europe, a project that was aborted before shooting began.[citation needed] CinemaScope As television began to erode Hollywood's audiences in the early 1950s, widescreen presentation was thought to be a potential solution. The 1950 television set duplicated the near-square shape of the 35 mm format in which all movies were shot—and this was no accident. Standardization of film size meant all theaters everywhere could play all films. Even the projection of film formats—i.e. any attempt to break out of the 35 mm format were under the control of the Hays Office, which limited any wide-screen experiments to the 10 largest cities in America. This severely limited the future of any widescreen format. Zanuck was an early advocate of widescreen projection. One of the first things Zanuck did when he returned to Fox in 1944 was to restart the research on a 50 mm film, shelved in the early 1930s as a cost-cutting measure (a larger-sized film print in the projector meant higher resolution). Impressed by a screening in Cinerama, a three-projector widescreen process, unveiled in 1952 that promised to envelop the viewer in a wrap-around image, Zanuck wrote an essay extolling widescreen's virtues, seeing the new formats as a "participatory" form of recreation, rather than mere passive entertainment, such as television.[13] Cinerama was cumbersome, though, and used three projectors simultaneously, potentially a hugely expensive investment. Fox, like every other studio, had rejected Cinerama when the innovative new process was pitched to them for investment. In retrospect, this looked like a mistake, but nothing could be done. Cinerama was no longer for sale. Zanuck now urged the studio to keep the same principle, but find a more feasible approach. He approved a massive investment into a system that would be called CinemaScope—$10 million in its first year alone. The urgency was increased when an aggressive appliance tycoon and shareholder, Charles Green, began threatening a proxy takeover, claiming the current Fox administration was wasting stockholders' money. He attempted to conspire with Zanuck to oust the New York-based president of Fox since 1942, Greek-American Spyros Skouras. Zanuck refused; instead, Skouras and he decided to gamble on CinemaScope to save their jobs, and perhaps, their studio. Skouras made a bold announcement in February; Fox not only had a new and vastly more economical and efficient wide-screen process, but all Fox films would be released in CinemaScope—a format which had yet to be perfected. The Robe (1953), a Biblical epic, would be its first released feature film. Skouras now began to oversee Fox's somewhat startled research scientists, based on the East Coast and accustomed to Hollywood executives who thought R&D was a waste of money. Then Skouras flew to Paris to meet with a French inventor, Henri Chretien, who had created a new lens that just might be suitable. Though Fox shares immediately went up, Green found this an even more damning indication of Zanuck and Skouras's leadership and began readying his proxy fight for the May shareholder meeting. This meant that a CinemaScope process had to be publicly demonstrated to the industry's studios, theater owners, manufacturers, to stockholders and the press—by mid-March, to give them enough time to impress their shareholders with their new product and thus win the proxy fight. With Chretien's new lens, the Fox engineers pulled it together—a widescreen, Cinerama-like picture projected using merely one projector, not three. Zanuck carried out presentations of CinemaScope to the press in cities across the country throughout April, as Skouras and he gathered their forces for the proxy fight. "The enthusiastic response of those who attended these screenings and the laudatory reviews of CinemaScope in the trade press," writes John Belton in his book, Widescreen (1992), "undoubtedly played a major role in Green's defeat" at the May 5 meeting. CinemaScope's need for a wider screen was because of an anamorphic lens attached to the camera which squeezed the image while filming, and another lens on the projector which reverted the process, widening the image during screening. Implementing this was no easy matter. Directors, cameramen, and production designers were baffled by what to do with all that space. Zanuck encouraged them to spread the action across the screen, to take full advantage of the new proportions. Committed to its all-widescreen slate, Fox had to drop several projects that were deemed unsuitable for CinemaScope—one of them being Elia Kazan's On the Waterfront (1954), which Zanuck could not visualize being in color and widescreen. (Kazan took the project to Columbia, which had thus far stayed on the sidelines of the widescreen debate.) The public demonstrations that spring had already included excerpts from The Robe and How to Marry a Millionaire (also 1953), a glossy star package with Marilyn Monroe and Lauren Bacall. Of the other studios, MGM had immediately abandoned its own attempts and committed to CinemaScope and United Artists and Walt Disney Productions announced they would make films in the same widescreen process, but the other studios hesitated, and some announced their own rival systems: Paramount's VistaVision, which would prove a worthy rival, and Warner Bros.'s WarnerScope which vanished overnight. The November 3, 1953, premiere of The Robe brought Warner Bros. and Columbia around, though Warner's plan was a full slate of 3-D features for 1954, instead. Zanuck began to make compromises, and eventually capitulated. Smaller theaters rented conventional versions of the studio's films; stereo they could live without altogether. Todd-AO came out in 1955, and after its developer, Mike Todd, died in 1958, Zanuck invested in the process for Fox's most exclusive roadshows. Although pictures continued to be shot in CinemaScope until 1967, it ironically became relegated to Fox's conventional releases. Nonetheless, the Battle of the Screens seemed to leave Zanuck emotionally exhausted. He began an affair with a young Polish woman, who was actually a guest of his wife, changing her name to Bella Darvi. When he cast Darvi in The Egyptian (1954), she was so mediocre and the script so unsatisfactory, that star Marlon Brando walked off the picture after the first read-through. He agreed to give Fox two other pictures rather than return. Her unintelligible accent helped sink not only the ponderous film, but also his long-enduring marriage, and indeed his life at the studio itself. Going independent In 1956, Zanuck withdrew from the studio and left his wife, Virginia Fox, to move to Europe and concentrate on independent producing with a generous contract from Fox that gave him directing and casting control on any projects Fox financed. Eventually, in his absence, Fox began to fall to pieces due to the ballooning budget of Cleopatra (1963), whose entire set constructed at Pinewood Studios had to be scrapped before shooting even started. Meanwhile, Zanuck picked up a hefty book by Cornelius Ryan called The Longest Day, which promised to fulfill his dream of making the definitive film of D-Day. Flying back to the States, he had to convince a Fox board, staggering under the still-unfinished Cleopatra's $15 million cost, to finance what he was sure would be a box-office hit, as indeed it was, despite skeptics that included his son Richard. He seethed at the $8 million ceiling imposed on him, knowing he would have to dip into his own pocket to finish the film, as he soon did. To the all-star all-male cast, he added an unknown French beauty, Irina Demick, as a Resistance fighter. She had become his mistress after her casting session for the film's only female speaking part. She would be followed by Geneviève Gilles and the French singer Juliette Gréco.[14] Greco, who in fact had her own recording career, published a kiss-and-tell memoir in the French press which Zanuck managed to suppress. Probably for reasons like this, though he stayed in Europe for some years, Zanuck would not divorce his wife Virginia, nor she him. She stayed patiently in Santa Monica, a neglected but effective "Maginot Line" against the claims of her rivals. This would later prove to have costly consequences. Return to Fox Fearing the studio's profligacy would sink his cherished The Longest Day (1962) as it readied for release, Zanuck returned to control Fox. He replaced Spyros Skouras as president, who had failed to control perilous cost overruns on the still-unfinished Cleopatra and had been forced to shelve Marilyn Monroe's last vehicle, Something's Got to Give after principal photography had started, at a loss of $2 million. Zanuck promptly made his son, Richard D. Zanuck, head of production. Richard quickly displayed his own flair for picking fresh, new hits, helped by his trusted fellow producer, David Brown. He plucked Rodgers and Hammerstein's least successful Broadway show from obscurity and turned it into the highly successful The Sound of Music (1965), committed to the science-fiction hit Planet of the Apes (1968), unleashed maverick director Robert Altman to create his antiwar comedy MASH (1970) and hired the little-known Francis Coppola to write Patton (1970) into a project for George C. Scott. However, Zanuck Sr's next all-star World War II film Tora! Tora! Tora! (1970) was plagued with production problems from the start. First, director David Lean pulled out of the Pearl Harbor retelling, and had to be hastily replaced by Richard Fleischer; storms destroyed expensive exteriors, closing down production while they were rebuilt; then the Japanese co-director Akira Kurosawa, miffed by criticism of his early rushes, either really had or merely faked a nervous breakdown before his cast and crew and had to be hospitalized, shutting down production again. When finally finished, the relentlessly authentic film could not disguise its downbeat nature as a chronicle of American defeat, the last thing critics and audiences wanted to revisit at the height of the Vietnam War in Asia. As the tumultuous decade wore on, Richard also began to falter with lavish costume musicals that expensively tanked: Rex Harrison as the man who could talk to the animals in Doctor Dolittle (1967), Julie Andrews in the period film Star! (1968), and Barbra Streisand in Hello Dolly (1969). Decline This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) By the decade's end, Zanuck Sr. was spending millions on expensive vehicles in Europe for his new girlfriend, Genevieve Gilles. Barely 20 years old, she had her own contract to produce and star in Zanuck's films. Her first acting effort, Hello-Goodbye (1970), died on release. The studio lost $4 million. From her Paris apartment, Gilles interviewed directors for her next script, which she had written herself. Zanuck was never at the studio, seldom even in America. He seemed to have nothing on but more projects for Gilles. Quietly, eyeing a debt level whose interest they could hardly afford to pay, the nervous board members moved Richard to president and promoted his father to chairman, or more accurately, kicked the older man upstairs, which is how Zanuck began to perceive it. When Gilles' contract came up for renewal, Richard, for the first time, had the power to cancel it and he did. At the end of 1970, Zanuck hurriedly assembled the board the day before New Year's. Zanuck denounced his son's incompetence in front of the entire board and summarily fired him. Richard, stunned and humiliated, flew back to Los Angeles on New Year's Day; a studio guard stood watch at his office; it was left to his secretary to tell him he had until 6:00 pm to be off the lot. Zanuck remained chairman and appointed underlings to replace his son as president; an outraged Virginia Zanuck rushed to her son's side with her 100,000 shares of stock. Guilty gifts of stock from her faithless husband had made her one of Fox's major shareholders. She signed them over to a group of disgusted shareholders who staged a rebellion at the annual spring meeting that May. Zanuck was ousted from the studio he had founded and commanded for so long. He was the last Hollywood tycoon to fall. Richard went to work for Warner Brothers and forgave his father. They spoke on the phone. Virginia put her foot down and Gilles was gone. After so much blood on the floor, Darryl Zanuck was now back in the fold of his original family. When his health failed and he suffered a stroke, Zanuck returned to California and moved in with Virginia. They lived together again and celebrated their 50th wedding anniversary. Richard moved to Universal Pictures with his producing partner, David Brown. They gave 26-year-old Steven Spielberg his first feature; their second movie was The Sting. Darryl predicted it would win the Oscar, and it did. Personal life On January 12, 1924, at a time when he was a hopeful screenwriter, he married actress Virginia Fox, with whom he had three children, Darrylin, Susan Marie, and Richard Darryl.[15] Fox retired from acting but became known as a behind-the-scenes influence on her husband's business decisions, as well as a prominent California hostess.[15] The couple separated in 1956, after Zanuck had suddenly resigned from Twentieth Century-Fox to become an independent producer, over Zanuck's well-publicized affairs with other actresses, although they never legally divorced.[15] In 1973, after Zanuck retired from filmmaking, the two reconciled and lived together in Palm Springs, and she cared for him at their home from the time he became mentally incapacitated in the early 1970s until his death in 1979.[15] Sexual abuse allegations An October 2017 article by The Daily Beast, following the reporting of several sexual abuse cases committed by Harvey Weinstein reported that "For an origin to all this ugliness, one must turn to Darryl F. Zanuck, the titan who rose from working as the head of production at Warner Bros. to running Twentieth Century Fox. It was in the latter position that he supposedly begat the modern casting couch, holding conferences with a variety of starlets in his office every afternoon from 4-4:30 p.m."[16] The article further adds that "As some have argued, he may have learned this malicious practice from fellow studio head Harry Cohn, chief of Columbia Pictures during the first half of the 20th century, as Cohn reportedly even had a private room next to his office where he conducted his unofficial 'business'", and went on to blame both Zanuck and Cohn for having "helped foster the industry's corrosive atmosphere of sexualized misconduct."[16] A New York Times article in February 2020 following Weinstein's conviction repeated similar claims about Zanuck, while reporting that he also "had a well-documented habit of flashing his penis at women."[17] Death Darryl Zanuck's grave at the Westwood Village Memorial Park Cemetery A long-time cigar smoker,[18] he died of pneumonia in 1979, aged 77.[19][20] He is interred at the Westwood Village Memorial Park Cemetery, near his wife, Virginia Fox in Westwood, Los Angeles, California. Legacy Zanuck began tackling serious issues, breaking new ground by producing some of Hollywood's most important and controversial films[citation needed]. Long before it was fashionable to do so,[according to whom?] Zanuck addressed issues such as racism (Pinky), antisemitism (Gentleman's Agreement), poverty (The Grapes of Wrath, Tobacco Road), unfair labor exploitation and destruction of the environment (How Green Was My Valley), and institutionalized mistreatment of the mentally ill (The Snake Pit)[citation needed]. After The Snake Pit (1948) was released, 13 states changed their laws.[citation needed] For his contributions to the motion picture industry, Zanuck earned three Irving G. Thalberg Awards from the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (including the first ever awarded); after Zanuck's third win, the rules were changed to limit one Thalberg Award to one person. 20th Century Fox, the studio he co-founded and ran successfully for so many years,[ambiguous] screens movies in its Darryl F. Zanuck Theater. On February 8, 1960, Zanuck received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, for his contribution to the motion picture industry, at 6336 Hollywood Blvd.[21][22] In the 2022 Netflix film Blonde, Zanuck was portrayed by David Warshofsky.[23] Academy Awards Academy Award nominations for Darryl F. Zanuck films Year Result Category Film 1929–30 Nominated Outstanding Production Disraeli 1932–33 Nominated Outstanding Production 42nd Street 1934 Nominated Outstanding Production The House of Rothschild 1935 Nominated Outstanding Production Les Misérables 1937 Nominated Outstanding Production In Old Chicago 1938 Nominated Outstanding Production Alexander's Ragtime Band 1940 Nominated Outstanding Production The Grapes of Wrath 1941 Won Outstanding Motion Picture How Green Was My Valley 1944 Nominated Best Motion Picture Wilson 1946 Nominated Best Motion Picture The Razor's Edge 1947 Won Best Motion Picture Gentleman's Agreement 1949 Nominated Best Motion Picture Twelve O'Clock High 1950 Won Best Motion Picture All About Eve 1956 Nominated Best Motion Picture The King and I ("Darryl F. Zanuck presents" is seen in the opening credits) 1962 Nominated Best Picture The Longest Day Filmography Produced by Zanuck 1970 Tora! Tora! Tora! (executive producer) 1964 The Visit 1962 The Chapman Report 1962 The Longest Day 1961 The Big Gamble 1961 Sanctuary 1960 Crack in the Mirror 1958 The Roots of Heaven 1958 The Barbarian and the Geisha 1957 The Sun Also Rises 1957 Island in the Sun 1956 The King and I (executive producer – uncredited) 1956 The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit 1956 Carousel (executive producer – uncredited) 1954 The Egyptian 1952 The Snows of Kilimanjaro 1952 With a Song in My Heart 1952 Viva Zapata! 1951 People Will Talk 1951 David and Bathsheba 1950 All About Eve 1950 No Way Out 1949 Twelve O'Clock High 1949 Pinky 1948 The Snake Pit 1947 Captain from Castile 1947 Gentleman's Agreement 1947 Nightmare Alley 1947 Moss Rose 1946 The Razor's Edge 1946 Dragonwyck 1945 Leave Her to Heaven (executive producer) 1944 Wilson 1944 Buffalo Bill (executive producer) 1941 How Green Was My Valley 1941 Swamp Water 1941 A Yank in the R.A.F. 1941 Moon Over Miami 1941 Man Hunt (executive producer) 1941 Blood and Sand 1941 That Night in Rio 1941 Tobacco Road 1941 Western Union 1941 Hudson's Bay 1940 Chad Hanna 1940 The Mark of Zorro 1940 Down Argentine Way 1940 Brigham Young 1940 The Return of Frank James 1940 The Man I Married 1940 Lillian Russell 1940 Little Old New York 1940 The Grapes of Wrath 1940 The Blue Bird 1939 The Little Princess 1939 Swanee River 1939 Hollywood Cavalcade 1939 Here I Am a Stranger 1939 The Rains Came 1939 The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes 1939 Stanley and Livingstone 1939 Second Fiddle 1939 Susannah of the Mounties (executive producer) 1939 Young Mr. Lincoln 1939 Rose of Washington Square 1939 The Story of Alexander Graham Bell 1939 The Hound of the Baskervilles (executive producer) 1939 Wife, Husband and Friend 1939 Tail Spin 1939 Jesse James 1938 Kentucky (executive producer) 1938 Submarine Patrol 1938 My Lucky Star 1938 Gateway 1938 I'll Give a Million 1938 Little Miss Broadway 1938 Just Around the Corner 1938 Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm 1938 Always Goodbye 1938 Josette (executive producer) 1938 Kentucky Moonshine 1938 International Settlement 1938 Happy Landing 1938 In Old Chicago 1937 Love and Hisses 1937 Lancer Spy 1937 Wife, Doctor and Nurse 1937 Thin Ice 1937 Wake Up and Live 1937 Wee Willie Winkie 1937 Slave Ship 1937 Seventh Heaven 1937 Nancy Steele Is Missing! (executive producer) 1936 Banjo on My Knee (executive producer) 1936 Reunion (executive producer) 1936 Pigskin Parade 1936 Ramona (executive producer) 1936 Sing, Baby, Sing 1936 To Mary – with Love 1936 Poor Little Rich Girl 1936 The Road to Glory 1936 Half Angel 1936 Under Two Flags 1936 The Country Beyond 1936 A Message to Garcia 1936 It Had to Happen 1936 The Prisoner of Shark Island 1935 Professional Soldier 1935 Show Them No Mercy! 1935 The Man Who Broke the Bank at Monte Carlo 1935 Thanks a Million 1935 Metropolitan 1935 The Call of the Wild 1935 Cardinal Richelieu 1935 Les Misérables 1935 Folies Bergère de Paris 1934 The Mighty Barnum 1934 Bulldog Drummond Strikes Back 1934 Born to Be Bad 1934 The Last Gentleman 1934 Looking for Trouble 1934 Moulin Rouge 1933 Gallant Lady 1933 Advice to the Lovelorn 1933 Blood Money 1933 The Bowery 1933 Ex-Lady 1933 The Working Man 1933 42nd Street 1933 Parachute Jumper 1932 20,000 Years in Sing Sing 1932 Three on a Match 1932 The Cabin in the Cotton 1932 Life Begins 1932 Doctor X 1932 The Dark Horse 1932 The Rich Are Always with Us 1932 The Man Who Played God 1931 The Public Enemy 1931 Illicit 1931 Little Caesar 1930 The Doorway to Hell 1930 Three Faces East 1929 The Show of Shows 1929 On with the Show! 1928 Tenderloin 1927 The Jazz Singer 1927 The First Auto 1926 So This Is Paris 1925 Lady Windermere's Fan Written by Zanuck 1968 D-Day Revisited (Documentary) 1960 Crack in the Mirror (as Mark Canfield) 1944 The Purple Heart (story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 China Girl (story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 Thunder Birds (original story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 Ten Gentlemen from West Point 1941 A Yank in the R.A.F. (story – as Melville Crossman) 1940 The Great Profile (story – uncredited) 1938 Alexander's Ragtime Band (contributing writer – uncredited) 1937 This Is My Affair (story – uncredited) 1935 Thanks a Million (story – as Melville Crossman) 1935 G Men (story) 1935 Folies Bergère de Paris (contributing writer – uncredited) 1933 Lady Killer (story – uncredited) 1933 Baby Face (story – as Mark Canfield) 1932 The Dark Horse (story) 1931 Little Caesar (story – uncredited) 1930 The Life of the Party 1930 Maybe It's Love (as Mark Canfield) 1929 Say It with Songs (story) 1929 Madonna of Avenue A (story) 1929 Hardboiled Rose (story) 1928 My Man (story) 1928 Noah's Ark (story) 1928 The Midnight Taxi (story – as Gregory Rogers) 1928 State Street Sadie (story – as Melville Crossman) 1928 Pay as You Enter (story – as Gregory Rogers) 1928 Tenderloin (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 Ham and Eggs at the Front (story) 1927 Good Time Charley (story) 1927 Jaws of Steel (Rin Tin Tin story as Gregory Rogers) 1927 Slightly Used (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 The Desired Woman (story – as Mark Canfield) 1927 The First Auto (story) 1927 Old San Francisco 1927 The Black Diamond Express (story) 1927 Simple Sis (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 Irish Hearts (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 The Missing Link (as Gregory Rogers) 1927 Tracked by the Police (Rin Tin Tin story) 1927 Wolf's Clothing 1926 The Better 'Ole (screenplay) 1926 Across the Pacific (adaptation) 1926 Footloose Widows 1926 The Social Highwayman 1926 Oh! What a Nurse! (adaptation) 1926 The Little Irish Girl (adaptation) 1926 The Caveman (scenario) 1925 Three Weeks in Paris (story as Gregory Rogers, screenplay as Darryl Zanuck) 1925 Hogan's Alley 1925 Seven Sinners 1925 Red Hot Tires 1925 The Limited Mail 1925 Eve's Lover 1925 A Broadway Butterfly 1925 On Thin Ice (as Gregory Rogers) 1924 The Lighthouse by the Sea (Rin Tin Tin story – as Gregory Rogers) 1924 The Millionaire Cowboy (story) 1924 Find Your Man (Rin Tin Tin story – as Gregory Rogers) 1924 For the Love of Mike (Short) 1924 Sherlock's Home (Short) 1924 William Tells (Short) 1924 King Leary (Short) 1924 Money to Burns (Short) 1924 When Knighthood Was in Tower (Short) 1924 Julius Sees Her (Short) 1923 Judy Punch (Short) 1923 When Gale and Hurricane Meet (Short) 1923 The End of a Perfect Fray (Short) 1923 Gall of the Wild (Short) 1923 Some Punches and Judy (Short) 1923 Two Stones with One Bird (Short) 1923 Six Second Smith (Short) 1923 The Knight That Failed (Short) 1923 The Knight in Gale (Short) 1923 Fighting Blood 1922 The Storm 1922 Round Two (Short) Zanuck in documentaries; television appearances 2013 Don't Say Yes Until I Finish Talking (Documentary) 2013 Don't Say No Until I Finish Talking: The Story of Richard D. Zanuck (Documentary) 2011 Hollywood Invasion (Documentary) 2011 Making the Boys (Documentary) 2010 Moguls & Movie Stars: A History of Hollywood (TV documentary) Fade Out, Fade In (uncredited) The Attack of the Small Screens: 1950–1960 2009 Coming Attractions: The History of the Movie Trailer (Documentary) 2009 1939: Hollywood's Greatest Year (TV documentary) 2006 Darryl F. Zanuck: A Dream Fulfilled (TV documentary) 2005 Filmmakers vs. Tycoons (Documentary) 2003 American Masters (TV documentary) None Without Sin Backstory (TV documentary) Gentleman's Agreement (2001) The Longest Day (2000) History vs. Hollywood (TV documentary) The Longest Day: A Salute to Courage (2001) 2001 Cleopatra: The Film That Changed Hollywood (TV documentary) Great Books (TV documentary) The Grapes of Wrath (1999) Biography (TV documentary) Anna and the King: The Real Story of Anna Leonowens (1999) Sonja Henie: Fire on Ice (1997) 1997 20th Century-Fox: The First 50 Years (TV documentary) 1996 Rodgers & Hammerstein: The Sound of Movies (TV documentary) 1995 The First 100 Years: A Celebration of American Movies (TV documentary) 1995 Darryl F. Zanuck: 20th Century Filmmaker (TV documentary) 1995 The Casting Couch (Video documentary) 1975 20th Century Fox Presents...A Tribute to Darryl F. Zanuck (TV documentary) The David Frost Show (TV) Episode #3.211 (1971) Episode #2.203 (1970) 1968 D-Day Revisited (Documentary) What's My Line? (TV ) Episode September 16, 1962 – Mystery Guest Episode October 5, 1958 – Mystery Guest Cinépanorama (TV documentary) Episode 11 (June 1960) Small World (TV Series) Episode #1.22 (1959) ... Himself The Ed Sullivan Show (TV Series) Episode #11.39 (1958) 1954 The CinemaScope Parade 1953 Screen Snapshots: Hollywood's Great Entertainers (Short) 1950 Screen Snapshots: The Great Showman (Short) 1946 Hollywood Park (Short) 1943 Show-Business at War (Documentary) 1943 At the Front (Documentary) 1943 At the Front in North Africa with the U.S. Army (Documentary) References Albin Krebs. New York Times, June 11, 1976, "Adolph Zukor is Dead at 103". "FamilySearch". FamilySearch. "Encyclopedia of the Great Plains | ZANUCK, DARRYL F. (1902-1979)". plainshumanities.unl.edu. Retrieved February 13, 2022. Arnold, Gary (December 24, 1979). "Motion Picture Producer Darryl F. Zanuck Is Dead at 77". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved February 13, 2022. Gussow, Mel (September 1, 2002). "FILM; Darryl F. Zanuck, Action Hero of the Studio Era". The New York Times. Retrieved May 1, 2010. Maas, Frederica Sagor (1999). The Shocking Miss Pilgrim: A Writer in Early Hollywood. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky. pp. 44–45. ISBN 0-8131-2122-1. Ilias Chrissochoidis (ed.), Spyros P. Skouras, Memoirs (1893–1953) (Stanford, 2013), p. 104. Mosley, Leonard (1984) Zanuck: The Rise and Fall of Hollywood's Last Tycoon, pp. 199–200. Mosley, p. 201 Mosley "Zanuck", pp. 199–209 Mosley, p. 209 "The 23rd Academy Awards (1951) Nominees and Winners". Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. Retrieved August 10, 2014. "Recreation vs. Entertainment" by Darryl Zanuck, Hollywood Reporter, October 1953, quoted in "Widescreen Cinema" by John Belton, Harvard Press, 1992, p. 77 John Murray (2008). Charlotte Mosley (ed.). In Tearing Haste: Letters Between Deborah Devonshire and Patrick Leigh-Fermor. Gussow, Mel (October 15, 1982). "Virginia F. Zanuck, Silent Movie Star". The New York Times. Retrieved October 31, 2022. Schager, Nick (October 14, 2017). "Hollywood's Heinous 'Casting Couch' Culture That Enabled Harvey Weinstein". The Daily Beast. Retrieved September 18, 2022. Dargis, Manohla (February 25, 2020). "Harvey Weinstein Is Going to Prison. But That's Just a Starting Point". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved September 18, 2022. Hift, Fred (September 1, 1994). "The Longest Day". Cigar Aficionado. Retrieved December 6, 2011. Maslin, Janet (December 24, 1979). "Darryl F. Zanuck, Flamboyant Film Producer, Dead". The New York Times. Arnold, Gary (December 24, 1979). "Motion Picture Producer Darryl F. Zanuck Is Dead at 77". Retrieved August 31, 2017 – via WashingtonPost.com. "Darryl F. Zanuck | Hollywood Walk of Fame". www.WalkOfFame.com. Retrieved July 20, 2016. "Darryl Zanuck". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved July 20, 2016. "'Blonde': 10 of the Marilyn Monroe Biopic's Stars and Their Real-Life Inspirations". The Hollywood Reporter. September 28, 2022. Retrieved August 6, 2023. Further reading Behlmer, Rudy, ed. (1993). Memo from Darryl F. Zanuck: The Golden Years at Twentieth Century-Fox. Grove. ISBN 0-8021-1540-3. Chrissochoidis, Ilias (editor) (2013). The Cleopatra Files: Selected Documents from the Spyros P. Skouras Archive. Brave World. ISBN 978-0-61582-919-7. Chrissochoidis, Ilias (ed.). CinemaScope: Selected Documents from the Spyros P. Skouras Archive. Brave World, 2013. ISBN 978-0-61589-880-3. Custen, George F. Twentieth Century's Fox: Darryl F. Zanuck And The Culture Of Hollywood. Basic Books (November 1997) ISBN 046507619X Dunne, John Gregory. The Studio. Farrar, Straus & Giroux (January 1969) ISBN 0374271127 Mosley, Leonard (1984). Zanuck: The Rise and Fall of Hollywood's Last Tycoon. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-58538-6. Farber, Stephen. Hollywood Dynasties, Putnam Group (July 1984) ISBN 0887150004 Harris, Marlys J. The Zanucks of Hollywood: The Dark Legacy of an American Dynasty, Crown (June 1989) ISBN 0517570203 Thackrey Jr., Thomas. (December 23, 1979). "Darryl F. Zanuck, Last of Movie Moguls, Dies at 77". Los Angeles Times, p. 1.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Raymond Walter Kelly (born September 4, 1941) is the longest-serving Commissioner in the history of the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and the first person to hold the post for two non-consecutive tenures. According to its website, Kelly, a lifelong New Yorker, had spent 45 years in the NYPD, serving in 25 different commands and as Police Commissioner from 1992 to 1994 and again from 2002 until 2013. Kelly was the first man to rise from Police Cadet to Police Commissioner, holding all of the department's ranks, except for Three-Star Bureau Chief, Chief of Department and Deputy Commissioner, having been promoted directly from Two-Star Chief to First Deputy Commissioner in 1990.[2] After his handling of the World Trade Center bombing in 1993, he was mentioned for the first time as a possible candidate for FBI Director.[3][4] After Kelly turned down the position, Louis Freeh was appointed.[4] Kelly was a Marine Corps Reserve colonel, director of police under the United Nations Mission in Haiti, and an Interpol vice president. During the Clinton administration, Kelly served as Treasury Department Under Secretary for Enforcement, as Customs Service Commissioner and was in the running to become the first United States Ambassador to Vietnam, after President Bill Clinton extended full diplomatic relations to that country in 1995.[5] In March 2011, New York Senator Chuck Schumer endorsed Kelly to become the next director of the FBI,[6] and in July 2013, he endorsed Kelly to become Secretary of Homeland Security.[7] In March 2014, he was appointed as President of Risk Management Services at Cushman & Wakefield, a New York City-based commercial real estate services firm.[8] In 2015, the New York Post reported that Kelly was considering a run for New York City Mayor, citing his "Love for New York City".[9] Education Kelly graduated from Archbishop Molloy High School in 1959. He graduated with a Bachelor of Business Administration from Manhattan College in 1963.[10] He also holds a J.D. from the St. John's University School of Law,[11] a LL.M. from the New York University School of Law,[12] and an M.P.A. from Harvard Kennedy School.[13] Kelly has also been the recipient of honorary degrees from Marist College, Manhattan College, the College of St. Rose, St. John's University, the State University of New York, New York University, Iona College, Pace University, Quinnipiac University, St. Thomas Aquinas College and the Catholic University of America.[14] Personal Kelly with his wife Veronica in May 2011 Kelly was born in 1941 and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, to James F. Kelly, a milkman,[15][16] and Elizabeth Kelly, a dressing-room checker at Macy's.[15] A fitness buff since his teens, Kelly still regularly lifts weights and does aerobic exercises.[17] He is also a fashionable dresser, favoring custom-made shirts that he takes to Geneva, a shirtmaker, for laundering.[18] He also favors silk ties by Charvet. "A tie is the only true way men can make some sort of statement", Kelly has stated, citing Barack Obama as another fan of the high-end French label. "I can tell when someone's wearing Charvet from a distance – even dark colors stand out."[19] Claiming that good-quality clothing enhances his public image as an authority figure, he orders custom hand-tailored suits from master tailor Martin Greenfield, who numbers politicians and movie stars among his clientele and whose suits run in the four figures.[20] Kelly met his future wife Veronica on the beach at Island Park, New York, where his family had a summer residence.[21] Kelly is the father of Greg Kelly, former co-host of the local Fox morning television show Good Day New York. Currently host on Newsmax TV and weekday program on New York's WABC radio [22] Military Kelly is a combat veteran of the Vietnam War. He received his commission as a second lieutenant in the United States Marine Corps in 1963. In 1965, he went to the Republic of Vietnam with the 2nd Battalion 1st Marines. As a first lieutenant in Vietnam, Kelly led Marines in battle for most of his 12 months in country, including participation in Operation Harvest Moon. Upon returning to the U.S., Raymond Kelly joined the Reserves and retired after 30 years of service with the rank of colonel from the Marine Corps Reserves.[14] Police career Kelly in 2007 Kelly joined the New York City Police Department as a police trainee in 1960. Six years later in 1966, Kelly was appointed to the entry level rank of Patrolman. He graduated first in his class from the New York City Police Academy and passed the sergeant's test upon returning from Vietnam. This meteoric ascent combined with relative inexperience as a beat cop has prompted some criticisms from colleagues. Geoffrey Gray wrote in New York Magazine that, "Some retired cops say Kelly's swift ascent makes him a boss who doesn't understand the street. 'He's not a cop,' says one retired chief, dismissively. 'He's on patrol for a blink of an eye and tells guys on patrol ten years how to do their jobs.' Says another, 'He gives you all the ingredients to make shrimp scampi and says he wants sirloin steak.'"[18] However, his long service stands in stark contrast to that of his predecessor, Bernard Kerik. Kerik served as an NYPD officer for only 8 years before he was appointed commissioner by Mayor Rudy Giuliani. First Deputy Commissioner On February 9, 1990 Kelly was appointed First Deputy Commissioner during the administration of Mayor David Dinkins. Kelly's boss was New York City Police Commissioner Lee Brown, who was a former Houston Police Chief and the future mayor of Houston. Kelly was promoted from a Two-Star Assistant Chief to the First Deputy position over several Three-Star Bureau Chiefs and the Four-Star Chief of Department, Robert J. Johnston Jr. At the time Johnston was so powerful, Brown altered the traditional hierarchy by announcing that Johnston would report directly to the Police Commissioner rather than the First Deputy as had been called for under the former departmental structure. This was done to prevent Johnston from having to report to his former subordinate, Kelly.[23] 37th NYC Police Commissioner On October 16, 1992 Mayor Dinkins appointed Kelly as the 37th Police Commissioner of the City of New York. Kelly took over a police department that was 11.5% black, in a city with an over 25% black population. At 9 am on his first full day as Police Commissioner, Kelly was on the "black-owned" radio station WLIB for 40 minutes talking to host Art Whaley, as well as callers, to discuss minority recruitment.[24] He showed himself a master of outreach and even attended black church services in an effort to recruit minority policemen. The national decline in both violent crime and property crime began in 1993, during the early months of Raymond Kelly's commissioner-ship under Dinkins. A firm believer in community policing, Kelly helped spur the decline in New York by instituting the Safe Streets, Safe City program, which put thousands more cops on the streets, where they would be visible to and able to get to know and interact with local communities. As the 37th Commissioner, he also pursued quality of life issues, such as the "squeegee men" that had become a sign of decay in the city. The murder rate in New York city had declined from its 1990 mid-Dinkins administration historic high of 2,254 to 1,927 when Kelly left in 1994,[25] and continued to plummet even more steeply under Mayors Giuliani and Bloomberg. The decline continued when Kelly returned as commissioner under Mayor Bloomberg in 2002–2013. 1993 World Trade Center terrorist attack The first World Trade Center terrorist attack occurred on February 26, 1993 while Kelly was police commissioner under Mayor Dinkins (1992 to 1994) and Kelly led his department through the investigation of the bombing. 1993 NYPD handgun transition In August 1993, Kelly introduced the 9mm semi-automatic pistol as an option for officers. The Glock 19, SIG Sauer P226, and Smith & Wesson 5946 pistols were approved for duty to replace the NYPD's Smith & Wesson Model 10 and Model 64 double-action only revolvers chambered in .38 Special. Himself a former street cop,[citation needed] Kelly was concerned about the semi-automatic pistols' propensity for sustaining firearm malfunctions. Indeed, at a media event introducing the new semi-automatic pistols in January 1993, one of the firearms malfunctioned just moments after a deputy inspector explained that malfunctions and failures were the semi-automatic pistol's major design drawback.[26] Transition In November 1993, Rudolph Giuliani defeated Mayor Dinkins in his run for a second term as Mayor of New York City. Giuliani then replaced Kelly with Boston police commissioner William Bratton. Coincidentally, Giuliani and Kelly had known each other for a long time; they were two years apart at Manhattan College three decades previously. 41st NYC police commissioner As commissioner of the NYPD under Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Kelly had often appeared at outreach events such as the Brooklyn's annual West Indian Day Parade, where he was photographed playing the drums and speaking to community leaders. Bloomberg and Kelly, however, continued to place heavy reliance on the CompStat system, initiated by Bill Bratton and since adopted by police departments in other cities worldwide. The system, while recognized as highly effective in reducing crime, also puts pressure on local precincts to reduce the number of reports for the seven major crimes while increasing the number of lesser arrests.[27] The two men continued and indeed stepped up Mayor Giuliani's controversial stop-and-frisk policy,[28] which was determined in Floyd v. City of New York to be an unconstitutional form of racial profiling. In the first half of 2011 the NYC police made 362,150 such stops, constituting a 13.5 percent increase from the same period in 2010, according to WNYC radio (which also reported that 84 percent of the people stopped were either black or Latino, and that "nine out 10 stops did not result in any arrest or ticket.") According to New York State Senator Eric Adams, "Kelly was one of the great humanitarians in policing under David Dinkins. I don't know what happened to him that all of a sudden his philosophical understanding of the importance of community and police liking each other has changed. Sometimes the expeditious need of bringing down crime numbers bring out the worst in us. So instead of saying let's just go seek out the bad guy, we get to the point of, 'Let's go get them all.' If Kelly can't philosophically change, then we need to have a leadership change at the top."[29] Under Bloomberg, Commissioner Kelly also revamped New York City's Police Department into a world-class counter-terrorism operation,[30] operating in conjunction with CIA. Prior to the September 11, 2001 attacks there were fewer than two dozen officers working on terrorism full-time; ten years later there were over 1,000. One of Kelly's innovations was his unprecedented stationing of New York City police detectives in other cities throughout the world following terrorist attacks in those cities, with a view to determining if they are in any way connected to the security of New York. In the cases of both the March 11, 2004 Madrid bombing and the July 7, 2005 London bombings and July 21, 2005 London bombings, NYPD detectives were on the scene within a day to relay pertinent information back to New York. An August 2011 article by the Associated Press reported the NYCPD's extensive use of undercover agents (colloquially referred to as "rakers"[31] and "mosque crawlers"[32]) to keep tabs, even build databases, on stores, restaurants, mosques. and clubs. NYPD spokesman Paul Browne denied that police trawled ethnic neighborhoods, telling the AP that officers only follow leads. He also dismissed the idea of "mosque crawlers," saying, "Someone has a great imagination."[33] Valerie Caproni, the FBI's general counsel, told the AP that the FBI is barred from sending agents into mosques looking for leads outside of a specific investigation and said the practice would raise alarms. "If you're sending an informant into a mosque when there is no evidence of wrongdoing, that's a very high-risk thing to do," she said. "You're running right up against core constitutional rights. You're talking about freedom of religion." However, as the ACLU acknowledged at the time, the FBI operates under limits such as the Federal Privacy Act that do not apply to state-authorized agencies such as the NYPD.[34][33][35] Under Mayor Bloomberg, Kelly's NYPD also incurred criticism for its handling of the protests surrounding the 2004 Republican National Convention, which resulted in the City of New York having to pay out millions in settlement of lawsuits for false arrest and civil rights violations, as well as for its rough treatment of credentialed reporters covering the 2011 Occupy Wall Street demonstrations.[36] On March 5, 2007 it was announced that a Rikers Island inmate offered to pay an undercover police officer posing as a hit person to behead Kelly as well as bomb police headquarters in retaliation for the controversial police shooting of Sean Bell.[37] In 2012, Kelly oversaw the rollout of the Domain Awareness System, a computer system used for Police surveillance in New York City.[38] In 2013 his visit to Brown University was met with a demonstration against what protestors saw as increased racial profiling and violations of civil rights under Kelly's leadership as NYPD Commissioner.[39] In November 2014 it was reported that Kelly would no longer require a $1.5 million security team after completing his transition into the private sector. Prior to relieving his security detail and since leaving office, Kelly had 24-hour-a-day protection consisting of an NYPD lieutenant, three sergeants and six detectives. With their $140,000 salaries (plus overtime), the ten-man team cost New York City taxpayers $1.5 million. The NYPD had argued this was a necessary expense due to the threats Kelly and his family received as a result of his work. Kelly determined he was no longer the target he once was.[40] New York City Police Pension Fund In April 2009, Kelly abstained in a vote to remove Quadrangle Group[41][42][43] from doing business with the NYC police pension fund. Other positions held Director International Police Monitors Kelly served as Director of the International Police Monitors of the Multinational Force in Haiti from October 1994 through March 1995. This U.S.-led force was responsible for ending human rights abuses and establishing an interim police force there. For his service in Haiti, President Bill Clinton awarded Kelly a commendation for "exceptionally meritorious service". Kelly was also awarded the Commander's Award for Public Service by then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Shalikashvili.[citation needed] Under Secretary for Enforcement From 1996 to 1998, Kelly was Under Secretary for Enforcement at the United States Department of the Treasury. At that post he supervised the Department's enforcement bureaus, including the Customs Service, the Secret Service and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network and the Office of Foreign Assets Control.[citation needed] Interpol, Executive Committee Kelly served on the executive committee and was elected Vice President for the Americas of Interpol from 1996 to 2000.[citation needed] Commissioner, U.S. Customs Service From 1998 to 2001, Kelly served as the Commissioner of the U.S. Customs Service, where he managed the agency's 20,000 employees and $20 billion annual budget.[citation needed] Chairman, New York State Athletic Commission In 2001, Governor George Pataki appointed Kelly to serve as chairman of the troubled New York State Athletic Commission.[44] He resigned in 2002 to focus on his duties as police commissioner.[45] Private sector Kelly was Senior Managing Director for Corporate Security at Bear Stearns from 2000 to 2001. Kelly also worked as the head of the New York office of Investigative Group International, a private investigations firm.[46] After leaving his post as New York City Police Commissioner, Kelly signed a deal with Greater Talent Network speakers bureau which was effective from January 1, 2014.[47][48] He also works for K2 Intelligence, an investigative consultancy.[49] Kelly, a retired Marine Colonel, was appointed as the Grand Marshal of the 95th annual Veterans Day parade in New York City in 2014. He marched with his wife who was a member of the Coast Guard reserve. In August 2021, Kelly was named as a member of American facial recognition company Clearview AI's advisory board.[50] Department of Homeland Security speculation In July 2013, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano announced that she was resigning and Kelly was immediately cited as an obvious potential successor by New York Senator Charles Schumer and others.[7] During a July 16, 2013 interview, President Obama referred generally to the "bunch of strong candidates" for nomination to head the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), but singled out Kelly as "one of the best there is" or "very well qualified for the job".[51] The next day, Kelly said he was "flattered" by Obama's praise but otherwise refused to confirm or deny whether he was interested in the Secretary position.[52] Describing "a growing campaign to quash the potential nomination of New York City Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly as the next secretary of the Department of Homeland Security", the Huffington Post cited a July 18 letter to Obama from a coalition of Muslim groups; the letter stated in part, "Commissioner Kelly's legacy in New York is synonymous with divisive, harmful and ineffective policing that promotes stereotypes and profiling".[53] On July 22, Kelly penned a Wall Street Journal opinion article defending the NYPD's programs, stating "the average number of stops we conduct is less than one per officer per week" and that this and other practices have led to "7,383 lives saved... they are largely the lives of young men of color." [54] On October 17, 2013 President Obama moved to nominate Jeh Johnson to be United States Secretary of Homeland Security. The Washington Post reported "Johnson, an African-American, would bring further racial diversity to Obama's Cabinet. The first black U.S. president has been criticized for having a high number of white men in top Cabinet roles."[55] In November 2013, a rule change in the United States Senate prevented the minority party from seriously contesting any executive nominee; Johnson was confirmed as DHS Secretary in December 2013.[56] Affiliations Since becoming Police Commissioner, Kelly has served as the Honorary President of the Police Athletic League of New York City (PAL) a non-profit youth development agency that helps inner-city children and teens. Also during his service as commissioner under Mayor Bloomberg, Kelly has been a member of the Harvard Club of New York City, with membership and expenses charged covered by the privately funded New York City Police Foundation. The gift was not reported in Kelly's financial disclosures, but indications upon public revelation in 2010 were that the disclosures would be amended.[57] A 2010 report on gifts "reported six shared plane flights to Florida in 2008 and five more in 2009, provided by Mayor ... Bloomberg at an undetermined cost".[57] Clashes with civil liberties group over transparency On October 16, 2011 the New York Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit in New York State Supreme Court in Manhattan seeking to force the New York Police Department to release the daily schedules of Commissioner Kelly, whom it characterized as "the most important appointed official" in city government. According to the suit the details of whom Kelly meets with remain largely shrouded in secrecy, in marked contrast to those of other high-placed officials, including the President of the United States, who are required to publicly disclose portions of their schedules. New York Governor Andrew M. Cuomo last month began posting a detailed version of his daily schedules online. "There is no good reason for Commissioner Kelly to withhold this information from the public," Donna Lieberman, the executive director of the civil liberties group, said in a statement. "If it's safe for the leader of the country to disclose his schedule, then it's safe for the N.Y.P.D. commissioner to do the same."[58] In Mr. Kelly's defense, Mitchell L. Moss, a professor of urban policy and planning at New York University, argued that a police commissioner should get "broad latitude" in a post-terrorist era. According to Professor Moss, "The police commissioner of New York City occupies a special, appointed position. He's our secretary of defense, head of C.I.A. or, I would say, chief architect rolled into one. He may be the one person who we should treat with some respect on his privacy."[59] In an editorial entitled "They Like Transparency Until They Don't", the New York Times admonished: In recent years, the New York Civil Liberties Union had to sue to get stop-and-frisk data from the police, details on the race of people shot by officers and shooting reports since 1997. Most recently, the group has filed a suit on behalf of an online columnist asking for Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly's calendar. The department has argued that the commissioner's whereabouts are secret for security reasons. Civil liberties lawyers note that the president's schedule appears daily on the White House Web site, so why not Mr. Kelly's? Similarly, the Times was forced to go to court to get fuller access to police data. A judge ruled early last month that the New York Police Department had improperly withheld information about pistol owners and the locations of hate crimes. Interview with 60 Minutes about anti-terrorism measures now in place in New York City On September 25, 2011 Kelly was interviewed on the television program 60 Minutes by Scott Pelley about anti-terrorism measures taken in New York City's financial district in the 10 years following the 9/11 attacks. One of these was the development of a $3-billion NYPD Joint Operations Center that includes representatives from the military, FBI, FEMA and state and local first responders. During the interview, Kelly asserted that the New York City police department possesses missiles that could take down a plane: Pelley: Are you satisfied that you've dealt with threats from aircraft, even light planes, model planes, that kind of thing? Kelly: It's something that's on our radar screen. In an extreme situation, we have some means to take down a plane ... Pelley: Do you mean to say the NYPD has the means to take down an aircraft? Kelly: Yes. I'd prefer not to get into the details, but obviously this would be in a very extreme situation ... Pelley: You have the means and the training? Kelly: Yes.[60] From the segment: It is nearly impossible now to walk a block in lower Manhattan without being on television. There are 2,000 cameras and soon there will be 3,000 -- all of which feed into this control center housed in a secret location.[60] Technology built specifically for the NYPD includes radiological and nuclear detectors on boats, radiation detectors on helicopters and trucks and detectors on officers' gun belts so sensitive that people who have had medical procedures may trigger them. Lower Manhattan includes thousands of surveillance cameras that can identify shapes and sizes of unidentified "suspicious" packages and can track people descriptions, like, "someone wearing a red shirt," within seconds.[60] Potential involvement in Schoolcraft case Kelly may have been aware of the alleged NYPD conspiracy against whistleblower Adrian Schoolcraft. According to the Village Voice: "If proven true, [NYPD spokesperson Paul] Browne's presence at Schoolcraft's home on Oct. 31, 2009 suggests that Commissioner Kelly was aware of the decision by Deputy Chief Michael Marino to order Schoolcraft handcuffed and dragged from his own apartment just three weeks after he reported police misconduct to the unit which audits NYPD crime statistics."[61] Awards and honors Upon graduation from the New York City Police Academy, Kelly won the "Bloomingdale Trophy" for the highest general average in shooting and in academic and physical prowess.[62] He has received 15 citations for meritorious service in the New York City Police Department.[citation needed] In 2003, the National Father's Day Committee named Kelly, Father of the Year.[63] On March 16, 2006 Kelly was named Irish American of the Year by Irish America.[64] On June 19, 2006 Kelly received The Hundred Year Association of New York's Gold Medal "in recognition of outstanding contributions to the City of New York.[65] On September 9, 2006 Kelly was awarded the Légion d'honneur during a ceremony at the French consulate in Manhattan, which was presided over by Nicolas Sarkozy, the then Minister of the Interior.[66] On March 17, 2010 Kelly was the Grand Marshal of the 249th New York City St. Patrick's Day Parade.[64] On March 14, 2012 Kelly was inducted into Irish America magazine's Hall of Fame.[67] See also Biography portalflagNew York City portalflagNew York (state) portal New York City Police Department NYPD Cricket League References Lipsky, Seth (November 11, 2015). "For love of New York City: Why Ray Kelly might run". New York Post. Retrieved December 30, 2015. Steinhauer, Jennifer; Rashbaum, William K. (May 24, 2004), "In Age of Terror, Police Leader Gains in Access and Influence", The New York Times "Kelly Said to Be Pick As Director of F.B.I." New York Times. 20 May 1993. Archived from the original on 8 June 2022. Retrieved 8 June 2022. "The officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said Mr. Kelly's name had come up in conversations between the White House and the Justice Department, as have at least two other names, those of Louis J. Freeh, a Federal judge in the Southern District of New York, and Richard G. Stearns, a Massachusetts Superior Court judge." "The Commish". The Brian Lehrer Show. 2007-10-19.; (video of broadcast) Shain, Michael (July 14, 1995), "Can New Viet Envoy Be Our Own Ray Kelly?", Newsday, pp. A15 Lemire, Jonathan .(March 13, 2011). Sen. Charles Schumer loves idea of NYPD commissioner Ray Kelly taking over FBI Daily News Hoboken, NJ Archived(Tabloid) on December 13, 2013. Retrieved June 15, 2022. Robillard, Kevin; Wong, Scott (July 12, 2013). "Names already popping as possible Janet Napolitano replacements". POLITICO. Retrieved July 13, 2013. RAYMOND W. KELLY NAMED PRESIDENT OF RISK MANAGEMENT SERVICES-March 5, 2014-Cushman & Wakefield Lipsky, Seth (November 11, 2015). "For love of New York City: Why Ray Kelly might run". New York Post. Retrieved December 30, 2015. "Manhattan College Web Site". Manhattan.edu. Archived from the original on 2013-10-19. Retrieved 2014-03-07. St. John's University Web Site Archived January 7, 2011, at the Wayback Machine NYU Notable Alumni NYPD Crimson Harvard Kennedy School Magazine, Winter 2011 "New York City Government Official Biography". Nyc.gov. 2011-02-16. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Major Figures In Queens Police Shooting Case". WNBC. NBCUniversal. Archived from the original on March 23, 2007. Retrieved June 17, 2022. Rashbaum, William K. (November 15, 2005), "N.Y. Police Chief Has a Tough Act to Follow, and It's His Own", The New York Times Murphy, Jen (2009-06-23). "For NYPD Commissioner, Being Fit Is Part of the Job". Online.wsj.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Gray, Geoffrey (May 16, 2010). "Boss Kelly: The long-serving NYPD commissioner is autocratic, dismissive of civil-liberties concerns — but effective. Is that a reasonable trade-off to keep the city safe?". New York. Nymag.com. Archived from the original on March 13, 2014. Retrieved June 17, 2022. Cosciarelli, "Ray Kelly, NYPD Commissioner, Loves a Good Tie, Hoodie", Village Voice, June 20, 2012 Ann Farmer, "A Tailor, Called Upon by Designers and Politicians", New York Times, Nov. 6, 2010 Halcyon Days In Island Park New York Times Retrieved 2014-10-08. Greg Kelly set to co-host 'Good Day New York', by Richard Huff July 10, 2008, NY Daily News Carper, Alison (February 10, 1990), "Brown Names Top Aide", Newsday, p. 11 James, George (October 20, 1992), "Kelly Says He'll Stress Recruiting More Blacks", The New York Times, pp. B3 http://www.gothamgazette.com/article/crime/20011130/4/226 | Julia Vitullo-Martin, The New And Old Police Commissioner Ray Kelly, The Gotham Gazette, Nov. 2001. Lin, Wendy (August 21, 1993), "Long Road to Approval", Newsday, p. 5 Ortega, Tony (2011-05-16). "Tony Ortega, "Graham Rayman's 'NYPD Tapes' Series Wins Gold Keyboard, NY Press Club's Highest Award", Village Voice, May 16 2011". Blogs.villagevoice.com. Archived from the original on 2013-12-17. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Vitale, Alex (2009-05-15). "Alex S. Vitale, "NYPD Getting Frisky", The Independent, May 15 2009". indypendent.org. Retrieved 2020-03-02. Pillifant, Reid (2011-09-07). "Reid Pillifant, "The Gentleman Commissioner: Why NYDP Controversies Never Seem to Touch Ray Kelly", Capital New York, Sept. 7, 2011". Capitalnewyork.com. Archived from the original on 2013-12-17. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Editorial board (2003-03-19). "Operation Atlas, Shrugged Off". The New York Times. 229 West 43rd Street. p. A28. Archived from the original on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2022-06-15. "Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly has mapped out a comprehensive plan, called Operation Atlas, for preventing attacks in the air, on land, on the waterways and in the subways, wherever people live, work, study, worship or recreate and wherever there are ports of entry. The price will be steep, with police overtime pushing the tab to some $5 million a week even as the city struggles to close a budget shortfall of more than $3 billion. City leaders are determined to deny any opportunity to those who would try to commit terrorism." "The AP investigation revealed that the NYPD built databases of everyday life in Muslim neighborhoods, cataloguing where people bought their groceries, ate dinner and prayed. Plainclothes officers known as "rakers" were dispatched into ethnic communities, where they eavesdropped on conversations and wrote daily reports on what they heard, often without any allegation of criminal wrongdoing,"— "Law on NYPD's side in Muslim intel program?" CBS News, November 8, 2011. "Police have also used special informants, dubbed "mosque crawlers," to monitor weekly sermons and activity inside of mosques — even when there's no evidence of wrongdoing, the AP said." —Jill Colvin, "NYPD Spying on Muslim Communities with Help of CIA, Report Says", DNA Info Manhattan Local, August 24, 2011 Colvin (August 24, 2011). See Pillifant (2011) and Adam Serwer, "60-Minutes Hearts NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly", Mother Jones, Sept. 2011. "Post-9/11, NYPD targets ethnic communities, partners with CIA". NBC News. 24 August 2011. New York Times editorial, "Police and the Press", Nov. 26, 2011. Baker, Al (March 6, 2007), "Inmate Plotted to Kill Police Leader and Plant a Bomb, Officials Say", The New York Times Ungerleider, Neal (2012-08-08). "NYPD, Microsoft Launch All-Seeing "Domain Awareness System" With Real-Time CCTV, License Plate Monitoring [Updated]". Fast Company. Retrieved 2019-06-15. Jacobs, Peter (29 October 2013). "Ray Kelly Was Booed Offstage By Student Protestors At Brown Before He Could Even Speak". Business Insider. Retrieved 29 October 2013. Bankoff, Caroline (November 10, 2014). "Regular Guy Ray Kelly No Longer Requires a $1.5 Million Security Team". New York Magazine. Retrieved November 11, 2014. "Pension probe prompts city board votes to cease new investments with Quadrangle Capital Partners". Nydailynews.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Quadrangle Capital Partners pension 'agents' suspended". Nydailynews.com. 2009-04-29. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Albany pay-to-play pension scandal appears national in scope, Attorney General Andrew Cuomo says". Nydailynews.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Cassidy, Robert (September 2, 2001). "Tapping Kelly Has Good Ring". Newsday. Celona, Larry (March 22, 2002). "Kelly Packs it in as Head of Athletic Commission". New York Post. Kelly Sleuthed `Insider' Wigand for Private Firm.. Observer. Retrieved on 2013-08-16. Shallwani, Pervaiz (16 December 2013). "After NYPD, Kelly to Hit Speaker's Circuit". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 14 January 2014. Associated Press. "NYPD commissioner Kelly hired as public speaker when tenure ends Jan. 1". Fox News. Retrieved 14 January 2014. "Despite the attack in San Bernardino, America's defences against jihadism are high". The Economist. 12 December 2015. Retrieved 12 December 2015. "Clearview AI Announces Formation of Advisory Board" (Press release). New York: Business Wire. The LAKPR Group Inc. 2021-08-18. Retrieved 2021-08-26. "Obama would consider Ray Kelly to replace Janet Napolitano" by JENNIFER EPSTEIN, Politico, July 16, 2013, Retrieved 2013-07-17 "NYC top cop Ray Kelly 'flattered' by Obama's praise, DHS talk" by Meghashyam Mali, The Hill July 23, 2013 Retrieved 2013-08-04 "Muslims Oppose Raymond Kelly Bid For Homeland Security Secretary" By Omar Sacirbey, Huffington Post, August 1, 2013 Retrieved 2013-08-04 Retrieved 2013-08-04 "Ray Kelly: The NYPD: Guilty of Saving 7,383 Lives" by Ray Kelly, Opinion: The Wall Street Journal", July 22, 2013 "Obama picks attorney Jeh Johnson for Homeland Security chief" by Jeff Mason, Washington Post October 17, 2013 Retrieved 2013-10-18. "Jeh Johnson confirmed as secretary of homeland security", CBSNews.com, December 16, 2013, Retrieved 2013-12-31 Rivera, Ray and William K. Rashbaum, "Police Leader Had Help With Harvard Club Dues", October 25, 2010 (October 26, 2010 p. A20 NY ed.). The Times credited nypdconfidential.com with first report of the Club affiliation arrangement. Retrieved 2010-10-26. Al Baker "Lawsuit Seeks Release of Police Commissioner's Schedule", New York Times, October 18, 2011 Baker, New York Times Oct. 18, 2011. Doll, Jen (26 September 2011). "Ray Kelly: the NYPD Could Take Down an Aircraft if Necessary". Running Scared. 36 Cooper Square, New York, NY: Village Voice. Archived from the original (Blog) on 27 March 2012. Retrieved 15 June 2022. Graham Rayman, "Ray Kelly's Top Spokesman Paul Browne Present When NYPD Whistleblower Hauled to Psych Ward, Lawsuit Says Archived 2013-09-05 at the Wayback Machine", Village Voice August 9, 2010. "Official New York City Government Biography". Nyc.gov. 2011-02-16. Retrieved 2014-03-07. JonasWeb. "About the Father of the Year Awards". Momanddadday.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Haynes, Kenneth (2 October 2009). "Ray Kelly set to be named Grand Marshal for New York's St Patrick's Day Parade". www.irishcentral.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2009. Retrieved 17 June 2022. Richard A. Cook Gold Medal Award - The Hundred Year Association. 100yearassociation.com. Retrieved on 2013-08-16. Grand Marshal and Aides for the 249th NYC St Patrick's Parade Installed Archived 2011-07-27 at the Wayback Machine, January 16, 2010 "Commissioner Ray Kelly". Irish America. 875 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY: Summer. 2012. Archived from the original (Hall of Fame Profile) on 2 November 2021. Retrieved 15 June 2022. "A former-marine, a beat cop and the only person ever to serve two, non-consecutive terms as New York City Police Commissioner, Raymond P. Kelly has dedicated his life to serving his country and his city." External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Raymond W. Kelly. On the Front Line in the War on Terrorism, City Journal, Summer 2007 Archived 2011-01-03 at the Wayback Machine A film clip "The Open Mind - Terrorism and the Top Cop (2004)" is available for viewing at the Internet Archive Appearances on C-SPAN Police appointments Preceded by Lee Brown Police Commissioner of New York City 1992–1994 Succeeded by Bill Bratton Preceded by Bernie Kerik Police Commissioner of New York City 2002–2013 Succeeded by Bill Bratton Political offices Preceded by George Weise Commissioner of the United States Customs Service 1998–2001 Succeeded by Robert Bonner Preceded by Ronald Noble Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence 1996–1998 Succeeded by James Johnson vte New York City Police Commissioners M. C. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In criminal law, a conspiracy is an agreement between two or more persons to commit a crime at some time in the future.[1] Criminal law in some countries or for some conspiracies may require that at least one overt act be undertaken in furtherance of that agreement, to constitute an offense. There is no limit to the number participating in the conspiracy and, in most countries, the plan itself is the crime, so there is no requirement that any steps have been taken to put the plan into effect (compare attempts which require proximity to the full offense). For the purposes of concurrence, the actus reus is a continuing one and parties may join the plot later and incur joint liability and conspiracy can be charged where the co-conspirators have been acquitted or cannot be traced. Finally, repentance by one or more parties does not affect liability (unless, in some cases, it occurs before the parties have committed overt acts) but may reduce their sentence. An unindicted co-conspirator, or unindicted conspirator, is a person or entity that is alleged in an indictment to have engaged in conspiracy, but who is not charged in the same indictment. Prosecutors choose to name persons as unindicted co-conspirators for a variety of reasons including grants of immunity, pragmatic considerations, and evidentiary concerns. England and Wales Common law offence At common law, the crime of conspiracy was capable of infinite growth, able to accommodate any new situation and to criminalize it if the level of threat to society was sufficiently great. The courts were therefore acting in the role of the legislature to create new offences and, following the Law Commission Report No. 76 on Conspiracy and Criminal Law Reform,[2] the Criminal Law Act 1977 produced a statutory offence and abolished all the common law varieties of conspiracy, except two: that of conspiracy to defraud, and that of conspiracy to corrupt public morals or to outrage public decency. Conspiracy to defraud Further information: conspiracy to defraud Section 5(2) of the Criminal Law Act 1977 preserved the common law offence of conspiracy to defraud.[3] Conspiracy to defraud was defined in Scott v Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis per Viscount Dilhorne:[4] "to defraud" ordinarily means ... to deprive a person dishonestly of something which is his or of something to which he is or would or might but for the perpetration of the fraud be entitled. ... an agreement by two or more [persons] by dishonesty to deprive a person of something which is his or to which he is or would be or might be entitled [or] an agreement by two or more by dishonesty to injure some proprietary right of his suffices to constitute the offence. Conspiracy to corrupt public morals or to outrage public decency Section 5(3) Criminal Law Act 1977[5] preserved the common law offence of conspiracy to corrupt public morals or of conspiracy to outrage public decency. Conspiracy to corrupt public morals is an offence under the common law of England and Wales.[6] Conspiracy to outrage public decency is an offence under the common law of England and Wales.[7] Section 5(1) of the Criminal Law Act 1977 does not affect the common law offence of conspiracy if, and in so far as, it can be committed by entering into an agreement to engage in conduct which tends to corrupt public morals, or which outrages public decency, but which does not amount to or involve the commission of an offence if carried out by a single person otherwise than in pursuance of an agreement.[5] One authority maintains that conspiracy to "corrupt public morals" has no definitive case law, that it is unknown whether or not it is a substantive offence, and that it is unlikely that conspirators will be prosecuted for this offence.[8] These two offences cover situations where, for example, a publisher encourages immoral behaviour through explicit content in a magazine or periodical, as in the 1970 case of Knuller (Publishing, Printing and Promotions) Ltd v Director of Public Prosecutions, which ultimately was decided in 1973 by the House of Lords. In the 1991 case of R v Rowley,[9] the defendant left notes in public places over a period of three weeks offering money and presents to boys with the intention of luring them for immoral purposes, but there was nothing lewd, obscene or disgusting in the notes, nor were they printed by a news magazine at the behest of Rowley, which would have invoked the element of conspiracy. The judge ruled that the jury was entitled to look at the purpose behind the notes in deciding whether they were lewd or disgusting. On appeal against conviction, it was held that an act outraging public decency required a deliberate act which was in itself lewd, obscene or disgusting, so Rowley's motive in leaving the notes was irrelevant and, since there was nothing in the notes themselves capable of outraging public decency, the conviction was quashed. Statutory offence This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) This offence was created as a result of the Law Commission's recommendations in their Report, Conspiracy and Criminal Law Reform, 1976, Law Com No 76. This was part of the commission's programme of codification of the criminal law. The eventual aim was to abolish all the remaining common law offences and replace them, where appropriate, with offences precisely defined by statute. The common law offences were seen as unacceptably vague and open to development by the courts in ways which might offend the principle of certainty. There was an additional problem that it could be a criminal conspiracy at common law to engage in conduct which was not in itself a criminal offence: see Law Com No 76, para 1.7. This was a major mischief at which the 1977 Act was aimed,[citation needed] although it retained the convenient concept of a common law conspiracy to defraud: see Law Com No 76, paras 1.9 and 1.16. Henceforward, according to the Law Commission, it would only be an offence to agree to engage in a course of conduct which was itself a criminal offence. Section 1(1) of the Criminal Law Act 1977 provides: if a person agrees with any other person or persons that a course of conduct shall be pursued which, if the agreement is carried out in accordance with their intentions, either – (a) will necessarily amount to or involve the commission of any offence or offences by one or more of the parties to the agreement, or (b) would do so but for the existence of facts which render the commission of the offence or any of the offences impossible, [added by S.5 Criminal Attempts Act 1981] he is guilty of conspiracy to commit the offence or offences in question. Section 1A (inserted by the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Act 1998, s. 5) bans conspiracies part of which occurred in England and Wales to commit an act or the happening of some other event outside the United Kingdom which constitutes an offence under the law in force in that country or territory. Many conditions apply including that prosecutions need consent from the Attorney General. Exceptions Under section 2(1) the intended victim of the offence cannot be guilty of conspiracy. Under section 2(2) there can be no conspiracy where the only other person(s) to the agreement are: a spouse or civil partner; a person under the age of criminal responsibility; or an intended victim of that offence. Mens rea There must be an agreement between two or more persons. The mens rea of conspiracy is a separate issue from the mens rea required of the substantive crime. Lord Bridge in R v Anderson – quoted in R v Hussain said:[10] an essential ingredient in the crime of conspiring to commit a specific offence or offences under section 1(1) of the Act of 1977 is that the accused should agree that a course of conduct be pursued which he knows must involve the commission by one or more of the parties to the agreement of that offence or those offences. Lord Bridge in R v Anderson also said: But, beyond the mere fact of agreement, the necessary mens rea of the crime is, in my opinion, established if, and only if, it is shown that the accused, when he entered into the agreement, intended to play some part in the agreed course of conduct in furtherance of the criminal purpose which the agreed course of action was intended to achieve. Nothing less will suffice; nothing more is required. It is not therefore necessary for any action to be taken in furtherance of the criminal purpose in order for a conspiracy offence to have been committed. This distinguishes a conspiracy from an attempt (which necessarily does involve a person doing an act): see Criminal Attempts Act 1981. Things said or done by one conspirator Lord Steyn in R v Hayter said:[11] The rule about confessions is subject to exceptions. Keane, The Modern Law of Evidence 5th ed., (2000) p 385–386, explains: In two exceptional situations, a confession may be admitted not only as evidence against its maker but also as evidence against a co-accused implicated thereby. The first is where the co-accused by his words or conduct accepts the truth of the statement so as to make all or part of it a confession statement of his own. The second exception, which is perhaps best understood in terms of implied agency, applies in the case of conspiracy: statements (or acts) of one conspirator which the jury is satisfied were said (or done) in the execution or furtherance of the common design are admissible in evidence against another conspirator, even though he was not present at the time, to prove the nature and scope of the conspiracy, provided that there is some independent evidence to show the existence of the conspiracy and that the other conspirator was a party to it. History According to Edward Coke, conspiracy was originally a statutory remedy against false accusation and prosecution by "a consultation and agreement between two or more to appeal or indict an innocent man falsely and maliciously of felony, whom they cause to be indicted and appealed; and afterward the party is lawfully acquitted".[12] In Poulterer's Case, 77 Eng. Rep. 813 (K.B. 1611), the court reasoned that the thrust of the crime was the confederating of two or more, and dropped the requirement that an actual indictment of an innocent take place, whereby precedent was set that conspiracy only need involve an attempted crime, and that the agreement was the act, which enabled subsequent holdings against an agreement to commit any crime, not just that originally proscribed.[12] Conspiracy to trespass In Kamara v Director of Public Prosecutions,[13] nine students, who were nationals of Sierra Leone, appealed their convictions for conspiracy to trespass, and unlawful assembly. These persons, together with others who did not appeal, conspired to occupy the London premises of the High Commissioner for Sierra Leone in order to publicize grievances against the government of that country. Upon their arrival at the commission, they threatened the caretaker with an imitation firearm and locked him in a reception room with ten other members of the staff. The students then held a press conference on the telephone, but the caretaker was able to contact the police, who arrived, released the prisoners, and arrested the accused. In this case the Court felt that the public interest was clearly involved because of the statutory duty of the British Government to protect diplomatic premises. Lauton J delivered the judgment of the Court of Appeal dismissing the appeal from conviction.[14] Conspiracy to corrupt public morals and conspiracy to outrage public decency See also: Wolfenden report These offences were at one time tied up with prostitution and homosexual behaviour. After the Second World War, due to the fame of several convicts, the Wolfenden report was commissioned by government, and was published in 1957. Thereupon came the publication of several books, both pro and contra the report. Of these books we can isolate two representatives: Lord Devlin wrote in favour of societal norms, or morals, while H. L. A. Hart wrote that the state could ill regulate private conduct. In May 1965, Devlin is reported to have conceded defeat.[15] The Street Offences Act 1959 prohibited England's prostitutes from soliciting in the streets. One Shaw published a booklet containing prostitutes' names and addresses; each woman listed had paid Shaw for her advertisement. A 1962 majority in the House of Lords not only found the appellant guilty of a statutory offence (living on the earnings of prostitution), but also of the "common law misdemeanour of conspiracy to corrupt public morals".[16] In the case of Knuller (Publishing, Printing and Promotions) Ltd v DPP, which was decided 1973 in the House of Lords,[17] the appellants were directors of a company which published a fortnightly magazine. On an inside page under a column headed "Males" advertisements were inserted inviting readers to meet the advertisers for the purpose of homosexual practices. The appellants were convicted on counts of conspiracy to corrupt public morals, and conspiracy to outrage public decency. The appeal on count 1 was dismissed, while the appeal on count 2 was allowed because in the present case there had been a misdirection in relation to the meaning of "decency" and the offence of "outrage". The list of cases consulted in the ratio decidendi is lengthy, and the case of Shaw v DPP[16] is a topic of furious discussion. Conspiracy to effect a public mischief In Withers v Director of Public Prosecutions,[18] which reached the House of Lords in 1974, it was unanimously held that conspiracy to effect a public mischief was not a separate and distinct class of criminal conspiracy. This overruled earlier decisions to the contrary effect. The Law Commission published a consultation paper on this subject in 1975.[19] Conspiracy to murder The offence of conspiracy to murder was created in statutory law by section 4 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861. Northern Ireland Common law offence See Conspiracy to defraud § Northern Ireland. Statutory offence See Part IV of the Criminal Attempts and Conspiracy (Northern Ireland) Order 1983 (S.I. 1983/1120 (N.I. 13)). United States Conspiracy has been defined in the United States as an agreement of two or more people to commit a crime, or to accomplish a legal end through illegal actions.[20][21] Conspiracy law usually does not require proof of specific intent by the defendants to injure any specific person to establish an illegal agreement. Instead, usually the law requires only that the conspirators have agreed to engage in a certain illegal act. However, the application of conspiracy laws requires a tacit agreement among members of a group to commit a crime. Such laws allow the government to charge a defendant regardless of whether the planned criminal act has been committed or the possibility of the crime being carried out successfully.[22] In most U.S. jurisdictions, for a person to be convicted of conspiracy, not only must he or she agree to commit a crime, but at least one of the conspirators must commit an overt act (the actus reus) in furtherance of the crime.[23] However, in United States v. Shabani the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that this "overt act" element is not required under the federal drug conspiracy statute, 21 U.S.C. section 846. The conspirators can be guilty even if they do not know the identity of the other members of the conspiracy.[24] California criminal law is somewhat representative of other jurisdictions. A punishable conspiracy exists when at least two people form an agreement to commit a crime,[25] and at least one of them does some act in furtherance to committing the crime.[26] Each person is punishable in the same manner and to the same extent as is provided for the punishment of the crime itself.[25] One example of this is the Han twins murder conspiracy case, where one twin sister attempted to hire two youths to have her twin sister killed. One important feature of a conspiracy charge is that it relieves prosecutors of the need to prove the particular roles of conspirators. If two persons plot to kill another (and this can be proven), and the victim is indeed killed as a result of the actions of either conspirator, it is not necessary to prove with specificity which of the conspirators actually pulled the trigger. (Otherwise, both conspirators could conceivably handle the gun, leaving two sets of fingerprints and then demand acquittals for both, based on the fact that the prosecutor would be unable to prove, beyond a reasonable doubt, which of the two conspirators pulled the trigger.) A conspiracy conviction requires proof that (a) the conspirators did indeed conspire to commit the crime, and (b) the crime was committed by an individual involved in the conspiracy.[citation needed] Proof of which individual it was is usually not necessary. It is also an option for prosecutors, when bringing conspiracy charges, to decline to indict all members of the conspiracy (though the existence of all members may be mentioned in an indictment). Such unindicted co-conspirators are commonly found when the identities or whereabouts of members of a conspiracy are unknown, or when the prosecution is concerned only with a particular individual among the conspirators. This is common when the target of the indictment is an elected official or an organized crime leader, and the co-conspirators are persons of little or no public importance. More famously, President Richard Nixon was named as an unindicted co-conspirator by the Watergate special prosecutor, in an event leading up to his eventual resignation. Conspiracy against the United States Main article: Conspiracy against the United States Conspiracy against the United States, or conspiracy to defraud the United States,[27] is a federal offense in the United States under 18 U.S.C. § 371. The crime is that of two or more persons who conspire to commit an offense against the United States, or to defraud the United States. Conspiracy against rights See also: Conspiracy against rights The United States has a federal statute dealing with conspiracies to deprive a citizen of rights secured by the U.S. Constitution.[28] Unindicted co-conspirators The United States Attorneys' Manual generally recommends against naming unindicted co-conspirators, although their use is not generally prohibited by law or policy.[29] Some commentators have raised due-process concerns over the use of unindicted co-conspirators.[30] Although there have been few cases on the subject, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals addressed these concerns in 1975 United States v. Briggs.[31] President Richard Nixon The term unindicted co-conspirator was familiarized in 1974 when then U.S. President Richard Nixon was named as an unindicted co-conspirator in indictments stemming from the Watergate Investigation. Nixon was not indicted, because of concerns about whether the United States Constitution allowed the indictment of a sitting President (see Executive privilege). President Donald Trump The term unindicted co-conspirator made a resurgence in the public discourse when U.S. President Donald Trump was allegedly named as an unindicted co-conspirator in the conviction of Trump's lawyer Michael Cohen for lying to Congress, tax evasion, uttering fraudulent documents, and campaign finance offenses. Although Trump was not named explicitly, with the term "Un-indicted co-conspirator number 1" used instead, Michael Cohen subsequently testified in congress that "Un-indicted co-conspirator number 1" referred to Donald Trump.[32] Mueller investigation Main article: Mueller special counsel investigation Special counsel Robert Mueller used "coordination" and "conspiracy" in a synonymous fashion as he looked for evidence of agreed coordination, not just a mutual understanding ("two parties taking actions that were informed by or responsive to the other's actions or interests"). Mueller expressly explained why he was not interested in proving mere collusion, which he, for the purposes of his investigation, determined was not the same as "conspiracy". There had to be "coordination", which implies a conscious "agreement": From Mueller special counsel investigation#Conspiracy vs collusion: To establish whether a crime was committed by members of the Trump campaign with regard to Russian interference, investigators "applied the framework of conspiracy law", and not the concept of "collusion", because collusion "is not a specific offense or theory of liability found in the United States Code, nor is it a term of art in federal criminal law".[33][34][35] They also investigated if members of the Trump campaign "coordinated" with Russia, using the definition of "coordination" as having "an agreement — tacit or express — between the Trump campaign and the Russian government on election interference". Investigators further elaborated that merely having "two parties taking actions that were informed by or responsive to the other's actions or interests" was not enough to establish coordination.[36] The report writes that the investigation "identified numerous links between the Russian government and the Trump campaign", found that Russia "perceived it would benefit from a Trump presidency" and that the 2016 Trump presidential campaign "expected it would benefit electorally" from Russian hacking efforts. However, ultimately "the investigation did not establish that members of the Trump campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities".[37][38] The evidence was not necessarily complete due to encrypted, deleted, or unsaved communications as well as false, incomplete, or declined testimony.[39][40][41][42][43] Japan See also: Anti-Conspiracy Bill [relevant?] The United Nations special rapporteur Joseph Cannataci wrote a letter to the Japanese Prime-Minister, Shinzō Abe, expressing concerns about Anti-Conspiracy Bill. Hajime Yoshikawa is opposed to the Anti-Conspiracy Bill.[44] Tadashi Shimizu is against the passed Anti-Conspiracy Bill.[45] An opposition party recently accused the prime minister of influencing a government decision to fund and approve a veterinary school at a university owned by Mr Abe's friend.[46] Edward Snowden said "This is the beginning of a new wave of mass surveillance in Japan, not well explained focuses on terrorism and everything else that's not related to terrorism – things like taking plants from the forestry reserve, And the only real understandable answer (to the government's desire to pass the bill)...is that this is a bill that authorizes the use of surveillance in new ways because now everyone can be a criminal. " And Snowden said it should include strong guarantees of human rights and privacy and ensure that those guarantees are "not enforced through the words of politicians but through the actions of courts." "This means in advance of surveillance, in all cases the government should seek an individualized warrant, and individualized authorization that this surveillance is lawful and appropriate in relationship to the threat that's presented by the police," he said.[47] International law See also: Criminal responsibility in French law This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Criminal conspiracy" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (September 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Conspiracy law was used at the Nuremberg Trials for members of the Nazi leadership charged with participating in a "conspiracy or common plan" to commit international crimes. This was controversial because conspiracy was not a part of the European civil law tradition. Nonetheless, the crime of conspiracy continued in international criminal justice, and was incorporated into the international criminal laws against genocide. Of the Big Five, only the French Republic exclusively subscribed to the civil law; the USSR subscribed to the socialist law, the U.S. and the U.K. followed the common law; and the Republic of China did not have a cause of action at this particular proceeding. (In addition, both the civil and the customary law were upheld.) The jurisdiction of the International Military Tribunal was unique and extraordinary at its time, being a court convened under the law of nations and the laws and customs of war. It was the first of its sort in human history, and found several defendants not guilty. See also Civil conspiracy List of political conspiracies Footnotes "The Crime of Conspiracy is a Complicated Matter". Archived from the original on 21 August 2016. Retrieved 19 September 2016. Report on Conspiracy and Criminal Law Reform [1976] EWLC 76 (1 January 1976) "Criminal Law Act 1977: Section 5", legislation.gov.uk, The National Archives, 1977 c. 45 (s. 5) Scott v Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis (1974) UKHL 4; [1975] AC 819, 839 "Criminal Law Act 1977: Section 5", legislation.gov.uk, The National Archives, 1977 c. 45 (s. 5) Shaw v Director of Public Prosecutions [1962] AC 220, [1961] 2 WLR 897, [1961] 2 All ER 446, 125 JP 437, 105 Sol Jo 421, 45 Cr App R 113, HL; Knuller (Publishing, Printing and Promotions) Ltd v Director of Public Prosecutions Archived 24 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine [1973] AC 435, [1972] 3 WLR 143, [1972] 2 All ER 898, 136 JP 728, 116 Sol Jo 545, 56 Cr App R 633, HL Knuller (Publishing, Printing and Promotions) Ltd v Director of Public Prosecutions Archived 24 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine; [1973] AC 435, [1972] 3 WLR 143, [1972] 2 All ER 898, 136 JP 728, 116 Sol Jo 545, 56 Cr App R 633, HL (Lords Diplock and Reid dissenting) Herring, Jonathan (2008). Criminal Law: Text, Cases and Materials (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 812. ISBN 978-0-19-923432-5. R v Rowley, [1991] 4 All ER 649 "Hussain R. v [2005] EWCA Crim 87 (07 June 2005)". "At paragraph 125" R v Hayter [2005] UKHL 6 (3 February 2005) at paragraph 25 Burke, James; Kadish, Sandord; Kahan, Dan M., eds. (2002). "Conspiracy". Encyclopedia of Crime and Justice. Vol. 1 (2nd ed.). pp. 241–42. Kamara v Director of Public Prosecutions [1974] AC 104, [1973] 3 WLR 198, [1973] 2 All ER 1242, 117 Sol Jo 581, 57 Cr App R 880, HL MacKinnon, Peter (September 1977). "Conspiracy and Sedition as Canadian Political Crimes". McGill Law Journal. 23 (4). "Law on Homosexuals". The Times. No. 56318. 11 May 1965. p. 13. Retrieved 20 July 2012. Shaw v DPP [1962] AC 220 (HL). Knuller (Publishing, Printing and Promotions) Ltd v DPP [1972] 2 All E.R. 898 (HL) and [1973] 435 AC Archived 24 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine Withers v DPP [1974] 3 WLR 751, HL The Law Commission. "Codification of the Criminal Law: Conspiracies to effect a public mischief and to commit a civil wrong". Working Paper No 63. 1975. para. 4 to 30 "Conspiracy". Wex. Cornell Law School. Retrieved 16 October 2021. "Federal Conspiracy Law: A Brief Overview" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. 3 April 2020. Retrieved 16 October 2021. Cobb, Wendy N. Whitman. "Conspiracy Laws". www.mtsu.edu. "Georgia Conspiracy Lawyer | Conspiracy Defense | Overt Act". Kohn & Yager. Retrieved 9 December 2016. See United States v. Monroe, 73 F.3d 129 (7th Cir. 1995), aff'd., 124 F.3d 206 (7th Cir. 1997). "California Code, Penal Code – PEN § 182". FindLaw. Retrieved 17 November 2020. "California Code, Penal Code – PEN § 184". FindLaw. Retrieved 17 November 2020. § 923, 18 U.S.C. § 371—Conspiracy to Defraud the United States, U.S. Department of Justice's United States Attorneys' Manual. 18 U.S.C. § 241 "9-11.130 Limitation on Naming Persons as Unindicted Co-Conspirators". United States Attorneys' Manual. Offices of the United States Attorneys. April 2018. Retrieved 26 June 2008. Robbins, Ira P. (2004). "Guilty Without Charge: Assessing the Due Process Rights of Unindicted Co-Conspirators". Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals: 1–26. Retrieved 18 May 2018. "United States v. Briggs, 514 F.2d 794 (5th Cir. 1975)". Casetext. Casetext, Inc. 12 June 1975. Retrieved 18 May 2018. Lind, Dara (27 February 2019). "Michael Cohen: "Individual 1 is Donald J. Trump"". Vox. Morais, Betsy (18 April 2019). "Collusion by any other name". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved 23 April 2019. Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 2: In evaluating whether evidence about collective action of multiple individuals constituted a crime, we applied the framework of conspiracy law, not the concept of "collusion." In so doing, the Office recognized that the word "collud[e]" was used in communications with the Acting Attorney General confirming certain aspects of the investigation's scope and that the term has frequently been invoked in public reporting about the investigation. But collusion is not a specific offense or theory of liability found in the United States Code, nor is it a term of art in federal criminal law. For those reasons, the Office's focus in analyzing questions of joint criminal liability was on conspiracy as defined in federal law. Desiderio, Andrew; Cheney, Kyle (24 July 2019). "Mueller refutes Trump's 'no collusion, no obstruction' line". Politico. Retrieved 21 April 2022. Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 2: In connection with that analysis, we addressed the factual question whether members of the Trump Campaign "coordinat[ed]" — a term that appears in the appointment order — with Russian election interference activities. Like collusion, "coordination" does not have a settled definition in federal criminal law. We understood coordination to require an agreement — tacit or express — between the Trump Campaign and the Russian government on election interference. That requires more than the two parties taking actions that were informed by or responsive to the other's actions or interests. We applied the term coordination in that sense when stating in the report that the investigation did not establish that the Trump Campaign coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities. Ostriker, Rebecca; Puzzanghera, Jim; Finucane, Martin; Datar, Saurabh; Uraizee, Irfan; Garvin, Patrick. "What the Mueller report says about Trump and more". The Boston Globe. Retrieved 22 April 2019. Law, Tara. "Here Are the Biggest Takeaways From the Mueller Report". Time. Retrieved 22 April 2019. Mueller Report, Vol. 1, p. 10: The investigation did not always yield admissible information or testimony, or a complete picture of the activities undertaken by subjects of the investigation. Some individuals invoked their Fifth Amendment right against compelled self-incrimination and were not, in the Office's judgment, appropriate candidates for grants of immunity. The Office limited its pursuit of other witnesses and information-such as information known to attorneys or individuals claiming to be members of the media-in light of internal Department of Justice policies. See, e.g., Justice Manual §§ 9–13.400, 13.410. Some of the information obtained via court process, moreover, was presumptively covered by legal privilege and was screened from investigators by a filter (or "taint") team. Even when individuals testified or agreed to be interviewed, they sometimes provided information that was false or incomplete, leading to some of the false-statements charges described above. And the Office faced practical limits on its ability to access relevant evidence as well-numerous witnesses and subjects lived abroad, and documents were held outside the United States. Further, the Office learned that some of the individuals we interviewed or whose conduct we investigated-including some associated with the Trump Campaign—deleted relevant communications or communicated during the relevant period using applications that feature encryption or that do not provide for long-term retention of data or communications records. In such cases, the Office was not able to corroborate witness statements through comparison to contemporaneous communications or fully question witnesses about statements that appeared inconsistent with other known facts. "The Surprises in the Mueller Report". Politico. Ratnam, Gopal (19 April 2019). "Mueller says messaging apps likely destroyed Trump-Russia evidence". Roll Call. Lemon, Jason (18 April 2019). "Trump campaign figures deleted communications before Mueller could see them, potentially altering report". Newsweek. Retrieved 8 May 2019. Yen, Hope. "AP Fact Check: Trump, Barr distort Mueller report findings". Associated Press. Retrieved 2 May 2019. "4,200 citizens rally to scrap anti-conspiracy bill". Retrieved 9 December 2017. "LATEST: Japanese upper house passes controversial anti-conspiracy bill". Archived from the original on 6 August 2017. Retrieved 9 December 2017. "Japan passes controversial anti-terror conspiracy law". BBC News. 15 June 2017. Retrieved 9 December 2017. "Whistleblower Snowden warns of looming mass surveillance in Japan". Kyodo News. 2 June 2017. Retrieved 20 January 2018.

A secret history of the CIA in Chile: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/how-to-rig-an-election-and-end-a United States intervention in Chilean politics started during the War of Chilean Independence (1812–1826). The influence of United States in both the economic and the political arenas of Chile has since gradually increased over the last two centuries, and continues to be significant. Chilean independence The arrival of Joel Roberts Poinsett, in 1811, marked the beginning of U.S. involvement in Chilean politics. He had been sent by President James Madison in 1809 as a special agent to the South American Spanish colonies (a position he filled from 1810 to 1814) to investigate the prospects of the revolutionaries, in their struggle for independence from Spain. War scare of 1891 During the 1891 Chilean Civil War, the U.S. backed President José Manuel Balmaceda, as a way to increase their influence in Chile, while Britain backed the successful Congressional forces. Itata incident Main article: Itata incident The Itata incident concerned an attempted shipment in 1891 by the ship Itata of arms purchased in California. The US Navy intercepted the ship and seized the arms. Baltimore crisis Main article: Baltimore crisis Washington sent a warship to Chile to protect American interests. The crew of the Baltimore took shore leave at Valparaiso. During the US sailors' shore leave on 16 October 1891, a mob of enraged Chileans angry about the Itata's capture, attacked them. Two American sailors were killed, 17 were wounded and 36 others were jailed. That Valparaiso riot prompted saber rattling from enraged US officials. A war between the U.S. and Chile was remotely possible. Chile's foreign minister escalated the tension but in Washington Secretary of State James G. Blaine cooled off the hotheads. The crisis ended when the Chilean government bowed, and while maintaining that the seamen were to blame for the riot paid an indemnity of $75,000 to the victims' families.[1] First half of the 20th century See also: Law of Permanent Defense of Democracy and South American dreadnought race United States involvement in Chilean affairs intensified in the early decades of the 20th century. After World War I, the United States replaced Britain as the leading superpower controlling most of Chile's resources, as most economic activity in the country lay in US hands. Such a change prevented Chile from profiting as a result of the war and gaining its financial independence. The dependence on the United States formally began in the early years of the 1920s as two major US companies Anaconda and Kennecott took control of the valuable resources. Up until the 1970s, "both industries controlled between 7% to 20% of the country's Gross Domestic Product".[2] The conclusion of World War II brought more of the same as Chile could not even exploit the "excess of copper they produced as almost all the copper was marketed through subsidiaries of United States copper firms established in Chile for whom the allied government fixed a ceiling price upon copper products during the course of the war."[3] As the working class demanded an improvement in their standard of living, higher wages and improved working conditions, the notion that a leftist government could be the solution for the people began to take form. 1950s and 1960s See also: Project Camelot During the 1950s and 1960s, the United States put forward a variety of programs and strategies, ranging from funding political campaigns to funding propaganda, aimed at impeding the presidential aspirations of leftist candidate Salvador Allende, who served as President of the Senate (1966–1969) before running a final time to become the 28th President of Chile, which lasted until his death in 1973.[4] Throughout these two decades, left-wing parties in Chile failed to gain power, in part due to the fact that the United States was, verifiably, impeding the left wing parties through various means. In the 1958 presidential election, Jorge Alessandri – a nominal independent with support from the Liberal and Conservative parties – defeated Allende by nearly 33,500 votes to claim the presidency.[5] His laissez-faire policies, endorsed by the United States, were regarded as the solution to the country's inflation problems. Under recommendations from the United States, Alessandri steadily reduced tariffs starting in 1959, a policy that caused the Chilean market to be overwhelmed by American product.[5] These governmental policies angered the working class of Chile, who demanded higher wages, and the repercussions of this massive discontent were felt in the 1961 congressional elections. The president suffered terrible blows,[clarification needed] sending the message that laissez-faire policies were not desired. As the "grand total of $130 million from the U.S. banking Industry, the U.S. Treasury Department, the IMF and the ICA"[6] accepted by Alessandri illustrates, laissez-faire policies may have induced the opposite of the intended effect – making Chile more dependent on the United States, not less. Presidential candidate Salvador Allende was a top contender in the 1964 election. The US, through the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), covertly spent three million dollars campaigning against him,[7] before and after the election, mostly through radio and print advertising. The Americans viewed electing Christian Democratic contender Eduardo Frei Montalva as vital, fearing that Alessandri's failures would lead the people to support Allende. Allende was feared by the Americans because of his warm relations with Cuba and his open criticism of the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Furthermore, clandestine aid to Frei was put forward through John F. Kennedy's Latin American Alliance for Progress, which promised "$20 billion in public and private assistance in the country for the next decade."[8] The 1970 election According to a U.S. Senate select committee, publishing a Church Commission Report in 1975 to describe international abuses committed by the CIA, NSA, and FBI, covert United States involvement in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973 was "extensive and continuous". The CIA spent $8 million in the three years between 1970 and the military coup of September 1973,[7] with over $3 million allocated toward Chilean intervention in 1972 alone. Covert American activity was present in almost every major election in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973, but its tangible effect on electoral outcomes is not altogether clear. Chile, more than any of its South American neighbors, had a long-standing democratic tradition dating back to the early 1930s, and it has been difficult to gauge how successful CIA tactics were in swaying voters.[citation needed] A declassified file from August 19, 1970, reveals the minutes of high-level officials in the CIA known as the "Special Review Group."[9][10] It was chaired by Henry Kissinger and was sanctioned by then-president Nixon. This was one of several documents released as part of the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series dedicated toward US-Chilean interventionalism – collectively known as Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973[11] and Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973[12] – that revealed a detailed account of correspondences between each of these officials, telegrams from the Chilean embassy, memorandums, and "Special Reports" concerning the state of affairs in Chile. For instance, a National Intelligence Estimate from January 28, 1969, stated the problems and conclusions that senior officials in Washington identified over the proliferating crisis in Chile.[13] The document indicates that the 1970 election stood above all other issues as of critical importance, with Chile's political and economic stability depending heavily on that particular election's outcome; the document notes the possibility of out of control economic stagnation and inflation in Chile as concerns. The conclusions of the document suggest that factionalism needed to be addressed, and expounded on United States interests in copper extraction companies operating in Chile.[13] The election represented the potential for important economic relations to collapse or continue. The document further focuses on potential ramifications if the election outcome were to not align with US interests.[13] At a 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, the chairman of the committee asked for an analysis of where the US/CIA stood in terms of taking action to prevent Allende from becoming President of Chile. William Broe, a high-ranking CIA officer, said Eduardo Frei Montalva, the 29th President of Chile, was essential to the situation in Chile, regardless of the type of involvement — military or congressional. The 40 Committee asked that the CIA collect information and create more intelligence reports to see what could be further done in Chile. The committee decided it was unlikely they were going to be able to influence the 24 Oct, congressional election to go against Allende. Helms was also concerned about Allende supporters in the Chilean military, as it seemed they would support Allende in the event of a coup. As a result of all this information, the Committee decided they wanted a full analysis of two things: (1.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing a military (Chilean) coup; (2.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing future oppositions to Allende to topple his influence. This presented two options for Henry Kissinger: political maneuvering or outright force.[14] Four days after the 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, a cable between Richard Helms and Henry Kissinger discussed the lack of morale that the US embassy had in Chile according to the American Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry. Kissinger stated in response that he would call another 40 Committee Meeting for the following Monday. Kissinger further noted: "We will not let Chile go down the drain." Allende presidency Salvador Allende ran again in the 1970 presidential election, winning a narrow victory plurality vote (near 37%). United States president Richard Nixon feared that Chile could become "another Cuba" and the US cut off most of its foreign aid to Chile. The US government believed that Allende would become closer to socialist countries, such as Cuba and the Soviet Union. They feared that Allende would push Chile into socialism, and therefore lose all of the US investments made in Chile.[15] On 15 September 1970; before Allende took office, Richard Nixon gave the order to overthrow Allende. According to a declassified document from the NSA, the handwritten notes from Richard Helms (CIA director at the time) state: "1 in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!; worth spending; not concerned; no involvement of embassy; $10,000,000 available, more if necessary; full-time job--best men we have; game plan; make the economy scream; 48 hours for plan of action." These notes came from a meeting Helms had with President Nixon, indicating the administration's willingness to stage a coup in Chile and the extent to which Nixon was willing to go to do so.[16] On 5 November 1970, Henry Kissinger advised President Nixon against peaceful coexistence with the Allende administration and instead advocated one of two positions.[15] The U.S. government had two approaches to fighting Marxism as represented by Allende. "Track I" was a State Department initiative designed to thwart Allende by subverting Chilean elected officials within the bounds of the Chilean constitution and excluded the CIA. Track I expanded to encompass some policies whose ultimate goal was to create the conditions that would encourage a coup.[17] "Track II" was a CIA operation overseen by Henry Kissinger and CIA's director of covert operations, Thomas Karamessines. "Track II" excluded the State Department and Department of Defense.[17] The goal of Track II was to find and support Chilean military officers that would support a coup. Immediately after the Allende government came into office, the U.S. sought to place pressure[18] on the Allende government to prevent its consolidation and limit its ability to implement policies contrary to U.S. and hemispheric interests, such as Allende's total nationalization of several U.S. corporations and the copper industry. Nixon directed that no new bilateral economic aid commitments be undertaken with the government of Chile. The US supported Allende's opponents in Chile during his presidency, intending to encourage either Allende's resignation, his overthrow, or his defeat in the election of 1976.[16] The Nixon administration covertly funded independent and non-state media and labor unions. Track I Track I was a U.S. State Department plan designed to persuade the Chilean Congress, through outgoing Christian Democratic President Eduardo Frei Montalva, to confirm conservative runner-up Jorge Alessandri as president. Alessandri would resign shortly after, rendering Frei eligible to run against Allende in new elections. As part of the "Track I" strategy to block Allende from assuming office after the 4 September election, the CIA needed to influence a Congressional run-off vote required by the Constitution since Allende did not win the absolute majority. Track II Main article: Project FUBELT The CIA had also drawn up a second plan, Track II. The agency would find military officers willing to support a coup and support them. They could then call new elections in which Allende could be defeated. In September 1970, President Nixon found that an Allende government in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million to stop Allende from coming to power or unseat him. As part of the Track II initiative, the CIA used false flag operatives to approach Chilean military officers, to encourage them to carry out a coup.[19] A first step to overthrowing Allende required removing General René Schneider, the army chief commander. Schneider was a constitutionalist and would oppose a coup d'état. To assist in the planned kidnapping of Schneider, the CIA provided "$50,000 in cash, three submachine guns, and a satchel of tear gas, all approved at headquarters ..."[20] The submachine guns were delivered by diplomatic pouch.[21] A group was formed, led by the retired General Roberto Viaux. Viaux was considered unstable by the U.S. and had been discouraged from attempting a coup alone. The CIA encouraged him to join forces with an active duty general, Camilo Valenzuela, who had also been approached by CIA operatives. They were joined by an Admiral, Hugo Tirado, who had been forced into retirement after the Tacnazo insurrection. On 22 October, Viaux went ahead with a plan to kidnap General René Schneider. Schneider drew a handgun to protect himself from his attackers, who shot him in four vital areas. He died in Santiago's military hospital three days later. This attempted kidnapping and death of Schneider shocked the public and increased support for the Chilean Constitution. This ultimately led to an extreme contrast to the expected outcome of a coup. The Chilean people rallied around their government which, in turn, overwhelmingly ratified Allende on 3 November 1970.[22] On 25 November 1970, Henry Kissinger issued a memorandum that detailed the Covert Action Program that the US would spearhead in Chile. In the memorandum, Kissinger stated that there were five principles of the program. The US would continue to have contacts in the Chilean military, take steps to divide Allende's supporters, cooperate with the media to run anti-Allende propaganda campaigns, support non-communist political parties in Chile, and publish materials that stated that Allende did not adhere to the democratic process and also wanted to form connections with Cuba and the Soviet Union.[23] A CIA and White House cover-up obscured American involvement, despite Congressional investigative efforts.[21] The Church Committee, which investigated U.S. involvement in Chile during this period, determined that the weapons used in the debacle "were, in all probability, not those supplied by the CIA to the conspirators." After Schneider's death, the CIA recovered the submachine guns and money it had provided.[24] Both Valenzuela and Viaux were arrested and convicted of conspiracy after Schneider's assassination. One member of the coup plotters that escaped arrest requested assistance from the CIA, and was paid $35,000, so "The CIA did, in fact, pay "hush" money to those directly responsible for the Schneider assassination—and then covered up that secret payment for thirty years."[21]: 34 [25] In 1970, the U.S. manufacturing company ITT Corporation owned 70% of Chitelco, the Chilean Telephone Company, and funded El Mercurio, a Chilean right-wing newspaper. The CIA used ITT as a conduit to financially aid opponents of Allende's government.[26][27] On 28 September 1973, ITT's headquarters in New York City, was bombed by the Weather Underground for the alleged involvement of the company in the overthrow of Allende.[28] On 10 September 2001, a suit was filed by the family of Schneider, accusing former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger of arranging Schneider's 1970 murder because he would have opposed a military coup.[29] CIA documents indicate that while the CIA had sought his kidnapping, his killing was never intended.[20]: 360  Kissinger said he had declared the coup "hopeless" and had "turned it off".[30] However, the CIA claimed that no such "stand-down" order was ever received.[31] 1973 coup Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état On September 11, 1973, Augusto Pinochet rose to power, overthrowing the democratically elected president Salvador Allende. A subsequent September 2000 report from the CIA, using declassified documents related to the military coup, found that the CIA "probably appeared to condone" the 1973 coup, but that there was "no evidence" that the US actually participated in it.[32] This view has been challenged by some authors, who have stated that the covert support of the United States was crucial to the preparation for the coup, the coup itself, and the consolidation of the regime afterward.[20][21][33] It seemed to the CIA that, even if this coup did not come together, Allende would still have a very difficult political future.[34] This point of view has been supported by non-scholarly commentary.[35][36] According to the CIA document "CIA Activities in Chile", dated 18 September 2000, the local CIA station suggested during late summer 1973 that the US commit itself to support a military coup. In response, CIA Headquarters reaffirmed to the station that "there was to be no involvement with the military in any covert action initiative; there was no support for instigating a military coup."[37] On the issue of CIA involvement in the 1973 coup, the CIA document is equally explicit: On 10 September 1973 – the day before the coup that ended the Allende government – a Chilean military officer reported to a CIA officer that a coup was being planned and asked for US government assistance. He was told that the US Government would not provide any assistance because this was strictly an internal Chilean matter. The Station Officer also told him his request would be forwarded to Washington. CIA learned of the exact date of the coup shortly before it took place. During the attack on the Presidential Palace and its immediate aftermath, the Station's activities were limited to providing intelligence and situation reports.[37] The report of the Church Committee, published in 1975, stated that during the period leading up to the coup, the CIA received information about potential coup plots. The intelligence network continued to report throughout 1972 and 1973 on coup plotting activities. During 1972 the Station continued to monitor the group which might mount a successful coup, and it spent a significantly greater amount of time and effort penetrating this group than it had on previous groups. This group had originally come to the Station's attention in October 1971. By January 1972 the Station had successfully penetrated it and was in contact through an intermediary with its leader.[38] Intelligence reporting on coup plotting reached two peak periods, one in the last week of June 1973 and the other during the end of August and the first two weeks in September. It is clear the CIA received intelligence reports on the coup planning of the group which carried out the successful September 11 coup throughout the months of July, August, and September 1973.[38] The Church report also considered the allegation that the US government involved itself in the 1973 coup: Was the United States DIRECTLY involved, covertly, in the 1973 coup in Chile? The Committee has found no evidence that it was.[38] There is no hard evidence of direct U.S. assistance to the coup, despite frequent allegations of such aid. Rather the United States – by its previous actions during Track II, its existing general posture of opposition to Allende, and the nature of its contacts with the Chilean military – probably gave the impression that it would not look with disfavor on a military coup. And U.S. officials in the years before 1973 may not always have succeeded in walking the thin line between monitoring indigenous coup plotting and actually stimulating it.[38] Transcripts of a phone conversation between Kissinger and Nixon reveal that they did not have a hand in the final coup. They do take credit for creating the conditions that led to the coup. Kissinger says that "they created the conditions as great as possible." Nixon and Kissinger also discussed how they would play this event with the media and lamented the fact that, if this were the era of Eisenhower, then they would be seen as heroes.[39] There was a PDB that had a section on Chile dated 11 September 1973 that is still completely censored, as was an entire page on Chile provided to Nixon on 8 September 1973. Additionally, a cable from CIA operative Jack Devine dated 10 September 1973, confirmed to top U.S. officials that the coup would take place the following day.[40] In collaboration with the coup, a Defense Intelligence Agency summary, also dated on 8 September and classified "Top Secret Umbra", provided detailed information on an agreement among the Chilean Army, Navy, and Air Force to move against Allende on 10 September. As the CIA denies its involvement in the coup, another cable sent from the agency on 8 September classified "Secret" had information on the Chilean Navy time and date to overthrow the government of President Allende. The cable also identified key Chilean officials who were supporting the coup.[40] The cables from around this time with another one stating that the coup was postponed in order to improve tactical coordination and would attempt the coup on 11 September.[40] A CIA intelligence report 25 October 1973, concerning General Arellano Stark, noted that Arellano had ordered the deaths of 21 political prisoners. Also, the disappearances of 14 other prisoners were also believed to be on the order of Arellano. General Arellano was considered Pinochet's right-hand man after the coup.[41] Historian Peter Winn has argued that the role of the CIA was crucial to the consolidation of power that followed the coup; the CIA helped fabricate a conspiracy against the Allende government, which Pinochet was then portrayed as preventing. He states that the coup itself was possible only through a three-year covert operation mounted by the United States. He also points out that the US imposed an "invisible blockade" that was designed to disrupt the economy under Allende, and contributed to the destabilization of the regime.[33] Peter Kornbluh, director of the National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project, argues in his book The Pinochet File[21] that the US was extensively involved and actively "fomented"[21] the 1973 coup. Authors Tim Weiner, in his book, Legacy of Ashes,[20] and Christopher Hitchens, in his book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger[42] similarly argue the case that US covert actions actively destabilized Allende's government and set the stage for the 1973 coup. Joaquin Fermandois criticized Kornbluh's "black and white" and "North American centered conception of world affairs", stating that a variety of internal and external factors also played a role and that a careful reading of the documentary record reveals the CIA was largely "impotent".[43] Conservative scholar Mark Falcoff alleged that Cuba and the Soviet Union supplied several hundred thousand dollars to the socialist and Marxist factions in the government.[44] Additionally, documents transcribed and provided by KGB defector Vasili Mitrokhin detail the relationship between Allende and the KGB starting in 1953.[45] Allende's KGB file documents "systematic contact" starting in 1961.[46] KGB support for Allende's 1970 campaign included $400,000 in initial financing, with additional funding including a "personal subsidy" of $50,000 to Allende, as well as bribing a left wing Senator $18,000 to persuade him not to stand as a presidential candidate and to remain within the Unidad Popular coalition.[47] Peter Winn noted that "the Chilean revolution always kept to its peaceful road, despite counterrevolutionary plots and violence." Moreover, this strong emphasis on nonviolence was precisely to avoid revolutionary terror which had blemished the reputations of the French, Russian and Cuban revolutions.[33] Allende later committed suicide, with an article in The Atlantic stating "he committed suicide under mysterious circumstances as troops surrounded his place, ushering in more than 15 years of military dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet".[48] Former CIA agent Jack Devine, who was active in the CIA agency during the time of the coup, told The Atlantic that overthrowing Allende's government was not the CIA's decision, but rather the decision of the White House, particularly President Nixon.[48] The coup and U.S. involvement remain an important episode, as a New York Times report in October 2017 indicates.[49] Pinochet regime See also: Operation Condor Operation Condor Background histories Events Government leaders Targeted militias Principal operatives Organizations responsible Locations Laws Archives and reports Reactions vte The U.S. provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses.[50] CIA documents show that the CIA had close contact with members of the Chilean secret police, DINA, and its chief Manuel Contreras (paid asset from 1975 to 1977 according to the CIA in 2000). Some have alleged that the CIA's one-time payment to Contreras is proof that the U.S. approved of Operation Condor and military repression within Chile. The CIA's official documents state that at one time, some members of the intelligence community recommended making Contreras into a paid contact because of his closeness to Pinochet; the plan was rejected based on Contreras' poor human rights track record, but a single payment was made due to a miscommunication.[1] In the description of the CIA's activities in Chile, it is acknowledged that one of their high-level contacts was more predisposed to committing abuse: "although the CIA had information indicating that a high-level contact was a hard-liner and therefore more likely to commit abuses, contact with him was allowed to continue in absence of concrete information about human rights abuses."[51] A report dated 24 May 1977 also describes the newfound human rights abuses that may have been occurring in Chile: "reports of gross violation of human rights in Chile, which had nearly ceased earlier this year, are again on the rise...the Pinochet government is reverting to the practices that jeopardized its international standing since the 1973 coup."[52] The document also details how these human rights violations could have caused a worsening of Chile's status on the international stage. It seems that the United States was unable to plan around these violations, as is referred to with the document's mention of high-ranking officials taking parts in the abuses also. On 6 March 2001, the New York Times reported the existence of a recently declassified State Department document revealing that the United States facilitated communications for Operation Condor. The document, a 1978 cable from Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was discovered by Professor J. Patrice McSherry of Long Island University, who had published several articles on Operation Condor. She called the cable "another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor."[53] In the cable, Ambassador White relates a conversation with General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, who told him that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "keep in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which covers all of Latin America". This installation is "employed to co-ordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries." White, whose message was sent to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the deaths of the 44 year old former Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier and his American colleague Ronni Moffitt. Her husband Michael Moffit was in the car during the bombing, but was the only survivor. "It would seem advisable," he suggests, "to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in U.S. interest." Chilean leader Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1976 The document was found among 16,000 State, CIA, White House, Defense, and Justice Department records released in November 2000 on the nearly 17-year long Pinochet dictatorship in Chile, and Washington's role in the violent coup that brought his military regime to power. The release was the fourth and final batch of records released under the Clinton Administration's special Chile Declassification Project. During the Pinochet regime, four American citizens were killed: Charles Horman, Frank Teruggi, Boris Weisfeiler, and Ronni Karpen Moffit. Later on, in late August 1976, the United States Government stated in a State Department Secret Memorandum, that the United States Government did play an indirect role in the death of one of the four American citizens, Charles Horman. The Secret Memorandum states: "Based on what we have, we are persuaded that: The GOC sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution. The GOC might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG. There is some circumstantial evidence to suggest: U.S. intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best, it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC. At worst, U.S. intelligence was aware the GOC saw Horman in a rather serious light and U.S. officials did nothing to discourage the logical outcome of GOC paranoia."- Department of State, Secret Memorandum, "Charles Horman Case," 25 August 1976 (uncensored version)[54][55] On 30 June 2014, a Chilean court ruled that the United States played a key role in the murders of Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi. According to Judge Jorge Zepeda, U.S. Navy Capt. Ray E. Davis, who commanded the U.S. Military Mission in Chile, gave information to the Chilean government about Horman and Teruggi that resulted in their arrest and execution in the days following the coup. The Chilean Supreme Court sought to have Davis extradited from Florida to stand trial, but he was secretly living in Santiago and died in a nursing home in 2013.[56] In a document declassified under the Obama administration's Chilean declassification project, documents were released stating that the CIA suspected Pinochet himself of personally giving the order for the assassination of Ronni Moffitt and Orlando Letelier. Although they were unable to gather enough intelligence that proved that he gave the order, they received shocking evidence from the Chilean Major, Armando Fernandez, who they convinced to come to the capital to provide them information, that Pinochet was directly involved in covering up the incident. Another declassified copy of a CIA special intelligence assessment on Pinochet's role in the Letelier and Moffitt assassinations were presented to the Chilean President Bachelet in 2016. That document asserts the CIA believed that Pinochet, "personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder."[57] Even with the evidence that they had, the Secretary of State George Shultz did not feel that there was enough to indict Pinochet but instead used the information to try to convince Reagan to change their policy with Chile.[58] Pinochet stepped down from power in 1990 and died on 10 December 2006, without facing trial.[59] Politics in the 21st century U.S. President Bill Clinton ordered the release of numerous documents relating to U.S. policy and actions toward Chile.[60] The documents produced by various U.S. agencies were opened to the public by the U.S. State Department in October 1999. The collection of 1,100 documents dealt with the years leading up to the military coup. Regarding Pinochet's rise to power, the CIA concluded in a report issued in 2000 that: "The CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende but did not assist Pinochet to assume the Presidency."[61] However, the 2000 report also stated that: "The major CIA effort against Allende came earlier in 1970 in the failed attempt to block his election and accession to the Presidency. Nonetheless, the U.S. Administration's long-standing hostility to Allende and its past encouragement of a military coup against him were well known among Chilean coup plotters who eventually took activities of their own to oust him."[61] A White House press release in November 2000 acknowledged that "actions approved by the U.S. government during this period aggravated political polarization and affected Chile's long tradition of democratic elections"[62] In a 2003 town hall with students, high school student James Doubek asked Secretary of State Colin Powell about the United States support for the coup, to which Powell replied that "it is not a part of American history that we're proud of".[63] During U.S. President Barack Obama's visit to Chile in 2011, the center-left coalition of Chilean political parties asked Obama to apologize for past U.S. support of Pinochet. An interview with the Associated Press, Mr Piñera said his government was "categorically committed to contribute to the search for truth so that justice is done in all of these human rights cases". Obama did not respond to requests for an apology but said during a press conference that U.S. relations with Latin America had at times been "extremely rocky," and that people needed to learn from and understand history, but not be trapped by it.[64] In February 2018, in an effort to create a "lasting counterpoint", a statue honoring the slain Chilean diplomat and think tank policy analyst Orlando Letelier was erected on Massachusetts Avenue in Washington, D.C., near the location where Letelier was killed in a 1976 car bombing on the orders of Pinochet. The attack also claimed the life of Ronnie Karpen Moffitt, Letelier's 25-year-old American co-worker. Michael Moffitt, husband of Ronnie Moffitt and also in the vehicle, survived the attack. The Chilean-orchestrated assassination had brought state-sponsored terrorism by an American-backed ally to the cradle of American dominion. Three of Letelier's sons and a granddaughter whom Letelier had never been afforded the opportunity to meet attended the unveiling. The unveiling of Letelier's commemorative statue came less than two years after the Obama administration had released a "long classified CIA analysis...[that] cited 'convincing evidence that President Pinochet personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder.'" Letelier had served as Chile's ambassador to the United States under Chile's democratically elected Allende government. After Pinochet's 1973 coup, Letelier became a political prisoner and sought political asylum in the United States, where he eventually came to spearhead the economic policy mission of a D.C.-based think tank, the Institute for Policy Studies, as well as organize international condemnation of Pinochet's regime. The Institute for Policy Studies has long incorporated the advancement of human rights into the core of its mission.[65] See also Project FUBELT History of Chile Chile under Allende David H. Popper, US ambassador to Chile (1974–77) Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency) Foreign electoral intervention Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–90) - aftermath of the coup Latin America–United States relations Foreign interventions by the United States United States involvement in regime change References Joyce S. Goldberg, "Consent to Ascent The Baltimore Affair and the US Rise to World Power Status." Americas 41.1 (1984): 21-35. Theodore H. Moran, Multinational corporation and the politics of dependence: copper in Chile (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974), 6. Loveman, Brian. Chile: The legacy of Hispanic Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Vergara, Eva; Warren, Michael (31 May 2011). "Chile TV: Secret report suggests Allende murdered". Boston.com. Retrieved 17 December 2021. Barbara Stallings, Class conflict and Economic development in Chile, 1958–1973 (Stanford California: Stanford University Press, 1978, 33. Faundez Julio, Marxism, and democracy in Chile: From 1932 to the fall of Allende. London United Kingdom: Yale University Press, 1988. CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile Archived 7 August 2004 at the Wayback Machine, CBS News, 19 September 2000. Accessed online 19 January 2007. Stephen G. Rabe, The most dangerous Area in the world: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 2. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "U.S. Covert Intervention in Chile: Planning to Block Allende Began Long before September 1970 Election". "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 15 April 2021. "Minute of the Meeting of the 40 Committee" (PDF). National Security Archive. Retrieved 30 January 2017. "National Security Archive - 30+ Years of Freedom of Information Action". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 6 April 2019. Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents Relating to the Military Coup, 11 September 1973 by Peter Kornbluh, National Security Archive. Gustafson, Kristian C. (2002). "CIA Machinations in Chile in 1970". Archived from the original on 13 June 2007. Retrieved 21 June 2008. CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile, Admits Support For Kidnappers, Links To Pinochet Regime - CBS News Archived 7 August 2004 at the Wayback Machine Hinchey Report Archived 20 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine CIA Activities in Chile. 18 September 2000. Accessed online 18 November 2006. Weiner, Tim (2007). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. New York: Anchor Books. p. 361. ISBN 978-0-307-38900-8. Kornbluh, Peter (2003). The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-56584-936-5. The Film Archives (15 May 2016). "The U.S. and the Overthrow of the Chilean Government: A Declassified Dossier (2003)" – via YouTube. Kissinger, Henry (25 November 1970). "Memorandum for the President" (PDF). National Security Archive. Lubna Z. Qureshi. Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books, 2009. p. 65. ISBN 0-7391-2656-3 CIA Admits Involvement in Chile. ABC News. September 20 "U.S. Dept. of State FOIA Electronic Reading Room – Hinchey Report (CIA Activities in Chile)". Foia.state.gov. Archived from the original on 20 October 2009. Retrieved 19 November 2011. Stout, David (30 January 2003). "Edward Korry, 81, Is Dead; Falsely Tied to Chile Coup". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Montgomery, Paul L. (29 September 1973). "I.T.T. OFFICE HERE DAMAGED BY BOMB; Caller Linked Explosion at Latin-American Section to 'Crimes in Chile' I.T.T. Latin-American Office on Madison Ave. Damaged by Bomb Fire in Rome Office Bombing on the Coast Rally the Opponents". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, 30 April 2002, (in English) Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger & Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. Retrieved 7 February 2021. John Dinges. The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. The New Press, 2005. p. 157. ISBN 1-56584-977-9 "CIA Activities in Chile – Central Intelligence Agency". www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on 12 June 2007. Winn, Peter (2010). Grandin & Joseph, Greg & Gilbert (ed.). A Century of Revolution. Duke University Press. pp. 239–275. "The National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970–1989. Transaction. pp. 199–251. Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger and Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. CIA (19 September 2000). "CIA Activities in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. p. 13. Retrieved 21 July 2010. Frank Church; et al. (18 December 1975). "Covert Action in Chile 1963–1973". US Government Printing Office. Archived from the original on 11 September 2009. Retrieved 20 July 2010. "President/Kissinger September 16, 1973, 11:50 a.m." (PDF). www.nsarchive.gwu.edu. 16 September 1973. Retrieved 27 March 2017. "CIA's PDB release still covering up knowledge of 1973 Chile coup". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 3 April 2017. nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/20000919 Hitchens, Christopher (2001). The Trial of Henry Kissinger. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-631-5. Fermandois, Joaquin (Winter 2005). "The Persistence of a Myth: Chile in the Eye of the Cold War Hurricane: Books under Review". World Affairs. 167 (3): 101–112. doi:10.3200/WAFS.167.3.101-112. JSTOR 20672716. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970–1989. Transaction. p. 205. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 72. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Friedman, Uri (11 September 2014). "The Other 9/11: A CIA Agent Remembers Chile's Coup". The Atlantic. Bonnefoy, Pascale (14 October 2017). "Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy's Fall and Dictator's Rise in Chile". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 April 2019. Peter Kornbluh (19 September 2000). "CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet's Repression: Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. Retrieved 26 November 2006. "CIA Activities in Chile". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. "Chile: Violations of Human Rights". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. Operation Condor: Cable suggests U.S. role, National Security Archive, 6 March 2001. Accessed online 26 November 2006. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–11, Part 2, Documents on South America, 1973–1976 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 1 November 2023. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability by Peter Kornbluh, p. 277 Court: U.S. military spies had role leading to 1973 deaths of Americans in Chile. CBS News, 1 July 2014. "CIA: "Pinochet personally ordered" Letelier bombing | National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 9 May 2019. Shultz, George (6 October 1987). "Pinochet and the Letelier-Moffitt Murders: Implications for US Policy," SECRET, Memorandum for the President, 6 October 1987" (PDF). National Security Archive. Retrieved 5 June 2017. Karen DeYoung; David Montgomery; Missy Ryan; Ishaan Tharoor; Jia Lynn Yang (20 September 2016). "This was not an accident. This was a bomb". The Washington Post. "CBS News – CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile – September 20, 2000 16:07:32". 7 August 2004. Archived from the original on 7 August 2004. "CIA 2000 report (Summary of Responses to Questions, 2.A)". National Security Archives. White House press statement 13 November 2000 regarding "releasing newly declassified and other documents related to events in Chile from 1968–91". Accessed online 18 November 2006. "Colin Powell: U.S. "Not Proud" of 1973 Covert Action in Chile". "Chile President Pinera to ask Obama for Pinochet files". BBC News. 23 March 2011. Laris, Michael (25 February 2018). "A Chilean and American monument to Pinochet bombing victims rises in Washington". The Washington Post. Retrieved 27 May 2019. Further reading John Dinges (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-56584-977-9. Kristian Gustafson, (2007) Hostile Intent: U.S. Covert Operations in Chile, 1964–1974 (Dulles: Potomac Books) Tanya Harmer, (2011) Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011) online Jonathan Haslam (2005) Nixon Administration and the Death of Allende's Chile: A Case of Assisted Suicide (2005). Thomas Karamessines (1970). Operating guidance cable on coup plotting in Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Jeane Kirkpatrick (1979). "Dictatorships and Double Standards," Commentary, November, pp34–45. Henry Kissinger (1970). National Security Decision 93: Policy Towards Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Peter Kornbluh. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-59558-912-0. James F. Petras & Morris H. Morley (1974). How Allende fell: A study in U.S.–Chilean relations, Nottingham: Spokesman Books. Lubna Z. Qureshi (2009). Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-2656-3 Zakia Shiraz, "CIA Intervention in Chile and the Fall of the Allende Government in 1973." Journal of American Studies (2011) 45#3 pp 603–613. online at JSTOR; also online free summarizes the scholarly historiography. External links Wikisource has original text related to this article: Intelligence Memorandum: Allende's Chile: The Widening Supply-Demand Gap Church Report. Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973 Archived 11 September 2014 at the Wayback Machine (FOIA) National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project Archived 19 February 2015 at the Wayback Machine which provides documents obtained from FOIA requests regarding U.S. involvement in Chile, beginning with attempts to promote a coup in 1970 and continuing through U.S. support for Pinochet KISSINGER AND CHILE: THE DECLASSIFIED RECORD "Make the Economy Scream" famous instruction of Nixon to the CIA about Chile CIA activities in Chile (detailed report by the CIA itself) Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents relating to the Military Coup, 1970-1976 vte 1973 Chilean coup d'état Background United States intervention in Chile Schneider Doctrine 1970 election Project FUBELT Presidency of Salvador Allende Carlos Prats Alejandrina Cox incident Carlos Altamirano Tanquetazo Participants Salvador Allende Augusto Pinochet José Toribio Merino Gustavo Leigh César Mendoza Aftermath Government Junta of Chile Miguel Enriquez Operation Condor Assassination of Carlos Prats Attempted assassination of Bernardo Leighton Assassination of Orlando Letelier Chile under Pinochet Chicago Boys Indictment and arrest of Pinochet Controversies Death of Salvador Allende Criticisms of Salvador Allende Human rights violations under Pinochet vte United States Ambassadors to Chile Chile Minister Plenipotentiary Allen Seal of the US Department of State Chargé d'Affaires Larned Hamm Pollard Pendleton Crump Barton Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Peyton Starkweather Bigler Nelson Kilpatrick Root Logan Osborn Kilpatrick Logan Roberts Egan Porter Strobel Wilson Hicks Dawson Fletcher Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Fletcher Shea Collier Culbertson Sevier Philip Armour Bowers Beaulac Lyon Howe Woodward Cole Dungan Korry Davis Popper Landau Theberge Barnes Gillespie Kamman Guerra-Mondragón O'Leary Brownfield Kelly Simons Wolff Hammer Perez Meehan vte United States intervention in Latin America Policy Monroe Doctrine (1823) Platt Amendment (1901–1904) Roosevelt Corollary/Big Stick ideology (1904) Good Neighbor policy (1933) Dollar diplomacy Banana Wars Wars Mexican–American War (1846–1848) Spanish–American War (1898) Mexican Border War (1910–1919) United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution (1916–1919) Overt actions and occupations Paraguay expedition (1858) First Occupation of Cuba (1899–1902) Separation of Panama from Colombia and Hay–Bunau-Varilla Treaty (1903) Occupations of Honduras (1903–1925) Second Occupation of Cuba (1906–1909) Occupation of Nicaragua (1912–1933) Occupation of Veracruz (1914) Occupation of Haiti (1915–1934) Occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924) Occupation of the Dominican Republic (1965–1966) Invasion of Panama (1989) Covert actions 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état 1954 Paraguayan coup d'état Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961) Operation Mongoose (1961) 1964 Bolivian coup d'état Operation Condor (1968–1989) Project FUBELT (1970) 1971 Bolivian coup d'état 1973 Chilean coup d'état 1973 Uruguayan coup d'état Limazo (1975) 1976 Argentine coup d'état 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état 1989 Paraguayan coup d'état Other Contras (1979–1990) Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) United States involvement in regime change in Latin America Foreign policy of the United States Latin America–United States relations Categories: American imperialismCentral Intelligence Agency operationsChile–United States military relationsCIA activities in the AmericasForeign electoral interventionHistory of the foreign relations of ChileHistory of the foreign relations of the United StatesPresidency of Salvador Allende

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Bertrand Arthur William Russell, 3rd Earl Russell, OM, FRS[7] (18 May 1872 – 2 February 1970) was a British mathematician, philosopher, logician, and public intellectual. He had a considerable influence on mathematics, logic, set theory, linguistics, artificial intelligence, cognitive science, computer science, and various areas of analytic philosophy, especially philosophy of mathematics, philosophy of language, epistemology, and metaphysics.[8][9] He was one of the early 20th century's most prominent logicians[9] and a founder of analytic philosophy, along with his predecessor Gottlob Frege, his friend and colleague G. E. Moore, and his student and protégé Ludwig Wittgenstein. Russell with Moore led the British "revolt against idealism".[b] Together with his former teacher A. N. Whitehead, Russell wrote Principia Mathematica, a milestone in the development of classical logic and a major attempt to reduce the whole of mathematics to logic (see Logicism). Russell's article "On Denoting" has been considered a "paradigm of philosophy".[11] Russell was a pacifist who championed anti-imperialism and chaired the India League.[12][13][14] He went to prison for his pacifism during World War I,[15] but also saw the war against Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as a necessary "lesser of two evils". In the wake of World War II, he welcomed American global hegemony in favour of either Soviet hegemony or no (or ineffective) world leadership, even if it were to come at the cost of using their nuclear weapons.[16] He would later criticise Stalinist totalitarianism, condemn the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War, and become an outspoken proponent of nuclear disarmament.[17] In 1950, Russell was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature "in recognition of his varied and significant writings in which he champions humanitarian ideals and freedom of thought".[18][19] He was also the recipient of the De Morgan Medal (1932), Sylvester Medal (1934), Kalinga Prize (1957), and Jerusalem Prize (1963). Biography Early life and background Bertrand Arthur William Russell was born at Ravenscroft, a country house in Trellech, Monmouthshire,[a] on 18 May 1872, into an influential and liberal family of the British aristocracy.[20][21] His parents, Viscount and Viscountess Amberley, were radical for their times. Lord Amberley consented to his wife's affair with their children's tutor,[22][23] the biologist Douglas Spalding. Both were early advocates of birth control at a time when this was considered scandalous.[24] Lord Amberley was a deist, and even asked the philosopher John Stuart Mill to act as Russell's secular godfather.[25] Mill died the year after Russell's birth, but his writings had a great effect on Russell's life. Russell as a 4-year-old His paternal grandfather, Lord John Russell, later 1st Earl Russell (1792–1878), had twice been prime minister in the 1840s and 1860s.[26] A member of Parliament since the early 1810s, he met with Napoleon Bonaparte in Elba.[27] The Russells had been prominent in England for several centuries before this, coming to power and the peerage with the rise of the Tudor dynasty (see: Duke of Bedford). They established themselves as one of the leading Whig families and participated in every great political event from the dissolution of the monasteries in 1536–1540 to the Glorious Revolution in 1688–1689 and the Great Reform Act in 1832.[26][28] Lady Amberley was the daughter of Lord and Lady Stanley of Alderley.[17] Russell often feared the ridicule of his maternal grandmother,[29] one of the campaigners for education of women.[30] Childhood and adolescence Russell had two siblings: brother Frank (nearly seven years older), and sister Rachel (four years older). In June 1874, Russell's mother died of diphtheria, followed shortly by Rachel's death. In January 1876, his father died of bronchitis after a long period of depression.[citation needed] Frank and Bertrand were placed in the care of staunchly Victorian paternal grandparents, who lived at Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park. His grandfather, former Prime Minister Earl Russell, died in 1878, and was remembered by Russell as a kindly old man in a wheelchair. His grandmother, the Countess Russell (née Lady Frances Elliot), was the dominant family figure for the rest of Russell's childhood and youth.[17][24] The Countess was from a Scottish Presbyterian family and successfully petitioned the Court of Chancery to set aside a provision in Amberley's will requiring the children to be raised as agnostics. Despite her religious conservatism, she held progressive views in other areas (accepting Darwinism and supporting Irish Home Rule), and her influence on Bertrand Russell's outlook on social justice and standing up for principle remained with him throughout his life. Her favourite Bible verse, "Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil",[31] became his motto. The atmosphere at Pembroke Lodge was one of frequent prayer, emotional repression and formality; Frank reacted to this with open rebellion, but the young Bertrand learned to hide his feelings. Childhood home, Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park, London Russell's adolescence was lonely and he often contemplated suicide. He remarked in his autobiography that his keenest interests in "nature and books and (later) mathematics saved me from complete despondency;"[32] only his wish to know more mathematics kept him from suicide.[33] He was educated at home by a series of tutors.[34] When Russell was eleven years old, his brother Frank introduced him to the work of Euclid, which he described in his autobiography as "one of the great events of my life, as dazzling as first love".[35][36] During these formative years he also discovered the works of Percy Bysshe Shelley. Russell wrote: "I spent all my spare time reading him, and learning him by heart, knowing no one to whom I could speak of what I thought or felt, I used to reflect how wonderful it would have been to know Shelley, and to wonder whether I should meet any live human being with whom I should feel so much sympathy."[37] Russell claimed that beginning at age 15, he spent considerable time thinking about the validity of Christian religious dogma, which he found unconvincing.[38] At this age, he came to the conclusion that there is no free will and, two years later, that there is no life after death. Finally, at the age of 18, after reading Mill's Autobiography, he abandoned the "First Cause" argument and became an atheist.[39][40] He travelled to the continent in 1890 with an American friend, Edward FitzGerald, and with FitzGerald's family he visited the Paris Exhibition of 1889 and climbed the Eiffel Tower soon after it was completed.[41] University and first marriage Russell at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1893 Russell won a scholarship to read for the Mathematical Tripos at Trinity College, Cambridge, and began his studies there in 1890,[42] taking as coach Robert Rumsey Webb. He became acquainted with the younger George Edward Moore and came under the influence of Alfred North Whitehead, who recommended him to the Cambridge Apostles. He quickly distinguished himself in mathematics and philosophy, graduating as seventh Wrangler in the former in 1893 and becoming a Fellow in the latter in 1895.[43][44] Russell was 17 years old in the summer of 1889 when he met the family of Alys Pearsall Smith, an American Quaker five years older, who was a graduate of Bryn Mawr College near Philadelphia.[45][46] He became a friend of the Pearsall Smith family. They knew him primarily as "Lord John's grandson" and enjoyed showing him off.[47] He soon fell in love with the puritanical, high-minded Alys, and contrary to his grandmother's wishes, married her on 13 December 1894. Their marriage began to fall apart in 1901 when it occurred to Russell, while cycling, that he no longer loved her.[48] She asked him if he loved her and he replied that he did not. Russell also disliked Alys's mother, finding her controlling and cruel. A lengthy period of separation began in 1911 with Russell's affair with Lady Ottoline Morrell,[49] and he and Alys finally divorced in 1921 to enable Russell to remarry.[50] During his years of separation from Alys, Russell had passionate (and often simultaneous) affairs with a number of women, including Morrell and the actress Lady Constance Malleson.[51] Some have suggested that at this point he had an affair with Vivienne Haigh-Wood, the English governess and writer, and first wife of T. S. Eliot.[52] Early career See also: Axiom of reducibility Russell began his published work in 1896 with German Social Democracy, a study in politics that was an early indication of a lifelong interest in political and social theory. In 1896 he taught German social democracy at the London School of Economics.[53] He was a member of the Coefficients dining club of social reformers set up in 1902 by the Fabian campaigners Sidney and Beatrice Webb.[54] He now started an intensive study of the foundations of mathematics at Trinity. In 1897, he wrote An Essay on the Foundations of Geometry (submitted at the Fellowship Examination of Trinity College) which discussed the Cayley–Klein metrics used for non-Euclidean geometry.[55] He attended the First International Congress of Philosophy in Paris in 1900 where he met Giuseppe Peano and Alessandro Padoa. The Italians had responded to Georg Cantor, making a science of set theory; they gave Russell their literature including the Formulario mathematico. Russell was impressed by the precision of Peano's arguments at the Congress, read the literature upon returning to England, and came upon Russell's paradox. In 1903 he published The Principles of Mathematics, a work on foundations of mathematics. It advanced a thesis of logicism, that mathematics and logic are one and the same.[56] At the age of 29, in February 1901, Russell underwent what he called a "sort of mystic illumination", after witnessing Whitehead's wife's acute suffering in an angina attack. "I found myself filled with semi-mystical feelings about beauty... and with a desire almost as profound as that of the Buddha to find some philosophy which should make human life endurable", Russell would later recall. "At the end of those five minutes, I had become a completely different person."[57] In 1905, he wrote the essay "On Denoting", which was published in the philosophical journal Mind. Russell was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1908.[7][17] The three-volume Principia Mathematica, written with Whitehead, was published between 1910 and 1913. This, along with the earlier The Principles of Mathematics, soon made Russell world-famous in his field. Russell's first political activity was as the Independent Liberal candidate in the 1907 by-election for the Wimbledon constituency, where he was not elected.[58] In 1910, he became a University of Cambridge lecturer at Trinity College, where he had studied. He was considered for a Fellowship, which would give him a vote in the college government and protect him from being fired for his opinions, but was passed over because he was "anti-clerical", essentially because he was agnostic. He was approached by the Austrian engineering student Ludwig Wittgenstein, who became his PhD student. Russell viewed Wittgenstein as a genius and a successor who would continue his work on logic. He spent hours dealing with Wittgenstein's various phobias and his frequent bouts of despair. This was often a drain on Russell's energy, but Russell continued to be fascinated by him and encouraged his academic development, including the publication of Wittgenstein's Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus in 1922.[59] Russell delivered his lectures on logical atomism, his version of these ideas, in 1918, before the end of World War I. Wittgenstein was, at that time, serving in the Austrian Army and subsequently spent nine months in an Italian prisoner of war camp at the end of the conflict. First World War Russell served on the National Committee of the No-Conscription Fellowship, shown here in May 1916 (back right).[60] During World War I, Russell was one of the few people to engage in active pacifist activities. In 1916, because of his lack of a Fellowship, he was dismissed from Trinity College following his conviction under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914.[61] He later described this, in Free Thought and Official Propaganda, as an illegitimate means the state used to violate freedom of expression. Russell championed the case of Eric Chappelow, a poet jailed and abused as a conscientious objector.[62] Russell played a significant part in the Leeds Convention in June 1917, a historic event which saw well over a thousand "anti-war socialists" gather; many being delegates from the Independent Labour Party and the Socialist Party, united in their pacifist beliefs and advocating a peace settlement.[63] The international press reported that Russell appeared with a number of Labour Members of Parliament (MPs), including Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden, as well as former Liberal MP and anti-conscription campaigner, Professor Arnold Lupton. After the event, Russell told Lady Ottoline Morrell that, "to my surprise, when I got up to speak, I was given the greatest ovation that was possible to give anybody".[64][65] His conviction in 1916 resulted in Russell being fined £100 (equivalent to £6,000 in 2021), which he refused to pay in hope that he would be sent to prison, but his books were sold at auction to raise the money. The books were bought by friends; he later treasured his copy of the King James Bible that was stamped "Confiscated by Cambridge Police". A later conviction for publicly lecturing against inviting the United States to enter the war on the United Kingdom's side resulted in six months' imprisonment in Brixton Prison (see Bertrand Russell's political views) in 1918 (he was prosecuted under the Defence of the Realm Act[66])[67] He later said of his imprisonment: I found prison in many ways quite agreeable. I had no engagements, no difficult decisions to make, no fear of callers, no interruptions to my work. I read enormously; I wrote a book, "Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy"... and began the work for "The Analysis of Mind". I was rather interested in my fellow-prisoners, who seemed to me in no way morally inferior to the rest of the population, though they were on the whole slightly below the usual level of intelligence as was shown by their having been caught.[68] While he was reading Strachey's Eminent Victorians chapter about Gordon he laughed out loud in his cell prompting the warder to intervene and reminding him that "prison was a place of punishment".[69] Russell was reinstated to Trinity in 1919, resigned in 1920, was Tarner Lecturer in 1926 and became a Fellow again in 1944 until 1949.[70] In 1924, Russell again gained press attention when attending a "banquet" in the House of Commons with well-known campaigners, including Arnold Lupton, who had been an MP and had also endured imprisonment for "passive resistance to military or naval service".[71] G. H. Hardy on the Trinity controversy In 1941, G. H. Hardy wrote a 61-page pamphlet titled Bertrand Russell and Trinity – published later as a book by Cambridge University Press with a foreword by C. D. Broad—in which he gave an authoritative account of Russell's 1916 dismissal from Trinity College, explaining that a reconciliation between the college and Russell had later taken place and gave details about Russell's personal life. Hardy writes that Russell's dismissal had created a scandal since the vast majority of the Fellows of the College opposed the decision. The ensuing pressure from the Fellows induced the Council to reinstate Russell. In January 1920, it was announced that Russell had accepted the reinstatement offer from Trinity and would begin lecturing from October. In July 1920, Russell applied for a one year leave of absence; this was approved. He spent the year giving lectures in China and Japan. In January 1921, it was announced by Trinity that Russell had resigned and his resignation had been accepted. This resignation, Hardy explains, was completely voluntary and was not the result of another altercation. The reason for the resignation, according to Hardy, was that Russell was going through a tumultuous time in his personal life with a divorce and subsequent remarriage. Russell contemplated asking Trinity for another one-year leave of absence but decided against it, since this would have been an "unusual application" and the situation had the potential to snowball into another controversy. Although Russell did the right thing, in Hardy's opinion, the reputation of the College suffered with Russell's resignation, since the 'world of learning' knew about Russell's altercation with Trinity but not that the rift had healed. In 1925, Russell was asked by the Council of Trinity College to give the Tarner Lectures on the Philosophy of the Sciences; these would later be the basis for one of Russell's best-received books according to Hardy: The Analysis of Matter, published in 1927.[72] In the preface to the Trinity pamphlet, Hardy wrote: I wish to make it plain that Russell himself is not responsible, directly or indirectly, for the writing of the pamphlet.... I wrote it without his knowledge and, when I sent him the typescript and asked for his permission to print it, I suggested that, unless it contained misstatement of fact, he should make no comment on it. He agreed to this... no word has been changed as the result of any suggestion from him. Between the wars In August 1920, Russell travelled to Soviet Russia as part of an official delegation sent by the British government to investigate the effects of the Russian Revolution.[73] He wrote a four-part series of articles, titled "Soviet Russia—1920", for the magazine The Nation.[74][75] He met Vladimir Lenin and had an hour-long conversation with him. In his autobiography, he mentions that he found Lenin disappointing, sensing an "impish cruelty" in him and comparing him to "an opinionated professor". He cruised down the Volga on a steamship. His experiences destroyed his previous tentative support for the revolution. He subsequently wrote a book, The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism,[76] about his experiences on this trip, taken with a group of 24 others from the UK, all of whom came home thinking well of the Soviet regime, despite Russell's attempts to change their minds. For example, he told them that he had heard shots fired in the middle of the night and was sure that these were clandestine executions, but the others maintained that it was only cars backfiring.[citation needed] Russell with his children, John and Kate Russell's lover Dora Black, a British author, feminist and socialist campaigner, visited Soviet Russia independently at the same time; in contrast to his reaction, she was enthusiastic about the Bolshevik revolution.[76] The following year, Russell, accompanied by Dora, visited Peking (as Beijing was then known outside of China) to lecture on philosophy for a year.[34] He went with optimism and hope, seeing China as then being on a new path.[77] Other scholars present in China at the time included John Dewey[78] and Rabindranath Tagore, the Indian Nobel-laureate poet.[34] Before leaving China, Russell became gravely ill with pneumonia, and incorrect reports of his death were published in the Japanese press.[78] When the couple visited Japan on their return journey, Dora took on the role of spurning the local press by handing out notices reading "Mr. Bertrand Russell, having died according to the Japanese press, is unable to give interviews to Japanese journalists".[79][80] Apparently they found this harsh and reacted resentfully.[citation needed][81][82] Dora was six months pregnant when the couple returned to England on 26 August 1921. Russell arranged a hasty divorce from Alys, marrying Dora six days after the divorce was finalised, on 27 September 1921. Russell's children with Dora were John Conrad Russell, 4th Earl Russell, born on 16 November 1921, and Katharine Jane Russell (later Lady Katharine Tait), born on 29 December 1923. Russell supported his family during this time by writing popular books explaining matters of physics, ethics, and education to the layman. Bertrand Russell in 1924 From 1922 to 1927 the Russells divided their time between London and Cornwall, spending summers in Porthcurno.[83] In the 1922 and 1923 general elections Russell stood as a Labour Party candidate in the Chelsea constituency, but only on the basis that he knew he was extremely unlikely to be elected in such a safe Conservative seat, and he was unsuccessful on both occasions. After the birth of his two children, he became interested in education, especially early childhood education. He was not satisfied with the old traditional education and thought that progressive education also had some flaws;[84] as a result, together with Dora, Russell founded the experimental Beacon Hill School in 1927. The school was run from a succession of different locations, including its original premises at the Russells' residence, Telegraph House, near Harting, West Sussex. During this time, he published On Education, Especially in Early Childhood. On 8 July 1930, Dora gave birth to her third child Harriet Ruth. After he left the school in 1932, Dora continued it until 1943.[85][86] In 1927 Russell met Barry Fox (later Barry Stevens), who became a well-known Gestalt therapist and writer in later years.[87] They developed an intense relationship, and in Fox's words: "... for three years we were very close."[88] Fox sent her daughter Judith to Beacon Hill School.[89] From 1927 to 1932 Russell wrote 34 letters to Fox.[90] Upon the death of his elder brother Frank, in 1931, Russell became the 3rd Earl Russell. Russell's marriage to Dora grew increasingly tenuous, and it reached a breaking point over her having two children with an American journalist, Griffin Barry.[86] They separated in 1932 and finally divorced. On 18 January 1936, Russell married his third wife, an Oxford undergraduate named Patricia ("Peter") Spence, who had been his children's governess since 1930. Russell and Peter had one son, Conrad Sebastian Robert Russell, 5th Earl Russell, who became a prominent historian and one of the leading figures in the Liberal Democrat party.[17] Russell returned in 1937 to the London School of Economics to lecture on the science of power.[53] During the 1930s, Russell became a friend and collaborator of V. K. Krishna Menon, then President of the India League, the foremost lobby in the United Kingdom for Indian independence.[14] Russell chaired the India League from 1932 to 1939.[91] Second World War Russell's political views changed over time, mostly about war. He opposed rearmament against Nazi Germany. In 1937, he wrote in a personal letter: "If the Germans succeed in sending an invading army to England we should do best to treat them as visitors, give them quarters and invite the commander and chief to dine with the prime minister."[92] In 1940, he changed his appeasement view that avoiding a full-scale world war was more important than defeating Hitler. He concluded that Adolf Hitler taking over all of Europe would be a permanent threat to democracy. In 1943, he adopted a stance toward large-scale warfare called "relative political pacifism": "War was always a great evil, but in some particularly extreme circumstances, it may be the lesser of two evils."[93][94] Before World War II, Russell taught at the University of Chicago, later moving on to Los Angeles to lecture at the UCLA Department of Philosophy.[95] He was appointed professor at the City College of New York (CCNY) in 1940, but after a public outcry the appointment was annulled by a court judgment that pronounced him "morally unfit" to teach at the college because of his opinions, especially those relating to sexual morality, detailed in Marriage and Morals (1929). The matter was however taken to the New York Supreme Court by Jean Kay who was afraid that her daughter would be harmed by the appointment, though her daughter was not a student at CCNY.[95][96] Many intellectuals, led by John Dewey, protested at his treatment.[97] Albert Einstein's oft-quoted aphorism that "great spirits have always encountered violent opposition from mediocre minds" originated in his open letter, dated 19 March 1940, to Morris Raphael Cohen, a professor emeritus at CCNY, supporting Russell's appointment.[98] Dewey and Horace M. Kallen edited a collection of articles on the CCNY affair in The Bertrand Russell Case. Russell soon joined the Barnes Foundation, lecturing to a varied audience on the history of philosophy; these lectures formed the basis of A History of Western Philosophy. His relationship with the eccentric Albert C. Barnes soon soured, and he returned to the UK in 1944 to rejoin the faculty of Trinity College.[99] Later life See also: 1950 Nobel Prize in Literature Russell in 1954 Russell participated in many broadcasts over the BBC, particularly The Brains Trust and for the Third Programme, on various topical and philosophical subjects. By this time Russell was world-famous outside academic circles, frequently the subject or author of magazine and newspaper articles, and was called upon to offer opinions on a wide variety of subjects, even mundane ones. En route to one of his lectures in Trondheim, Russell was one of 24 survivors (among a total of 43 passengers) of an aeroplane crash in Hommelvik in October 1948. He said he owed his life to smoking since the people who drowned were in the non-smoking part of the plane.[100][101] A History of Western Philosophy (1945) became a best-seller and provided Russell with a steady income for the remainder of his life. In 1942, Russell argued in favour of a moderate socialism, capable of overcoming its metaphysical principles. In an inquiry on dialectical materialism, launched by the Austrian artist and philosopher Wolfgang Paalen in his journal DYN, Russell said: "I think the metaphysics of both Hegel and Marx plain nonsense—Marx's claim to be 'science' is no more justified than Mary Baker Eddy's. This does not mean that I am opposed to socialism."[102] In 1943, Russell expressed support for Zionism: "I have come gradually to see that, in a dangerous and largely hostile world, it is essential to Jews to have some country which is theirs, some region where they are not suspected aliens, some state which embodies what is distinctive in their culture".[103] In a speech in 1948, Russell said that if the USSR's aggression continued, it would be morally worse to go to war after the USSR possessed an atomic bomb than before it possessed one, because if the USSR had no bomb the West's victory would come more swiftly and with fewer casualties than if there were atomic bombs on both sides.[104][105] At that time, only the United States possessed an atomic bomb, and the USSR was pursuing an extremely aggressive policy towards the countries in Eastern Europe which were being absorbed into the Soviet Union's sphere of influence. Many understood Russell's comments to mean that Russell approved of a first strike in a war with the USSR, including Nigel Lawson, who was present when Russell spoke of such matters. Others, including Griffin, who obtained a transcript of the speech, have argued that he was merely explaining the usefulness of America's atomic arsenal in deterring the USSR from continuing its domination of Eastern Europe.[100] Just after the atomic bombs exploded over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Russell wrote letters, and published articles in newspapers from 1945 to 1948, stating clearly that it was morally justified and better to go to war against the USSR using atomic bombs while the United States possessed them and before the USSR did.[106] In September 1949, one week after the USSR tested its first A-bomb, but before this became known, Russell wrote that the USSR would be unable to develop nuclear weapons because following Stalin's purges only science based on Marxist principles would be practised in the Soviet Union.[107] After it became known that the USSR had carried out its nuclear bomb tests, Russell declared his position advocating the total abolition of atomic weapons.[106] In 1948, Russell was invited by the BBC to deliver the inaugural Reith Lectures[108]—what was to become an annual series of lectures, still broadcast by the BBC. His series of six broadcasts, titled Authority and the Individual,[109] explored themes such as the role of individual initiative in the development of a community and the role of state control in a progressive society. Russell continued to write about philosophy. He wrote a foreword to Words and Things by Ernest Gellner, which was highly critical of the later thought of Ludwig Wittgenstein and of ordinary language philosophy. Gilbert Ryle refused to have the book reviewed in the philosophical journal Mind, which caused Russell to respond via The Times. The result was a month-long correspondence in The Times between the supporters and detractors of ordinary language philosophy, which was only ended when the paper published an editorial critical of both sides but agreeing with the opponents of ordinary language philosophy.[110] In the King's Birthday Honours of 9 June 1949, Russell was awarded the Order of Merit,[111] and the following year he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature.[17][34] When he was given the Order of Merit, George VI was affable but slightly embarrassed at decorating a former jailbird, saying, "You have sometimes behaved in a manner that would not do if generally adopted".[112] Russell merely smiled, but afterwards claimed that the reply "That's right, just like your brother" immediately came to mind. In 1950, Russell attended the inaugural conference for the Congress for Cultural Freedom, a CIA-funded anti-communist organisation committed to the deployment of culture as a weapon during the Cold War.[113] Russell was one of the best-known patrons of the Congress, until he resigned in 1956.[114] In 1952, Russell was divorced by Spence, with whom he had been very unhappy.[citation needed] Conrad, Russell's son by Spence, did not see his father between the time of the divorce and 1968 (at which time his decision to meet his father caused a permanent breach with his mother). Russell married his fourth wife, Edith Finch, soon after the divorce, on 15 December 1952. They had known each other since 1925, and Edith had taught English at Bryn Mawr College near Philadelphia, sharing a house for 20 years with Russell's old friend Lucy Donnelly. Edith remained with him until his death, and, by all accounts, their marriage was a happy, close, and loving one. Russell's eldest son John suffered from serious mental illness, which was the source of ongoing disputes between Russell and his former wife Dora.[citation needed] In 1962 Russell played a public role in the Cuban Missile Crisis: in an exchange of telegrams with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, Khrushchev assured him that the Soviet government would not be reckless.[115][116] Russell sent this telegram to President Kennedy: YOUR ACTION DESPERATE. THREAT TO HUMAN SURVIVAL. NO CONCEIVABLE JUSTIFICATION. CIVILIZED MAN CONDEMNS IT. WE WILL NOT HAVE MASS MURDER. ULTIMATUM MEANS WAR... END THIS MADNESS.[117] According to historian Peter Knight, after JFK's assassination, Russell, "prompted by the emerging work of the lawyer Mark Lane in the US ... rallied support from other noteworthy and left-leaning compatriots to form a Who Killed Kennedy Committee in June 1964, members of which included Michael Foot MP, Caroline Benn, the publisher Victor Gollancz, the writers John Arden and J. B. Priestley, and the Oxford history professor Hugh Trevor-Roper." Russell published a highly critical article weeks before the Warren Commission Report was published, setting forth 16 Questions on the Assassination and equating the Oswald case with the Dreyfus affair of late 19th-century France, in which the state convicted an innocent man. Russell also criticised the American press for failing to heed any voices critical of the official version.[118] Political causes Bertrand Russell was opposed to war from a young age; his opposition to World War I being used as grounds for his dismissal from Trinity College at Cambridge. This incident fused two of his most controversial causes, as he had failed to be granted Fellow status which would have protected him from firing, because he was not willing to either pretend to be a devout Christian, or at least avoid admitting he was agnostic. He later described the resolution of these issues as essential to freedom of thought and expression, citing the incident in Free Thought and Official Propaganda, where he explained that the expression of any idea, even the most obviously "bad", must be protected not only from direct State intervention, but also economic leveraging and other means of being silenced: The opinions which are still persecuted strike the majority as so monstrous and immoral that the general principle of toleration cannot be held to apply to them. But this is exactly the same view as that which made possible the tortures of the Inquisition.[119] Russell spent the 1950s and 1960s engaged in political causes primarily related to nuclear disarmament and opposing the Vietnam War. The 1955 Russell–Einstein Manifesto was a document calling for nuclear disarmament and was signed by eleven of the most prominent nuclear physicists and intellectuals of the time.[120] In October 1960 "The Committee of 100" was formed with a declaration by Russell and Michael Scott, entitled "Act or Perish", which called for a "movement of nonviolent resistance to nuclear war and weapons of mass destruction".[121] In September 1961, at the age of 89, Russell was jailed for seven days in Brixton Prison for a "breach of the peace" after taking part in an anti-nuclear demonstration in London. The magistrate offered to exempt him from jail if he pledged himself to "good behaviour", to which Russell replied: "No, I won't."[122][123] In 1966–1967, Russell worked with Jean-Paul Sartre and many other intellectual figures to form the Russell Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal to investigate the conduct of the United States in Vietnam. He wrote a great many letters to world leaders during this period. Early in his life Russell supported eugenicist policies. He proposed in 1894 that the state issue certificates of health to prospective parents and withhold public benefits from those considered unfit.[124] In 1929 he wrote that people deemed "mentally defective" and "feebleminded" should be sexually sterilised because they "are apt to have enormous numbers of illegitimate children, all, as a rule, wholly useless to the community."[125] Russell was also an advocate of population control:[126][127] The nations which at present increase rapidly should be encouraged to adopt the methods by which, in the West, the increase of population has been checked. Educational propaganda, with government help, could achieve this result in a generation. There are, however, two powerful forces opposed to such a policy: one is religion, the other is nationalism. I think it is the duty of all to proclaim that opposition to the spread of birth is appalling depth of misery and degradation, and that within another fifty years or so. I do not pretend that birth control is the only way in which population can be kept from increasing. There are others, which, one must suppose, opponents of birth control would prefer. War, as I remarked a moment ago, has hitherto been disappointing in this respect, but perhaps bacteriological war may prove more effective. If a Black Death could be spread throughout the whole world once in every generation survivors could procreate freely without making the world too full. On 20 November 1948, in a public speech at Westminster School, addressing a gathering arranged by the New Commonwealth, Russell shocked some observers by suggesting that a preemptive nuclear strike on the Soviet Union was justified. Russell argued that war between the United States and the Soviet Union seemed inevitable, so it would be a humanitarian gesture to get it over with quickly and have the United States in the dominant position. Currently, Russell argued, humanity could survive such a war, whereas a full nuclear war after both sides had manufactured large stockpiles of more destructive weapons was likely to result in the extinction of the human race. Russell later relented from this stance, instead arguing for mutual disarmament by the nuclear powers. In 1956, immediately before and during the Suez Crisis, Russell expressed his opposition to European imperialism in the Middle East. He viewed the crisis as another reminder of the pressing need for a more effective mechanism for international governance, and to restrict national sovereignty to places such as the Suez Canal area "where general interest is involved". At the same time the Suez Crisis was taking place, the world was also captivated by the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent crushing of the revolt by intervening Soviet forces. Russell attracted criticism for speaking out fervently against the Suez war while ignoring Soviet repression in Hungary, to which he responded that he did not criticise the Soviets "because there was no need. Most of the so-called Western World was fulminating". Although he later feigned a lack of concern, at the time he was disgusted by the brutal Soviet response, and on 16 November 1956, he expressed approval for a declaration of support for Hungarian scholars which Michael Polanyi had cabled to the Soviet embassy in London twelve days previously, shortly after Soviet troops had entered Budapest.[128] In November 1957 Russell wrote an article addressing US President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, urging a summit to consider "the conditions of co-existence". Khrushchev responded that peace could be served by such a meeting. In January 1958 Russell elaborated his views in The Observer, proposing a cessation of all nuclear weapons production, with the UK taking the first step by unilaterally suspending its own nuclear-weapons program if necessary, and with Germany "freed from all alien armed forces and pledged to neutrality in any conflict between East and West". US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles replied for Eisenhower. The exchange of letters was published as The Vital Letters of Russell, Khrushchev, and Dulles.[129] Russell was asked by The New Republic, a liberal American magazine, to elaborate his views on world peace. He urged that all nuclear weapons testing and flights by planes armed with nuclear weapons be halted immediately, and negotiations be opened for the destruction of all hydrogen bombs, with the number of conventional nuclear devices limited to ensure a balance of power. He proposed that Germany be reunified and accept the Oder-Neisse line as its border, and that a neutral zone be established in Central Europe, consisting at the minimum of Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, with each of these countries being free of foreign troops and influence, and prohibited from forming alliances with countries outside the zone. In the Middle East, Russell suggested that the West avoid opposing Arab nationalism, and proposed the creation of a United Nations peacekeeping force to guard Israel's frontiers to ensure that Israel was prevented from committing aggression and protected from it. He also suggested Western recognition of the People's Republic of China, and that it be admitted to the UN with a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.[129] He was in contact with Lionel Rogosin while the latter was filming his anti-war film Good Times, Wonderful Times in the 1960s. He became a hero to many of the youthful members of the New Left. In early 1963, Russell became increasingly vocal in his disapproval of the Vietnam War, and felt that the US government's policies there were near-genocidal. In 1963 he became the inaugural recipient of the Jerusalem Prize, an award for writers concerned with the freedom of the individual in society.[130] In 1964 he was one of eleven world figures who issued an appeal to Israel and the Arab countries to accept an arms embargo and international supervision of nuclear plants and rocket weaponry.[131] In October 1965 he tore up his Labour Party card because he suspected Harold Wilson's Labour government was going to send troops to support the United States in Vietnam.[17] Final years, death and legacy Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth Russell on a 1972 stamp of India In June 1955, Russell had leased Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth, Merionethshire, Wales and on 5 July of the following year it became his and Edith's principal residence.[132] Bust of Russell in Red Lion Square Russell published his three-volume autobiography in 1967, 1968, and 1969. He made a cameo appearance playing himself in the anti-war Hindi film Aman, by Mohan Kumar, which was released in India in 1967. This was Russell's only appearance in a feature film.[133] On 23 November 1969, he wrote to The Times newspaper saying that the preparation for show trials in Czechoslovakia was "highly alarming". The same month, he appealed to Secretary General U Thant of the United Nations to support an international war crimes commission to investigate alleged torture and genocide by the United States in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. The following month, he protested to Alexei Kosygin over the expulsion of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn from the Soviet Union of Writers. On 31 January 1970, Russell issued a statement condemning "Israel's aggression in the Middle East", and in particular, Israeli bombing raids being carried out deep in Egyptian territory as part of the War of Attrition, which he compared to German bombing raids in the Battle of Britain and the US bombing of Vietnam. He called for an Israeli withdrawal to the pre-Six-Day War borders. This was Russell's final political statement or act. It was read out at the International Conference of Parliamentarians in Cairo on 3 February 1970, the day after his death.[134] Russell died of influenza, just after 8 pm on 2 February 1970 at his home in Penrhyndeudraeth, aged 97.[135] His body was cremated in Colwyn Bay on 5 February 1970 with five people present.[136] In accordance with his will, there was no religious ceremony but one minute's silence; his ashes were later scattered over the Welsh mountains.[137] Although he was born in Monmouthshire, and died in Penrhyndeudraeth in Wales, Russell identified as English.[138][139][140] Later in 1970, on 23 October, his will was published showing he had left an estate valued at £69,423 (equivalent to £1.1 million in 2021).[137] In 1980, a memorial to Russell was commissioned by a committee including the philosopher A. J. Ayer. It consists of a bust of Russell in Red Lion Square in London sculpted by Marcelle Quinton.[141] Lady Katharine Jane Tait, Russell's daughter, founded the Bertrand Russell Society in 1974 to preserve and understand his work. It publishes the Bertrand Russell Society Bulletin, holds meetings and awards prizes for scholarship, including the Bertrand Russell Society Award.[142][143] She also authored several essays about her father; as well as a book, My Father, Bertrand Russell, which was published in 1975.[144] All members receive Russell: The Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies. For the sesquicentennial of his birth, in May 2022, McMaster University's Bertrand Russell Archive, the university's largest and most heavily used research collection, organised both a physical and virtual exhibition on Russell's anti-nuclear stance in the post-war era, Scientists for Peace: the Russell-Einstein Manifesto and the Pugwash Conference, which included the earliest version of the Russell–Einstein Manifesto.[145] The Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation held a commemoration at Conway Hall in Red Lion Square, London, on 18 May, the anniversary of his birth.[146] For its part, on the same day, La Estrella de Panamá published a biographical sketch by Francisco Díaz Montilla, who commented that "[if he] had to characterize Russell's work in one sentence [he] would say: criticism and rejection of dogmatism."[147] Bangladesh's first leader, Mujibur Rahman, named his youngest son Sheikh Russel in honour of Bertrand Russell. Marriages and issue Russell first married Alys Whitall Smith (died 1951) in 1894. The marriage was dissolved in 1921 with no issue. His second marriage was to Dora Winifred Black MBE (died 1986), daughter of Sir Frederick Black, in 1921. This was dissolved in 1935, having produced two children: John Conrad Russell, 4th Earl Russell (1921–1987) Lady Katharine Jane Russell (1923–2021), who married Rev. Charles Tait in 1948 and had issue Russell's third marriage was to Patricia Helen Spence (died 2004) in 1936, with the marriage producing one child: Conrad Sebastian Robert Russell, 5th Earl Russell (1937–2004) Russell's third marriage ended in divorce in 1952. He married Edith Finch in the same year. Finch survived Russell, dying in 1978.[148] Titles and honours from birth Russell held throughout his life the following styles and honours: from birth until 1908: The Honourable Bertrand Arthur William Russell from 1908 until 1931: The Honourable Bertrand Arthur William Russell, FRS from 1931 until 1949: The Right Honourable The Earl Russell, FRS from 1949 until death: The Right Honourable The Earl Russell, OM, FRS Views Part of a series on Bertrand Russell Views on philosophy Views on society (Peace Foundation) Professorship of Philosophy Appointment court case Russell's paradox Peano–Russell notation Copleston–Russell debate Russell–Einstein Manifesto Russell Tribunal Russell's teapot Theory of descriptions Logical atomism vte Philosophy Main article: Bertrand Russell's philosophical views Russell is generally credited with being one of the founders of analytic philosophy. He was deeply impressed by Gottfried Leibniz (1646–1716), and wrote on every major area of philosophy except aesthetics. He was particularly prolific in the fields of metaphysics, logic and the philosophy of mathematics, the philosophy of language, ethics and epistemology. When Brand Blanshard asked Russell why he did not write on aesthetics, Russell replied that he did not know anything about it, though he hastened to add "but that is not a very good excuse, for my friends tell me it has not deterred me from writing on other subjects".[149] On ethics, Russell wrote that he was a utilitarian in his youth, yet he later distanced himself from this view.[150] For the advancement of science and protection of liberty of expression, Russell advocated The Will to Doubt, the recognition that all human knowledge is at most a best guess, that one should always remember: None of our beliefs are quite true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error. The methods of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they consist in hearing all sides, trying to ascertain all the relevant facts, controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the opposite bias, and cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis which has proved inadequate. These methods are practised in science, and have built up the body of scientific knowledge. Every man of science whose outlook is truly scientific is ready to admit that what passes for scientific knowledge at the moment is sure to require correction with the progress of discovery; nevertheless, it is near enough to the truth to serve for most practical purposes, though not for all. In science, where alone something approximating to genuine knowledge is to be found, men's attitude is tentative and full of doubt.[119] Religion Russell described himself in 1947 as an agnostic or an atheist: he found it difficult to determine which term to adopt, saying: Therefore, in regard to the Olympic gods, speaking to a purely philosophical audience, I would say that I am an Agnostic. But speaking popularly, I think that all of us would say in regard to those gods that we were Atheists. In regard to the Christian God, I should, I think, take exactly the same line.[151] For most of his adult life, Russell maintained religion to be little more than superstition and, despite any positive effects, largely harmful to people. He believed that religion and the religious outlook serve to impede knowledge and foster fear and dependency, and to be responsible for much of our world's wars, oppression, and misery. He was a member of the Advisory Council of the British Humanist Association and President of Cardiff Humanists until his death.[152] Society Main article: Bertrand Russell's political views Political and social activism occupied much of Russell's time for most of his life. Russell remained politically active almost to the end of his life, writing to and exhorting world leaders and lending his name to various causes. He was a prominent campaigner against Western intervention into the Vietnam War in the 1960s, writing essays, books, attending demonstrations, and even organising the Russell Tribunal in 1966 alongside other prominent philosophers such as Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, which fed into his 1967 book War Crimes in Vietnam.[153] Russell argued for a "scientific society", where war would be abolished, population growth would be limited, and prosperity would be shared.[154] He suggested the establishment of a "single supreme world government" able to enforce peace,[155] claiming that "the only thing that will redeem mankind is co-operation".[156] He was one of the signatories of the agreement to convene a convention for drafting a world constitution.[157][158] As a result, for the first time in human history, a World Constituent Assembly convened to draft and adopt the Constitution for the Federation of Earth.[159] Russell also expressed support for guild socialism, and commented positively on several socialist thinkers and activists.[160] According to Jean Bricmont and Normand Baillargeon, "Russell was both a liberal and a socialist, a combination that was perfectly comprehensible in his time, but which has become almost unthinkable today. He was a liberal in that he opposed concentrations of power in all its manifestations, military, governmental, or religious, as well as the superstitious or nationalist ideas that usually serve as its justification. But he was also a socialist, even as an extension of his liberalism, because he was equally opposed to the concentrations of power stemming from the private ownership of the major means of production, which therefore needed to be put under social control (which does not mean state control)."[161] Russell was an active supporter of the Homosexual Law Reform Society, being one of the signatories of A. E. Dyson's 1958 letter to The Times calling for a change in the law regarding male homosexual practices, which were partly legalised in 1967, when Russell was still alive.[162] He expressed sympathy and support for the Palestinian people and was strongly critical of Israel's actions. He wrote in 1960 that, "I think it was a mistake to establish a Jewish State in Palestine, but it would be a still greater mistake to try to get rid of it now that it exists."[163] In his final written document, read aloud in Cairo three days after his death on 31 January 1970, he condemned Israel as an aggressive imperialist power, which "wishes to consolidate with the least difficulty what it has already taken by violence. Every new conquest becomes the new basis of the proposed negotiation from strength, which ignores the injustice of the previous aggression." In regards to the Palestinian people and refugees, he wrote that, "No people anywhere in the world would accept being expelled en masse from their own country; how can anyone require the people of Palestine to accept a punishment which nobody else would tolerate? A permanent just settlement of the refugees in their homeland is an essential ingredient of any genuine settlement in the Middle East."[164] Russell advocated – and was one of the first people in the UK to suggest[165] – a universal basic income.[166] In his 1918 book Roads to Freedom, Russell wrote that "Anarchism has the advantage as regards liberty, Socialism as regards the inducement to work. Can we not find a method of combining these two advantages? It seems to me that we can. [...] Stated in more familiar terms, the plan we are advocating amounts essentially to this: that a certain small income, sufficient for necessaries, should be secured to all, whether they work or not, and that a larger income – as much larger as might be warranted by the total amount of commodities produced – should be given to those who are willing to engage in some work which the community recognizes as useful...When education is finished, no one should be compelled to work, and those who choose not to work should receive a bare livelihood and be left completely free."[167] In "Reflections on My Eightieth Birthday" ("Postscript" in his Autobiography), Russell wrote: "I have lived in the pursuit of a vision, both personal and social. Personal: to care for what is noble, for what is beautiful, for what is gentle; to allow moments of insight to give wisdom at more mundane times. Social: to see in imagination the society that is to be created, where individuals grow freely, and where hate and greed and envy die because there is nothing to nourish them. These things I believe, and the world, for all its horrors, has left me unshaken".[168] Freedom of opinion and expression Russell was a champion of freedom of opinion and an opponent of both censorship and indoctrination. In 1928, he wrote: "The fundamental argument for freedom of opinion is the doubtfulness of all our belief... when the State intervenes to ensure the indoctrination of some doctrine, it does so because there is no conclusive evidence in favour of that doctrine ... It is clear that thought is not free if the profession of certain opinions make it impossible to make a living".[169] In 1957, he wrote: "'Free thought' means thinking freely ... to be worthy of the name freethinker he must be free of two things: the force of tradition and the tyranny of his own passions."[170] Education Russell has presented ideas on the possible means of control of education in case of scientific dictatorship governments, of the kind of this excerpt taken from chapter II "General Effects of Scientific Technique" of "The Impact of Science on society":[171] This subject will make great strides when it is taken up by scientists under a scientific dictatorship. Anaxagoras maintained that snow is black, but no one believed him. The social psychologists of the future will have a number of classes of school children on whom they will try different methods of producing an unshakable conviction that snow is black. Various results will soon be arrived at. First, that the influence of home is obstructive. Second, that not much can be done unless indoctrination begins before the age of ten. Third, that verses set to music and repeatedly intoned are very effective. Fourth, that the opinion that snow is white must be held to show a morbid taste for eccentricity. But I anticipate. It is for future scientists to make these maxims precise and discover exactly how much it costs per head to make children believe that snow is black, and how much less it would cost to make them believe it is dark grey. Although this science will be diligently studied, it will be rigidly confined to the governing class. The populace will not be allowed to know how its convictions were generated. When the technique has been perfected, every government that has been in charge of education for a generation will be able to control its subjects securely without the need of armies or policemen. As yet there is only one country which has succeeded in creating this politician's paradise. The social effects of scientific technique have already been many and important, and are likely to be even more noteworthy in the future. Some of these effects depend upon the political and economic character of the country concerned; others are inevitable, whatever this character may be. He pushed his visionary scenarios even further into details, in the chapter III "Scientific Technique in an Oligarchy" of the same book,[172] stating as an example: In future such failures are not likely to occur where there is dictatorship. Diet, injections, and injunctions will combine, from a very early age, to produce the sort of character and the sort of beliefs that the authorities consider desirable, and any serious criticism of the powers that be will become psychologically impossible. Even if all are miserable, all will believe themselves happy, because the government will tell them that they are so. Selected works Below are selected Russell's works in English, sorted by year of first publication: 1896. German Social Democracy. London: Longmans, Green 1897. An Essay on the Foundations of Geometry.[173] Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1900. A Critical Exposition of the Philosophy of Leibniz. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1903. The Principles of Mathematics.[174] Cambridge University Press 1903. A Free man's worship, and other essays.[175] 1905. On Denoting, Mind, Vol. 14. ISSN 0026-4423. Basil Blackwell 1910. Philosophical Essays. London: Longmans, Green 1910–1913. Principia Mathematica.[176] (with Alfred North Whitehead). 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1912. The Problems of Philosophy.[177] London: Williams and Norgate 1914. Our Knowledge of the External World as a Field for Scientific Method in Philosophy.[178] Chicago and London: Open Court Publishing.[179] 1916. Principles of Social Reconstruction.[180] London, George Allen and Unwin 1916. Why Men Fight. New York: The Century Co 1916. The Policy of the Entente, 1904–1914 : a reply to Professor Gilbert Murray.[181] Manchester: The National Labour Press 1916. Justice in War-time. Chicago: Open Court 1917. Political Ideals.[182] New York: The Century Co. 1918. Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays. London: George Allen & Unwin 1918. Proposed Roads to Freedom: Socialism, Anarchism, and Syndicalism.[183] London: George Allen & Unwin 1919. Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy.[184][185] London: George Allen & Unwin. (ISBN 0-415-09604-9 for Routledge paperback)[186] 1920. The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism.[187] London: George Allen & Unwin 1921. The Analysis of Mind.[188] London: George Allen & Unwin 1922. The Problem of China.[189] London: George Allen & Unwin 1922. Free Thought and Official Propaganda, delivered at South Place Institute[119] 1923. The Prospects of Industrial Civilization, in collaboration with Dora Russell. London: George Allen & Unwin 1923. The ABC of Atoms, London: Kegan Paul. Trench, Trubner 1924. Icarus; or, The Future of Science. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner 1925. The ABC of Relativity. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner (revised and edited by Felix Pirani) 1925. What I Believe. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner 1926. On Education, Especially in Early Childhood. London: George Allen & Unwin 1927. The Analysis of Matter. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner 1927. An Outline of Philosophy. London: George Allen & Unwin 1927. Why I Am Not a Christian.[190] London: Watts 1927. Selected Papers of Bertrand Russell. New York: Modern Library 1928. Sceptical Essays. London: George Allen & Unwin 1929. Marriage and Morals. London: George Allen & Unwin 1930. The Conquest of Happiness. London: George Allen & Unwin 1931. The Scientific Outlook,[191] London: George Allen & Unwin 1932. Education and the Social Order,[192] London: George Allen & Unwin 1934. Freedom and Organization, 1814–1914. London: George Allen & Unwin 1935. In Praise of Idleness and Other Essays.[193] London: George Allen & Unwin 1935. Religion and Science. London: Thornton Butterworth 1936. Which Way to Peace?. London: Jonathan Cape 1937. The Amberley Papers: The Letters and Diaries of Lord and Lady Amberley, with Patricia Russell, 2 vols., London: Leonard & Virginia Woolf at the Hogarth Press; reprinted (1966) as The Amberley Papers. Bertrand Russell's Family Background, 2 vols., London: George Allen & Unwin 1938. Power: A New Social Analysis. London: George Allen & Unwin 1940. An Inquiry into Meaning and Truth. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.[194] 1945. The Bomb and Civilisation. Published in the Glasgow Forward on 18 August 1945 1945. A History of Western Philosophy and Its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day[195] New York: Simon and Schuster 1948. Human Knowledge: Its Scope and Limits. London: George Allen & Unwin 1949. Authority and the Individual.[196] London: George Allen & Unwin 1950. Unpopular Essays.[197] London: George Allen & Unwin 1951. New Hopes for a Changing World. London: George Allen & Unwin 1952. The Impact of Science on Society. London: George Allen & Unwin 1953. Satan in the Suburbs and Other Stories. London: George Allen & Unwin 1954. Human Society in Ethics and Politics. London: George Allen & Unwin 1954. Nightmares of Eminent Persons and Other Stories.[198] London: George Allen & Unwin 1956. Portraits from Memory and Other Essays.[199] London: George Allen & Unwin 1956. Logic and Knowledge: Essays 1901–1950, edited by Robert C. Marsh. London: George Allen & Unwin 1957. Why I Am Not A Christian and Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects, edited by Paul Edwards. London: George Allen & Unwin 1958. Understanding History and Other Essays. New York: Philosophical Library 1958. The Will to Doubt. New York: Philosophical Library 1959. Common Sense and Nuclear Warfare.[200] London: George Allen & Unwin 1959. My Philosophical Development.[201] London: George Allen & Unwin 1959. Wisdom of the West: A Historical Survey of Western Philosophy in Its Social and Political Setting, edited by Paul Foulkes. London: Macdonald 1960. Bertrand Russell Speaks His Mind, Cleveland and New York: World Publishing Company 1961. The Basic Writings of Bertrand Russell, edited by R. E. Egner and L. E. Denonn. London: George Allen & Unwin 1961. Fact and Fiction. London: George Allen & Unwin 1961. Has Man a Future? London: George Allen & Unwin 1963. Essays in Skepticism. New York: Philosophical Library 1963. Unarmed Victory. London: George Allen & Unwin 1965. Legitimacy Versus Industrialism, 1814–1848. London: George Allen & Unwin (first published as Parts I and II of Freedom and Organization, 1814–1914, 1934) 1965. On the Philosophy of Science, edited by Charles A. Fritz, Jr. Indianapolis: The Bobbs–Merrill Company 1966. The ABC of Relativity. London: George Allen & Unwin 1967. Russell's Peace Appeals, edited by Tsutomu Makino and Kazuteru Hitaka. Japan: Eichosha's New Current Books 1967. War Crimes in Vietnam. London: George Allen & Unwin 1951–1969. The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell,[202] 3 vols., London: George Allen & Unwin. Vol. 2, 1956[202] 1969. Dear Bertrand Russell... A Selection of his Correspondence with the General Public 1950–1968

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ John Henry Faulk was an American storyteller, radio personality, and civil liberties advocate. He was born on August 21, 1913, and was known for his wit, charm, and commitment to free speech. Faulk gained prominence as a radio broadcaster in the 1950s but became a central figure in the fight against blacklisting during the McCarthy era. He was among the many victims of the Hollywood blacklist due to his refusal to cooperate with the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). His battle against censorship and his subsequent legal victory in the landmark case Faulk v. AWARE Inc. (1962) played a pivotal role in defending First Amendment rights. Faulk's resilience and dedication to civil liberties left a lasting impact on American free speech advocacy. John Stockwell was a former high-ranking CIA officer who became a prominent critic of the agency's practices. Born on March 24, 1937, Stockwell served in the CIA for over a decade, primarily involved in covert operations. However, he later became disillusioned with the CIA's activities, particularly its covert interventions in foreign countries. Following his resignation from the CIA in 1977, Stockwell became an outspoken critic of U.S. foreign policy, exposing various clandestine operations and criticizing the agency's role in destabilizing governments across the globe. He authored the book "In Search of Enemies" (1978), which revealed the CIA's covert actions in Angola and other countries, shedding light on the agency's questionable tactics. Stockwell dedicated much of his post-CIA life to speaking out against government secrecy and advocating for transparency in intelligence operations. John Henry Faulk (August 21, 1913 – April 9, 1990) was an American storyteller and radio show host. His successful lawsuit against the entertainment industry helped to bring an end to the Hollywood blacklist. Early life John Henry Faulk was born in Austin, Texas, to Methodist parents Henry Faulk and his wife Martha Miner Faulk. John Henry had four siblings.[1][2] Faulk spent his childhood years in Austin in the noted Victorian house Green Pastures. A journalist acquaintance from Austin has written that the two of them came from "extremely similar family backgrounds – the old Southern wealth with rich heritage and families dedicated to civil rights long before it was hip to fight racism."[3] Education and military service Faulk enrolled at the University of Texas in Austin in 1932. He became a protégé of J. Frank Dobie, Walter Prescott Webb, Roy Bedichek, and Mody C. Boatright, enabling Faulk to hone his skills as a folklorist. He earned a master's degree in folklore with his thesis "Ten Negro Sermons". He further began to craft his oratory style as a part-time English teacher at the university 1940–1942, relating Texas folk tales peppered with his gift of character impersonations.[2][4] He was initially unfit for service with the United States Army because of an eye problem. Instead, Faulk joined the Merchant Marine in 1942 for a one-year stint,[3] spending 1943 in Cairo, Egypt, serving the American Red Cross. World War II had caused the United States Army to relax its enlistment standards, and Faulk finally enlisted in 1944. He served as a medic at Camp Swift, Texas.[2] During this period, Faulk also joined the American Civil Liberties Union.[4] Career While a soldier at Camp Swift, Faulk began writing his own radio scripts. An acquaintance facilitated an interview for him at WCBS in New York City. The network executives were sufficiently impressed to offer him his own radio show. Upon his 1946 discharge from the Army, Faulk began his Johnny's Front Porch radio show for WCBS. The show featured Faulk's characterizations that he had been developing since his university years.[4][5] Faulk eventually went to another radio station, but returned to WCBS for a four-hour morning talk show. The John Henry Faulk Show ran for six years.[6] His radio successes provided opportunity for him to appear as himself on television, in shows including the 1951 Mark Goodson and William Todman game show It's News to Me, hosted by John Charles Daly.[7][8] He also appeared on Leave It to the Girls in 1953 and The Name's the Same in 1955.[9] Cactus Pryor met Faulk in the studios of KLBJ (then KTBC) where Faulk stopped by to thank Pryor for letting his mother hear his New York show. Pryor had been "accidentally" broadcasting Faulk's radio show in Texas where Faulk was not otherwise heard. Although the broadcast happened repeatedly, Pryor always claimed he just hit the wrong button in the studio. Pryor visited Faulk at a Manhattan apartment he shared with Alan Lomax and became introduced to the movers and shakers of the East Coast celebrity scene of that era. When Pryor stood by Faulk during the blacklisting and tried to find him work, Pryor's children were harassed, a prominent Austin physician circulated a letter questioning Pryor's patriotism, and an Austin attorney tried to convince Lyndon B. Johnson to discharge Pryor from the airwaves. The Pryor family and the Faulk family remained close and supportive of each other for the rest of Faulk's life.[10][11] In December 1955, Faulk was elected second vice president of the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (AFTRA). Orson Bean was the first vice president and Charles Collingwood was the president of the union.[12] Collingwood, Bean, and Faulk were part of a middle-of-the-road slate of non-communist, anti-AWARE organization candidates that Faulk had helped draft. Twenty-seven of thirty-five vacant seats on the board went to the middle-of-the-road slate.[13] Faulk's public position during the campaign had been that the union should be focused on jobs and security, not blacklisting of members.[3][14] In the 1970s in Austin, he was also befriended by the young co-editor of the Texas Observer, Molly Ivins, and became an early supporter of hers.[15] Blacklist controversy Faulk's radio career at CBS[3] ended in 1957, a victim of the Cold War and the blacklisting of the 1950s. AWARE, Inc., a for-profit corporation inspired by Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy, offered a "clearance" service to major media advertisers and radio and television networks; for a fee, AWARE would investigate the backgrounds of entertainers for signs of Communist sympathy or affiliation. In 1955, Faulk earned the ill will of the blacklisting organization when other members and he wrested control of their union, the AFTRA, from officers backed by AWARE. In reprisal, AWARE labeled Faulk a communist.[16] When he discovered that AWARE was actively keeping radio stations from offering him employment, Faulk sought compensation. Several prominent radio personalities along with CBS News vice president Edward R. Murrow supported Faulk's attempt to put an end to blacklisting. With financial backing from Murrow, Faulk engaged New York attorney Louis Nizer. Attorneys for AWARE, including McCarthy-committee counsel Roy Cohn, managed to stall the suit, originally filed in 1957, for five years. When the trial finally concluded in a New York courtroom, the jury had determined that Faulk should receive more compensation than he sought in his original petition. On June 28, 1962, the jury awarded him the largest libel judgment in history to that date — $3.5 million.[16] An appeals court lowered the amount to $500,000. Legal fees and accumulated debts erased most of the balance of the award.[16] He netted some $75,000.[17] Faulk's book, Fear on Trial, published in 1963, tells the story of the experience. The book was remade into an Emmy Award-winning TV movie in 1975 by CBS Television with William Devane portraying Faulk and George C. Scott playing Faulk's lawyer, Louis Nizer. Other supporters in the blacklist struggle included radio pioneer and Wimberley, Texas, native Parks Johnson, and reporter and CBS television news anchor Walter Cronkite.[3] Personal life and death In 1940, John Henry Faulk and Harriet Elizabeth ("Hally") Wood, a music student at the University of Texas Fine Arts School, were married, six weeks after they met.[4] The marriage ended in divorce in 1947; the couple had one daughter, Cynthia Tannehill. In 1948, Faulk and New Yorker Lynne Smith were married some six weeks after they met. That marriage also ended in divorce because of fallout from the blacklisting upheaval. Faulk and Smith had two daughters, Johanna and Evelyn, and one son, Frank Dobie Faulk.[18] In 1965, Faulk and Elizabeth Peake were married; they had one son, John Henry Faulk III.[2] John Henry Faulk died in Austin of cancer on April 9, 1990, and is interred there at Oakwood Cemetery. Austin restaurateur Mary Faulk Koock (1910–1996) was Faulk's sister.[19] Awards and tributes (1980) "The Ballad of John Henry Faulk", by artist Phil Ochs, is on his album The Broadside Tapes 1, Folkways Records.[20] (1983) Faulk was the recipient of a Paul Robeson Award, which recognizes exemplification of principles by which Paul Robeson lived his life.[21] (1995) John Henry Faulk Public Library, the main branch of the Austin Public Library, originally named Central Library when constructed in 1979, was renamed to honor Faulk.[22] The John Henry Faulk Award, Tejas Storytelling Association, is presented annually in Denton, Texas, to the individual who has made a significant contribution to the art of storytelling in the Southwest.[23] Film and television credits Film All the Way Home (1963) – Walter Starr The Best Man (1964) – Governor T.T. Claypoole Lovin' Molly (1974) – Mr. Grinsom The Texas Chain Saw Massacre (1974) – Storyteller Leadbelly (1976) – Governor Neff Trespasses (1986) – Doctor Silver (final film role) Television It's News to Me (1951–1954) – Self Leave It to the Girls (Oct 3, 1953) – Self The Name's the Same (Feb 21, 1955) – Self For the People (1965) – Reynolds Fear on Trial (1975) – Writer, biographical film of John Henry Faulk Hee Haw (1975–1982) – Self Adam (1983) – Strom Thurmond Cronkite Remembers (1997) – Uncredited archive footage Discography John Henry Faulk, recordings of Negro religious services. Part 1 [sound recording] (July 1941) 47 sound discs : analog, 33 1/3 and 78 rpm; 12 in. John Henry Faulk recordings of Negro religious services. Part 2 [sound recording] (Aug–Sept 1941) 42 sound discs : analog, 33 1/3 rpm; 12 in. John Henry Faulk Texas recordings collection [sound recording] (Oct–Nov 1941) 33 sound discs : analog, 33 1/3 rpm; 12 in. John Henry Faulk collection of Texas prison songs [sound recording] (1942) 10 sound discs : analog, 78 rpm; 12 in. + documentation. John Henry Faulk and others, "Man-on-the-Street" interviews collection [sound recording] (1941) 6 sound discs : analog; 16 in.; 15 sound discs : analog; 12 in. American people speak on the war [sound recording] (1941) 1 sound disc (ca. 15 min.) : analog, 33 1/3 rpm; 16 in. The people speak to the president, or, Dear, Mr. President [sound recording] (1942) 1 sound disc : analog, 33 1/3 rpm; 16 in. CBS news with Stuart Metz.[sound recording]. (May 13, 1957) 1 sound tape reel (5 min.) : analog, 7 1/2 ips, full track, mono.; 7 in John Henry Faulk show (May 13, 1957) 1 sound tape reel (25 min.) : analog, 7 1/2 ips, full track, mono.; 7 in Blacklist: a failure in political imagination [Sound recording] (1960) reel. 7 in. 3 3/4 ips. 1/2 track. cassette. 2 1/2 × 4 in Help unsell the war. American report [sound recording] (1972) 1 sound disc : analog, 33 1/3 rpm; 12 in Selected radio programs from The Larry King show [sound recording] (1982–1985) 116 sound cassettes : analog African-American Slave Audio Recordings (2008) Radio appearances and speeches Faulk recorded his "Christmas Story" in 1974 for the NPR program Voices in the Wind. Faulk made speeches on the First Amendment and civil rights for many colleges and universities. Bibliography Faulk, John Henry (1940). Quickened by De Spurit; Ten Negro Sermons. Faulk, John Henry (1983) [1964]. Fear on Trial. Reprint. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-72442-6. Faulk, John Henry (1983). The Uncensored John Henry Faulk. Texas Monthly Press. ISBN 978-0-87719-013-4. Faulk, John Henry (1987). To Secure the Blessings of Liberty. Univ of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-78095-8. Plays Deep in the Heart (one-man play) Pear Orchard, Texas (one-man play) Further reading "John Henry Faulk Papers". Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin. Retrieved October 30, 2013. Gerard, Jeremy (April 10, 1990). "John Henry Faulk, 76, Dies; Humorist Who Challenged Blacklist". The New York Times. Retrieved February 1, 2011. Nizer, Louis (1966). The Jury Returns. Doubleday & Company Inc. Burton, Michael C. John Henry Faulk: The Making of a Liberated Mind: A Biography. Austin: Eakin Press, 1993. ISBN 0-89015-923-8 Moyers, Bill (1990). A World of Ideas II. Main Street Books. ISBN 978-0-385-41665-8. Drake, Chris (2007). You Gotta Stand Up: The Life and High Times of John Henry Faulk. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84718-164-0. Biography portalRadio portaliconTelevision portaliconComedy portalflagTexas portal References "Texana Faulk Conn". 4 Hearing Loss. Archived from the original on July 7, 2011. Retrieved January 31, 2011. Foshee, Page S. "John Henry Faulk". Handbook of Texas Online. Texas State Historical Association. Retrieved January 31, 2011. "As Faulk learned, Cronkite was giving behind the scenes" by Charles McClure, Lake Travis [TX] View, July 29, 2009. Retrieved December 26, 2009. McClure writes that his own father shared the same professors with Faulk at UT. Lief, Caldwell (2004) p.122 Lief, Caldwell (2004) p.109 Lief, Caldwell (2004) p.123 McDermott, Mark. "Mark Goodson and Bill Todman". The Museum of Broadcast Communications. Archived from the original on May 14, 2013. Retrieved February 1, 2011. Grace, Roger M (February 23, 2003). "TV Anchors Host Game Shows". Metropolitan News Company. Retrieved February 1, 2011. Timberg, Erler (2002) p.232 Pryor, Cactus (March 1992). "He Called Me Puddin'". Texas Monthly: 101, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137. Biffle (1993) p.227 Sterling (2003) p.270 Foerstel (1997) p.77 Smith, Ostroff, Wright (1998) p.60 "Troublemaker" Book review by Lloyd Grove, The New York Times Book Review, December 24, 2009 (December 27, 2009, p. BR17 of NY ed.). Book reviewed: Molly Ivins: A Rebel Life by Bill Minutaglio and W. Michael Smith, illustrated, 335 pp. PublicAffairs. Ivins, Molly (July–August 1990). "Johnny's Fight". Mother Jones: 8, 9. "Humorist will address United Way volunteers", Minden Press-Herald, Minden, Louisiana, September 19, 1984, p. 2B Gerard, Jeremy (April 10, 1990). "John Henry Faulk, 76, Dies; Humorist Who Challenged Blacklist". The New York Times. Retrieved February 1, 2011. Koock, Mary Faulk (2001). The Texas Cookbook: From Barbecue to Banquet-an Informal View of Dining and Entertaining the Texas Way. University of North Texas Press. p. Back cover. ISBN 978-1-57441-136-2. "The Broadside Tapes 1". Phil Ochs discography. Discogs. Retrieved January 31, 2011. "Paul Robeson Award". Actor's Equity Association. Archived from the original on December 12, 2010. Retrieved January 31, 2011. "John Henry Faulk Public Library". City of Austin. Archived from the original on April 24, 2011. Retrieved January 31, 2011. "Tejas-John Henry Faulk Award". Tejas Storytelling Association. Archived from the original on March 16, 2011. Retrieved February 2, 2011. Additional sourcing Berman, Phillip L (1993). The Search for Meaning: Americans Talk About What They Believe and Why. Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-345-37777-7. Biffle, Kent (1993). A Month of Sundays. University of North Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-929398-56-3. Foerstel, Herbert N (1997). Free Expression and Censorship in America: An Encyclopedia. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-29231-6. Smith, F. Leslie; Ostroff, David H; Wright, John W II (1998). Perspectives on Radio and Television: Telecommunication in the United States. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-8058-2092-8. Timberg, Bernard; Erler, Bob (2002). Television Talk: A History of the TV Talk Show. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-78176-4. Sterling, Christopher H (2003). Encyclopedia of Radio. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-57958-249-4. Lief, Michael S; Caldwell, Harry M (2004). And the Walls Came Tumbling Down: Greatest Closing Arguments Protecting Civil Liberties. Scribner. ISBN 978-0-7432-4666-8.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Maurice Hubert Stans (March 22, 1908 – April 14, 1998) was an American accountant, civil servant, and political organizer who served as the 19th United States Secretary of Commerce from 1969 to 1972. He served as the finance chairman for the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, working for the re-election of Richard Nixon. He pleaded guilty to five counts for technical violations of the Federal Election Campaign Act that were revealed during the larger investigation into the Watergate scandal. Early life and education Stans was born on March 22, 1908, in Shakopee, Minnesota, the son of James Hubert Stans and Mathilda Stans (nee Nyssen). His father was the only child of Jan Hendrik Stans and Maria Catharina Crijns, a Belgian couple who immigrated to the United States in 1880.[1] Stans graduated from Shakopee High School in 1925. He worked at a local foundry before traveling to Chicago to find work with friend, Otto F. Schultz. The same year, he began work as a stenographer and bookkeeper for a Chicago importer, while attending evening classes at Northwestern University. In 1928 he joined the Chicago-based firm of Alexander Grant and Company, certified public accountants, and continued his part-time studies at Columbia University while working at the firm's New York City office.[2] He attended Columbia from 1928 to 1930. Career Stans was an executive partner with the Alexander Grant & Co. accounting firm in Chicago from 1940 until 1955. He was a Certified Public Accountant, licensed in New York, Ohio and Virginia. He was President of the American Institute of Accountants from 1954 to 1955 and won the Gold Medal for Distinguished Service to the Profession in 1954. He was inducted into the Accounting Hall of Fame in 1960.[2][3][4] Public servant under Eisenhower and Nixon External videos video icon 1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-13; Part 1 of 3, 1:36:09, Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC[5] He later served as U.S. deputy postmaster general from 1955 to 1957, in the Dwight Eisenhower administration. He served as deputy director of the Bureau of the Budget from 1957 to 1958, and director of the Bureau of the Budget from 1958 to 1961, still under Eisenhower. He joined the Nixon administration as secretary of commerce from 1969 to 1972. In 1961, Stans was one of the founders of the African Wildlife Foundation.[6] Watergate Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP Committee for the Re-Election of the President Fred LaRue Jeb Stuart Magruder Robert Mardian John N. Mitchell Kenneth Parkinson Hugh W. Sloan Jr. Maurice Stans White House Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte In mid-February 1972, Stans resigned as the secretary of commerce to chair the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP), Richard Nixon's re-election campaign. Money that he raised for the campaign was clearly used to finance some of the illegal Watergate activities. Stans denied any knowledge of what the money was used for, only that it was authorized to be spent.[7] On March 12, 1975, Stans pleaded guilty to three counts of violating the reporting sections of the Federal Election Campaign Act and two counts of accepting illegal campaign contributions. He was fined $5,000.[8] The convictions were related to improperly giving campaign funds to G. Gordon Liddy, though Stans insisted that his guilt ended there and that he was not aware of Liddy's plan to use the money for what became the Watergate break in.[8][9] He later authored a book, The Terrors of Justice: The Untold Side of Watergate, in which he detailed his side of the Watergate story. Personal life Stans died at the Huntington Memorial Hospital in Pasadena, California, on April 14, 1998, at age 90, from complications of congestive heart failure. References De Nederlandsche leeuw. Koninklijk Nederlandsch Genootschap voor Geslacht- en Wapenkunde. 1969. pp. k. 217–218. "Maurice Stans papers". Minnesota Historical Society. Retrieved 2011-10-20. "Biography of Maurice H. Stans". Ohio State University. "Membership in Accounting Hall of Fame". Ohio State University Fisher. Archived from the original on 2016-07-14. Retrieved 2014-10-20. "1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-13; Part 1 of 3". Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. June 13, 1973. Retrieved January 19, 2018. Episode Guide Bonner, Raymond (1993). At the hand of man: peril and hope for Africa's wildlife. Knopf. pp. 56–57. ISBN 0-679-40008-7. "Watergate case of 'misguided loyalty' -- Maurice Stans". UPI. Retrieved 2022-02-19. David Rohde (1998-04-15). "Maurice Stans Dies at 90; Led Nixon Commerce Dept". The New York Times. Retrieved 2013-03-24. ELIZABETH WHARTON (June 14, 1982). "Watergate case of 'misguided loyalty' -- Maurice Stans". upi.com. External links Papers of Maurice H. Stans, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library Appearances on C-SPAN Political offices Preceded by Percival Brundage Director of the Bureau of the Budget 1958–1961 Succeeded by David E. Bell Preceded by Cyrus Smith United States Secretary of Commerce 1969–1972 Succeeded by Peter Peterson vte United States Secretaries of Commerce Secretaries of Commerce and Labor Cortelyou Metcalf Straus Nagel Seal of the United States Department of Commerce Secretaries of Commerce Redfield Alexander Hoover Whiting Lamont Chapin Roper Hopkins Jones Wallace Harriman Sawyer Weeks Strauss Mueller Hodges Connor Trowbridge Smith Stans Peterson Dent Morton Richardson Kreps Klutznick Baldrige Verity Mosbacher Franklin Brown Kantor Daley Mineta Evans Gutierrez Locke Bryson Pritzker Ross Raimondo vte Directors of the United States Office of Management and Budget Dawes Lord Roop Douglas D. W. Bell Smith Webb Pace Lawton Dodge Hughes Brundage Stans D. E. Bell Gordon Schultze Zwick Mayo Shultz Weinberger Ash Lynn Lance McIntyre Stockman Miller Wright Darman Panetta Rivlin Raines Lew Daniels Bolten Portman Nussle Orszag Lew Burwell Donovan Mulvaney Vought Young vte Cabinet of President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961) Cabinet Vice President Richard Nixon (1953–1961) Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (1953–1959) Christian Herter (1959–1961) Secretary of the Treasury George M. Humphrey (1953–1957) Robert B. Anderson (1957–1961) Secretary of Defense Charles Erwin Wilson (1953–1957) Neil H. McElroy (1957–1959) Thomas S. Gates Jr. (1959–1961) Attorney General Herbert Brownell Jr. (1953–1957) William P. Rogers (1957–1961) Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield (1953–1961) Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay (1953–1956) Fred A. Seaton (1956–1961) Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson (1953–1961) Secretary of Commerce Sinclair Weeks (1953–1958) Frederick H. Mueller (1959–1961) Secretary of Labor Martin Patrick Durkin (1953) James P. Mitchell (1953–1961) Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Oveta Culp Hobby (1953–1955) Marion B. Folsom (1955–1958) Arthur Flemming (1958–1961) Cabinet-level Director of the Bureau of the Budget Joseph Dodge (1953–1954) Rowland Hughes (1954–1956) Percival Brundage (1956–1958) Maurice Stans (1958–1961) Ambassador to the United Nations Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (1953–1960) James Jeremiah Wadsworth (1960–1961) Director of the Mutual Security Agency Harold Stassen (1953) Director of the Office of Defense Mobilization Arthur Flemming (1953–1957) Gordon Gray (1957–1958) Administrator of the Federal Civil Defense Administration Val Peterson (1953–1957) Leo Hoegh (1957–1958) Director of the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization Leo Hoegh (1958–1961) Chair of the Atomic Energy Commission John A. McCone (1958–1961) White House Chief of Staff Sherman Adams (1953–1958) Wilton Persons (1958–1961) White House Deputy Chief of Staff Wilton Persons (1953–1958) Gerald D. Morgan (1958–1961) White House Cabinet Secretary Maxwell M. Rabb (1954–1958) Robert Keith Gray (1958–1961) vte Cabinet of President Richard Nixon (1969–1974) Cabinet Vice President Spiro Agnew (1969–1973) None (1973) Gerald Ford (1973–1974) Secretary of State William P. Rogers (1969–1973) Henry Kissinger (1973–1974) Secretary of the Treasury David M. Kennedy (1969–1971) John Connally (1971–1972) George Shultz (1972–1974) William E. Simon (1974) Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird (1969–1973) Elliot Richardson (1973) James R. Schlesinger (1973–1974) Attorney General John N. Mitchell (1969–1972) Richard Kleindienst (1972–1973) Elliot Richardson (1973) William B. Saxbe (1974) Postmaster General Winton M. Blount (1969–1971) Secretary of the Interior Wally Hickel (1969–1970) Rogers Morton (1971–1974) Secretary of Agriculture Clifford M. Hardin (1969–1971) Earl Butz (1971–1974) Secretary of Commerce Maurice Stans (1969–1972) Peter G. Peterson (1972–1973) Frederick B. Dent (1973–1974) Secretary of Labor George Shultz (1969–1970) James Day Hodgson (1970–1973) Peter J. Brennan (1973–1974) Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Robert Finch (1969–1970) Elliot Richardson (1970–1973) Caspar Weinberger (1973–1974) Secretary of Housing and Urban Development George W. Romney (1969–1973) James Thomas Lynn (1973–1974) Secretary of Transportation John A. Volpe (1969–1973) Claude Brinegar (1973–1974) Cabinet-level Director of the Bureau of the Budget Robert P. Mayo (1969–1970) Director of the Office of Management and Budget George Shultz (1970–1972) Caspar Weinberger (1972–1973) Roy Ash (1973–1974) Ambassador to the United Nations Charles Yost (1969–1971) George H. W. Bush (1971–1973) John A. Scali (1973–1974) Counselor to the President Arthur F. Burns (1969) Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1969–1970) Bryce Harlow (1969–1970) Robert Finch (1970–1972) Donald Rumsfeld (1970–1971) Anne L. Armstrong (1973–1974) Dean Burch (1974) Kenneth Rush (1974) Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Germany United States People Deutsche Biographie Other NARA SNAC IdRef Categories: 1908 births1998 deaths20th-century American politiciansAmerican accountantsCalifornia politicians convicted of crimesCalifornia RepublicansDirectors of the Office of Management and BudgetEisenhower administration cabinet membersIllinois RepublicansMembers of the Committee for the Re-Election of the PresidentNew York (state) RepublicansNixon administration cabinet membersPeople convicted in the Watergate scandalPeople from Shakopee, MinnesotaUnited States Secretaries of CommerceWriters from Minnesota Herbert L. "Bart" Porter was a campaign aide to U.S. President Richard M. Nixon. Early life At University of Southern California, he was a member of Trojans for Representative Government with future Watergate scandal participants Dwight L. Chapin, Tim Elbourne, Donald Segretti, Gordon C. Strachan, and Ron Ziegler. Watergate On January 28, 1974, Porter pleaded guilty to the charge of lying to the FBI during the early stages of the Watergate investigation.[1] References "The Other Nixon Watergate Men". Time magazine. March 11, 1974. Archived from the original on December 22, 2008. Retrieved 2009-03-30.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Children of Hiroshima (原爆の子, Genbaku no ko, lit. "Children of the Atomic Bomb") is a 1952 Japanese drama film directed by Kaneto Shindō. Plot Takako Ishikawa is a teacher on an island in the inland sea off the coast of post-war Hiroshima. During her summer holiday, she takes the ferry to her hometown Hiroshima to visit the graves of her parents and younger sister, who were killed in the Atomic bombing. She sees a beggar and recognises him as Iwakichi, a former servant of her parents, now burned on the face and partially blind. She follows him to his poor shack, where he is looked after by a woman living next door, and asks about his family. With his wife, his son and daughter-in-law dead, Iwakichi's only surviving relative is his grandson Tarō, who lives in an orphanage. Takako visits the orphanage and finds the children barely have enough to eat. She offers to take Iwakichi and his grandson back with her, but Iwakichi refuses, running away. Takako goes on to visit Natsue Morikawa, a former colleague at the kindergarten where she used to teach, and now a midwife. Natsue has been rendered sterile as an aftereffect of the bomb, and is planning to adopt a child with her husband. Natsue and Takako visit the site of the kindergarten, which is now destroyed, and Takako decides to visit the students of the kindergarten. The father of the first student she visits, Sanpei, has suddenly been taken ill from a radiation-related illness and dies just before she arrives. Another one of the students is terminally ill and dying in a church, where many people with bomb-related injuries are gathered. After staying the night in Natsue's house, she then goes to visit another student, Heita. His sister, who has an injured leg, is just about to get married, and Takako dines with her. She talks to Heita's older brother Kōji about the people who died or were injured in the war. She returns to Iwakichi's house and asks him again to let her take Tarō back to the island. At first he refuses, but later his neighbour convinces him to let Takako take care of Tarō. However, Tarō still refuses to leave his grandfather. On the last evening before Takako's departure, Iwakichi invites Tarō for a meal, gives him new shoes he bought for him, and sends him to Takako with a letter. Then he sets his house on fire. He survives the fire but is badly burned and eventually dies. Tarō leaves Hiroshima together with Takako, carrying his grandfather's ashes. Cast Nobuko Otowa as Takako Ishikawa Osamu Takizawa as Iwakichi Miwa Saitō as Natsue Morikawa Tsuneko Yamanaka as child Hideji Ōtaki as Sanpei's neighbor Takashi Itō as Taro Chikako Hosokawa as Setsu, Takako's mother Masao Shimizu as Toshiaki, Takako's father Yuriko Hanabusa as Oine Tanie Kitabayashi as Otoyo Tsutomu Shimomoto as Natsue's husband Eijirō Tōno Taiji Tonoyama as the ship captain Jūkichi Uno as Kōji, Heita's oldest brother Tomoko Naraoka as Sakie, Heita's older sister Production The film was commissioned by the Japan Teachers Union and was based on first-person testimonies gathered by Japanese educator Arata Osada, collected in the 1951 book Children of the Atomic Bomb.[3] The end of the post-war occupation of Japan by American forces allowed the production of works addressing the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagaski.[4] Release Children of Hiroshima was shown in competition at the 1953 Cannes Film Festival.[5] Reception The film was successful in Japan on its initial release, but the Japan Teachers Union, which had commissioned the film, criticized its "outsider" view of the physical and personal devastation of the bombing and especially the lack of clear political and social criticism, concentrating instead on the stories of a few individuals. The union then commissioned another film, Hiroshima (released in 1953), by director Hideo Sekigawa, which was far more graphic in its depiction of the bombing's aftermath and far more critical of both American and Japanese leaders who had brought about the disaster.[4] In 1959, film historian Donald Richie perceived a major weakness in the film, its "coupling of the most lifelike naturalism with truly excessive sentimentality", but emphasized that "it showed the aftermath of the bomb without any vicious polemic".[6] Children of Hiroshima was met with positive reviews on its American debut in 2011. In a review of the film, where he also comments on its place in Kaneto Shindō's career, The New York Times critic A.O. Scott remarks: "Mr. Shindo combines austerity and sensuality to stirring, sometimes mesmerizing effect. The beauty of the compositions in Children of Hiroshima — the clarity of focus, the graceful balance within the frames — provides some relief from the grimness of his subject. […] He contemplates Japan’s wartime experience with regret, rather than indignation".[7] In The Village Voice, J. Hoberman called it "a somber melodrama" which lacks in subtlety but has "the capacity to wound".[8] Film scholar Alexander Jacoby resumed, "it remains one of Shindo’s most moving films, and a testament to the anti-war spirit that took root in Japan after its defeat".[9] The film holds a score of 86/100 on review aggregation site Metacritic.[10] Themes and Analysis The film commemorates the a-bomb attack on Hiroshima and the tragedies that followed, which the U.S. forces censored during their occupation of Japan that ended months before the film’s release.[11] The film commemorates the hibakusha people and highlights how they were ostracized in Japanese society through characters who are refused work due to their visible injuries caused by the bombs and the radiation.[11] However, the film also promotes Japan’s sentiment of victimization through the tragedy of nuclear attacks. It leaves out the struggles of other Asian countries during the war and how Japan was also a victimizer.[12] There is a lack of a larger context of wartime Japan within the film as it depicts Japan as a calm and prosperous place before the bombs. The film displays the victimization of Japan in flashback scenes of the bombing, where children cry over their dead mother's bodies, representing a broken bond of life.[12] The film’s emphasis on the destruction that followed the bombing resonates with the anti-war and pro-democracy messages of several social interest groups, including the Japan Teachers Union.[13] Legacy Children of Hiroshima was screened at a 2012 retrospective on Shindō and Kōzaburō Yoshimura in London, organised by the British Film Institute and the Japan Foundation.[14] References "原爆の子 (Children of Hiroshima)". Japanese Movie Database (in Japanese). Retrieved 7 February 2021. "原爆の子 (Children of Hiroshima)" (in Japanese). Kinema Junpo. Retrieved 7 February 2021. Bajo, Toshiko (20 November 2009). "Translations of "Children of the Atomic Bomb" grow in number". Hiroshima Peace Media Center. Retrieved 7 February 2021. Watanabe, Kazu (3 May 2018). "A Tale of Two Hiroshimas". The Criterion Collection. Archived from the original on 3 March 2019. Retrieved 7 February 2021. "Gembaku no ko". Festival de Cannes. Retrieved 17 July 2023. Anderson, Joseph L.; Richie, Donald (1959). The Japanese Film – Art & Industry. Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company. Scott, A.O. (21 April 2011). "Japanese Survivors Shaded by Puzzlement and Sorrow". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 1 May 2011. Retrieved 7 February 2021. Hoberman, J. (20 April 2012). "Surviving the Bomb in Children of Hiroshima". The Village Voice]. Retrieved 7 February 2021. Jacoby, Alexander (18 November 2013). "Classical virtues: Shindo Kaneto and Yoshimura Kozaburo". British Film Institute. Retrieved 7 February 2021. "Children of Hiroshima Reviews". Metacritic. Retrieved 17 July 2016. Dower, John (Spring 1995). "The Bombed: Hiroshimas and Nagasakis in Japanese Memory". Diplomatic History: 283. Dower, John (Spring 1995). "The Bombed: Hiroshimas and Nagasakis in Japanese Memory". Diplomatic History: 284. Seraphim, Franziska (15 March 2008). War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005. (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006), 94.: Harvard University Asia Center. p. 94. ISBN 978-0674028302. "Two Masters of Japanese Cinema: Kaneto Shindo & Kozaburo Yoshimura at BFI Southbank in June and July 2012" (PDF). Japan Foundation. Retrieved 18 July 2023.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Throughout the history of the New York City Police Department, numerous instances of corruption, misconduct, and other allegations of such, have occurred. Over 12,000 cases have resulted in lawsuit settlements totaling over $400 million during a five-year period ending in 2014. In 2019, taxpayers funded $68,688,423 as the cost of misconduct lawsuits, a 76 percent increase over the previous year, including about $10 million paid out to two exonerated individuals who had been falsely convicted and imprisoned.[1] Criminal justice advocates report that public access to information about NYPD misconduct is increasingly constrained, particularly due to the department's controversial 2016 reinterpretation of section 50-a of the New York Civil Rights Law. In June 2020, the Eric Garner Anti-Chokehold Act was passed, which repealed 50-a and made the use of certain restraints by police anywhere in the state of New York punishable by up to 15 years in prison.[2][3] Single-victim misconduct allegations Arrest of Frank Lino See also: Frank Lino In 1962, the Bonanno crime family mobster Frank Lino was arrested for his alleged involvement in the shootings of two Brooklyn police detectives. The detectives, aged 28 and 56, were shot dead during a holdup of a tobacco store in Gravesend, Brooklyn, where Lino and two others netted $5,000. Lino was charged with the murders after supplying a getaway vehicle for one of the "stick-up men" so that he could then flee to Chicago. Lino was one of the five men charged after being taken to the 66th Precinct for an interrogation. During Lino's interrogation, he claimed that police officers drove staples into his hands and a broomstick up his rectum. He alleged that the abuse resulted in a broken leg and arm. Lino was later released with three years probation after he threatened to sue the city for police brutality. He also claimed that the uncontrollable blinking of his eyes was a direct result of the alleged beating. Shooting of Clifford Glover Main article: Shooting of Clifford Glover On April 28, 1973, Officer Thomas Shea shot 10-year-old Clifford Glover while in South Jamaica, Queens, thinking Glover had a gun. On June 12, 1974, Shea was acquitted of wrongdoing by 11 white and one black jurors but was fired from the NYPD that year. Beating death of Israel Rodriguez On June 13, 1975, Officer Thomas Ryan arrested Israel Rodriguez on attempted murder charges, when Rodriguez fired through his door at Ryan. Rodriguez mistook Ryan for Luis Santiago.[4] Santiago and three others had held Rodriguez and beat him on the roof of his building forcing Rodriguez to hand over his stash of narcotics. After arriving at the scene, in response to being called about a burglary, Officers Ryan and Brown arrested Santiago and three who were armed and in possession of narcotics. Ryan asked Santiago where they had come from and Santiago had directed Ryan to Rodriguez's apartment. Ryan then took Santiago to Rodriguez's door and ordered him to knock on the door. When Rodriguez saw Santiago he fired through the door, thinking that Santiago had returned to do him additional harm.[citation needed] Ryan entered Rodriguez's apartment, subdued him, and placed him under arrest. After confiscating narcotics from the apartments, Rodriguez and Santiago were both beaten before being transported to the 44th Precinct. Rodriguez subsequently died from injuries sustained during the beatings.[4] In 1977, Ryan was convicted of criminally negligent homicide.[5] In 1979, Ryan jumped bail on the day he was to begin serving his sentence and remained at large until 1981 when he turned himself over to Queens' district attorney.[6] Shooting of Randolph Evans Main article: Randolph Evans On November 25, 1976, Officer Robert Torsney shot Randolph Evans to death while responding to a call at Evans's home, a Brooklyn housing project. Torsney was found not guilty by insanity defense (automatism of Penfield epilepsy) in 1977 and was committed to Queens Creedmoor Psychiatric Hospital until July 1979 when state reviewers declared him no longer a threat to himself or society and released him, although he was still denied a disability pension. Chokehold of Michael Stewart Main article: Death of Michael Stewart On September 15, 1983, Michael Jerome Stewart was arrested for spray painting graffiti on a wall of Manhattan's First Avenue station. He was violent with the officers, ran to the street, lost consciousness and died on September 28, 1983. In October 1983, the case went before a grand jury in Manhattan, but was dismissed seven months later because one of the jurors started private investigations on the case. In February 1984, a second grand jury indicted three officers with criminally negligent homicide, assault and perjury, while three other officers were charged with perjury and jury selection started in June 1985. On November 24, 1985, all six of the indicted officers were acquitted by a jury. In 1987, the eleven involved officers and the MTA were sued for $40 million. In August 1990, Stewart's parents and siblings settled out of court for $1.7 million. Shooting of Eleanor Bumpurs Main article: Shooting of Eleanor Bumpurs On October 29, 1984, after threatening to throw boiling lye on Housing Authority personnel attempting to evict her, police forced entrance to Eleanor Bumpurs's public housing apartment, where she lived alone. Her adult daughters wanted her to be hospitalized because she was schizophrenic with hallucinations. Although NYPD procedure required a City psychiatrist to be called in a case of involuntary hospitalization, none was summoned to the scene. Bumpurs was being evicted supposedly for nonpayment of rent. Although NYPD procedure required a City marshal to be present and restricted the role of police to protecting the marshal and the marshal's assistants, no marshal was summoned to the scene. It later turned out that she had paid her rent as usual but had not been informed of a recent rent increase. When police broke down the door, the elderly woman was standing at the far end of a hallway with a kitchen knife in her raised hand. The police attempted to restrain her by pinning her against a wall with an extended Y-shaped pole, but she swept away the pole and charged the officers. When the lead officer tripped and fell to the floor she stood over him and attempted to stab him with the knife. Officer Stephen Sullivan fired two shots from his 12-gauge shotgun, sending one pellet into Bumpurs' hand and nine other pellets into her chest, killing her. Sullivan was tried and acquitted in 1987. In 1990, the city ended the legal proceedings by agreeing to pay $200,000 to the Bumpurs family estate. Stun gun coercion of Mark Davidson On April 17, 1985, Mark Davidson was arrested by undercover detectives on charges of drug dealing and taken to NYPD's 106th precinct in Ozone Park, Queens, where he was beaten and tortured with a stun gun and threatened with torture on his genitals into making a false confession. On May 3, 1986, Sgt. Richard Pike, Jeffrey Gilbert and Loren MacLary were each convicted of assault and were sentenced to four to six years.[7] Shooting of Edmund Perry Main article: Edmund Perry On June 12, 1985, Edmund and his brother, Jonah, were walking in Morningside Park where they encountered Lee Van Houten, an undercover plainclothes detective on car burglary patrol. Perry tried to rob Van Houten by grabbing his neck. Van Houten fell to the ground and fired three shots, at least one in Perry's stomach, killing him immediately. Two witnesses supported Van Houten's version of the incident, resulting in no charges being filed. Jonah Perry was found not guilty of mugging the officer in 1986. The NYPD settled a wrongful death suit related to Edmund Perry in 1989, paying money damages to the Perry family. Shooting of Jose Garcia On July 3, 1992, Jose Garcia died from gunshots fired by undercover officer Michael O'Keefe after Garcia was chased into a building in Washington Heights. Police asserted that Garcia, a known street drug dealer, had been carrying a concealed weapon. But witnesses to the struggle and residents of Washington Heights said they believed the shooting death of Garcia was unwarranted, triggering demonstrations on the block where Garcia was killed. "Fires were set," according to a report of the demonstrations published by the New York Times, adding that "a car was overturned and debris rained down from buildings, leaving the block of the shooting, West 162d Street off St. Nicholas Avenue, littered with garbage, shattered bottles, vegetables, crates, slats of wood and even car parts." At the time of the demonstrations, police were unable to say "whether Mr. Garcia had pulled the gun on Officer O'Keefe or in some other way menaced the officer."[8] In the end six days of demonstrations took place, during which protesters "tossed trash cans, bottles and rocks, broke windows, looted and overturned and burned police cars," leading to "139 arrests, one death and 90 injuries, including those suffered by 74 police officers," according to a subsequent report by the New York Times. Fires were set in 14 buildings, and 121 vehicles were damaged. Two months after Mr. Garcia was shot and killed, a Manhattan grand jury voted not to file criminal charges against Officer O'Keefe after forensic evidence proved that both witnesses who claimed O'Keefe executed Garcia could not have seen the shooting from the position they asserted they were standing. In addition, the recording of Officer O'Keefe's radio transmissions for assistance corroborating his description of his life-and-death struggle with Garcia was released to the public. In an unusual move, Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau published the grand jury report to ease public tension, but declined to criminally charge the two witnesses who touched off the riots with falsely reporting an incident and grand jury perjury by their false claims.[9] Officer O'Keefe was assigned to the NYPD's 34th Precinct, a station house that became the target, just one month before Garcia's shooting death, of a federal investigation over allegations of police corruption. Reported corruption at the 34th Precinct inspired Mayor David Dinkins to appoint the Mollen Commission to investigate police corruption.[10] Choking of Anthony Baez Main article: Anthony Baez On December 22, 1994, 29-year-old Nuyorican Anthony Baez was choked to death by police officer Francis X. Livoti in the University Heights section of the Bronx for accidentally hitting a police car with a ball. In 1998, Livoti was convicted of violating Baez' civil rights, and two other officers were convicted of lying on the witness stand at Livoti's trial.[11] His widow later settled with the city for $3 million. Sodomy of Abner Louima Main article: Abner Louima On August 9, 1997, NYPD Officer Justin Volpe in Brooklyn sodomized Abner Louima with a broken broom handle in a 70th Precinct bathroom after lying about Abner attacking him and arresting him. Officer Volpe eventually pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 30 years in federal prison. Other officers were also implicated and convicted on charges stemming from the initial cover-up.[12] Louima subsequently settled with the city for $8.75 million. Shooting of Amadou Diallo Main article: Amadou Diallo On February 4, 1999, four plainclothes NYPD officers assigned to the Street Crime Unit in the Bronx fired 41 gunshots at Amadou Diallo, killing him instantly. Diallo, whom the officers mistook for a since-convicted rapist, was later found to be unarmed. The officers were subsequently acquitted in 2000, but the City of New York and the NYPD later paid out $3,000,000 to Diallo's parents in a civil suit. Following the controversy three years later, the street crime unit was disbanded. A report from Capital New York reported that 85 IP addresses belonging to the New York Police Department had made changes to Wikipedia pages about NYPD misconduct and also to articles about people killed in police interventions, including this article. One of these edits changed the statement "Officer Kenneth Boss had previously been involved in an incident in which an unarmed man was shot, but continued to work as a police officer" to "Officer Kenneth Boss was previously involved in an incident in which a man armed was shot.” Two policemen associated with these edits were reported to receive only "minor reprimands".[citation needed] Shooting of Patrick Dorismond Main article: Patrick Dorismond On March 16, 2000, Dorismond was approached by undercover officer Anthony Vasquez, who asked Dorismond how he and his partners could buy marijuana in an attempt to entrap him. Dorismond was outraged by the question, responded by punching Officer Vasquez and a fight ensued. During this fight Vasquez's backup officer moved in and claims to have mistaken an action by Dorismond as reaching for a weapon and warned Vasquez, who drew his own firearm and shot the unarmed Dorismond to death. Much of the resulting controversy was about releasing Dorismond's sealed juvenile record to the media, claiming a person's right to privacy no longer existed once such persons die. Vasquez was never indicted by a grand jury for Dorismond's death, but his family later settled with the city for $2.25 million. Racial mailings of Thomas Pappas Main article: Pappas v. Giuliani Thomas Pappas was a New York City police officer who mailed racist materials from his home. When he was fired, he sued to regain his position, but unlike in other cases the federal courts declined to reinstate him. Shooting of Ousmane Zongo Main article: Ousmane Zongo On May 22, 2003, 43-year-old Ousmane Zongo, an immigrant from Burkina Faso, was shot four times by Police Officer Bryan Conroy in a Chelsea warehouse. In 2005, Conroy was found guilty of criminally negligent homicide and sentenced to five years probation. In 2006, the city awarded the Zongo family $3 million to settle a wrongful death suit. Shooting of Timothy Stansbury Main article: Timothy Stansbury On January 24, 2004, Housing Bureau officer Richard Neri, Jr., accidentally fatally shot Timothy Stansbury, a 19-year-old black man who was trespassing on the roof landing of a Bedford-Stuyvesant housing project. Stansbury was unarmed, but had apparently startled Neri by opening the roof door and suddenly encountering the officer. At that point, Neri discharged his service firearm and mortally wounded Stansbury. Although Commissioner Kelly stated that the shooting appeared "unjustified", a Brooklyn jury found that no criminal act had occurred and that the event was a tragic accident. Neri was thus cleared of all charges.[13] The city later agreed to pay $2 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Stansbury family. A grand jury declined to indict Neri, but Kelly later suspended him for 30 days without pay and permanently stripped him of his weapon.[14] Shooting of Sean Bell Main article: Sean Bell shooting incident On November 25, 2006, plainclothes police officers shot and killed Sean Bell and wounded two of his companions, one critically, outside of the Kalua Cabaret in Queens. No weapon was recovered.[15] According to the police, Bell had rammed his vehicle into an undercover officer and hit an unmarked NYPD minivan twice, prompting undercover officers to fire 50 rounds into Bell's car. Witness accounts of the event conflict with the account provided by police. A bullet piercing the nearby AirTrain JFK facility startled two Port Authority patrolmen stationed there.[16] An undercover officer claims he heard one of the unarmed man's companions threaten to get his gun to settle a fight with another individual. On April 25, 2008, Justice Arthur Cooperman cleared Detectives Michael Oliver and Gescard Isnora of murder charges, and Detective Marc Cooper of reckless endangerment, in the death of Sean Bell.[17] The city eventually settled with Bell's family for $3.25 million.[18] Kidnapping of drug dealers On June 7, 2011, ex-NYPD transit officer Jorge Arbaje-Diaz was sentenced to 20 years in federal prison after being convicted of kidnapping, robbing and torturing drug dealers while on the force in 2008. Arbaje-Diaz was found guilty of stealing more than 1,600 pounds (730 kg) of cocaine and $4 million in cash.[19][20] Subway sodomy scandal Main article: Prospect Park alleged police sodomy incident On October 15, 2008, five officers attempted to arrest Michael Mineo for smoking marijuana in a Brooklyn subway station. Days later, Mineo made accusations claiming he was sodomized with a police radio antenna by the officers. On December 9, 2008, the Brooklyn District Attorney announced that three of the officers, Richard Kern, Alex Cruz, and Andrew Morales, were indicted on criminal charges. According to the District Attorney, officer Kern sodomized Mineo with his expandable baton after the officers handcuffed him. Officer Kern was charged with aggravated sexual abuse and assault, and faced up to 25 years in prison, and officers Cruz and Morales were charged with hindering prosecution and official misconduct, and faced up to 4 years in prison.[21] All three officers were acquitted of all charges. Retaliation against ex-officer Adrian Schoolcraft Main article: Adrian Schoolcraft In May 2010, Adrian Schoolcraft, a former NYPD officer, publicized recordings he made in secret while on duty, showing a pattern of corruption and retaliation against him for refusing to cooperate. Officers detained citizens without charges to meet quota and failed to report serious crimes, including rape, to make their department appear to be reducing crime rates. When the NYPD learned that Schoolcraft was privately investigating such corruption, concern for his mental health was used as an excuse for armed officers to kidnap and imprison him in a hospital. In 2010 he was suspended without pay and was filing suit against the NYPD.[22][23][24] In further retaliation, lawyers for the city of New York on behalf of the NYPD served a subpoena on Graham Rayman, the journalist who reported about Schoolcraft's secret recordings, attempting to abridge the journalist's First Amendment rights by accessing Rayman's records. The city's subpoena to Rayman was seen as a way for the NYPD to gain access to Schoolcraft's tapes. The requests in the subpoena "were made without particularity and essentially seek widespread access to all of Rayman's files." However, a federal judge ruled that the city of New York could only access limited materials.[25] In September 2015, the portion of the lawsuit against the NYPD settled, with Schoolcraft to receive $600,000 in compensation.[26] The portion against Jamaica Hospital was settled in November 2015.[27] Asthma death incident In August 2010, 11-year-old Briana Ojeda died from an asthma attack after NYPD officer Alfonso Mendez denied her mother's pleas to perform cardiopulmonary resuscitation. Ojeda's mother allegedly was driving her daughter to the hospital when she took a wrong one-way turn in a neighborhood street and stopped to ask Officer Alfonso Mendez for help. Ojeda's mother claimed Mendez smirked at her and said, "I don't know CPR," and tried to ticket her. A bystander performed CPR and by the time an ambulance arrived, Mendez had left. After a one-week manhunt, Mendez was identified and has been suspended without pay indefinitely. "Indeed it is tragic that Ms. Torres felt a sense of relief when she initially encountered Officer Mendez because she believed a uniformed officer of the law could help her," Judge Jiminez-Salta wrote. "However there is no policy in the New York Police Department which requires officers to know and to be willing and able to perform CPR." The incident led to the passing of Briana's Law in New York. Arrest of Michael Premo See also: Michael Premo Occupy Wall Street activist Michael Premo was arrested on December 17, 2011 and charged with assaulting an officer. Prosecutors argued and the arresting officer gave sworn testimony that Premo "charged the police like a linebacker, taking out a lieutenant and resisting arrest so forcefully that he fractured an officer's bone." The defense located a video that was taken by freelancer Jon Gerberg which contradicted the sworn testimony, instead showing officers "tackling [Premo] as he attempted to get back on his feet". Prosecutors claimed no video of Premo's arrest existed, yet the Gerberg video clearly showed an NYPD officer also filming Premo's arrest.[28] Nick Pinto of Village Voice wrote that "information provided by the NYPD in the trial was fabricated to such a degree that the allegations made by the police officers have turned out to be quite literally the opposite of what actually happened.[28] In March 2013, Premo was acquitted of all charges.[29] Shooting of Ramarley Graham Main article: Shooting of Ramarley Graham On February 2, 2012, 18-year-old Ramarley Graham was chased into his Bronx home by a unit of plainclothes NYPD officers. Once inside, Graham struggled with one of the police officers near the entrance to a bathroom. Graham was shot once in the chest by the police officer, and Graham was eventually transported to Montefiore Medical Center, where he was pronounced dead. According to a police spokesperson, there was "no evidence" that Graham was armed. Initial statements did not explain what prompted the chase. Initially police would not identify the officer who fired the fatal shot, but police said that a small amount of marijuana was found in the toilet.[30] The shooting officer was later identified as Richard Haste, and first- and second-degree manslaughter charges were filed against him, to which Haste pleaded not guilty at his arraignment four months after the shooting. After the arraignment hearing, the Bronx District Attorney said that the shooting was unjustified, since Graham had no weapon. In the time between the shooting and the arraignment, the Graham family demanded justice. "The shooting of Mr. Graham has become a flash point in the roiling debate over police aggression; his family has taken part in several vigils and rallies to press for criminal charges in the case, as well as highlight what some critics say is a bias shown by the police against young men of color," The New York Times reported.[31] After a judge threw out the manslaughter charges against Haste due to a technicality in the proceedings of the first grand jury, a second grand jury voted not to file charges against Haste, leading the Graham family to demand a federal investigation into the unjustified police shooting.[32] A lawsuit filed against the city was settled for $3.9 million in 2015.[33] Death of Kyam Livingston On July 21, 2013, 37-year-old Kyam Livingston died in NYPD custody after being arrested by officers of Brooklyn's 70th Precinct on charges of violating an order of protection. Upon arrest, Livingston was brought to Kings County Hospital for alcohol and drug testing but was released in a few hours. She was then processed at the precinct and brought to Brooklyn Central Booking to await arraignment.[34] After approximately 13 hours in custody, Livingston experienced stomach pain and diarrhea and began to repeatedly request medical assistance over the course of seven more hours. According to witnesses, NYPD officers on duty refused to issue Livingston any medical attention, stating that she was an "alcoholic" and threatening to "lose the paperwork" of Livingston and other women in the cell who were pleading for someone to come to her aid. It was further reported that Livingston was dead for at least 20 minutes before emergency medical staff arrived.[35] Beginning in August 2013, there were repeated demonstrations in Brooklyn demanding the names of the officers on duty at the time of Livingston's death, the release of video surveillance tapes from the cell Livingston was detained in, and the full investigation and improvement of conditions at Brooklyn Central Booking jail.[36][37] Livingston's family filed a Notice of Claim against the NYPD and other government entities as a prerequisite to an $11 million lawsuit,[38] and called for the criminal prosecution of any police officer who denied medical attention to Livingston while she was in their custody.[39] The NYPD Internal Affairs Division's investigation of the matter is ongoing.[needs update] Beating of Alexian Lien Main article: Alexian Lien beating Aftermath showing broken window of Lien's Range Rover On September 29, 2013, motorcyclists participated in a rally called "Hollywood's Block Party" on New York City's Henry Hudson Parkway. One of the bikers pulled in front of Alexian Lien and slowed dramatically, an action sometimes referred to as "brake checking". Lien stopped his vehicle and was quickly surrounded by bikers. Lien accelerated to escape and struck one of the bikers, critically injuring him. A chase ensued, ending in Lien being pulled from his vehicle and beaten. The attack was caught on video and garnered international attention.[40] A number of bikers are facing assault and other criminal charges, and legislation has been proposed to regulate motorcycle rallies in New York City.[41] The NYPD faced criticism when some of the bikers involved in the chase and attack were identified as off-duty New York City police officers. Ten-year veteran and undercover detective Wojciech Braszczok surrendered to authorities and was arrested on October 8.[42] An undercover narcotics detective has been identified by the press as being present but not participating in the assault.[42] Sources have reported a total of five off-duty officers were originally present on the West Side Highway, and that at least two saw the assault.[43] Chokehold of Eric Garner Main article: Death of Eric Garner On July 17, 2014, at 4:45 p.m., Eric Garner was approached by NYPD plainclothes police officer Justin Damico, in front of a beauty supply store at 202 Bay Street in the Tompkinsville neighborhood in Staten Island. After telling Damico and other NYPD officers, "I was just minding my own business. Every time you see me you want to mess with me. I'm tired of it. It stops today!",[44] Garner raised both arms but was then put into a chokehold from behind by officer Daniel Pantaleo, in order to be subdued. While Garner repeatedly stated that he was not able to breathe, Pantaleo and other officers struggled to bring him down onto the sidewalk and have him put his arms behind his back. He died a few minutes later.[44][45][46] The police waited seven minutes before giving Garner cardiopulmonary resuscitation.[47] Use of the chokehold has been prohibited by New York City Police Department policy since 1993.[48] The NYPD later arrested Ramsey Orta, who is the civilian who recorded the video of the encounter.[49] The final autopsy report in Garner's death showed that he neither had drugs nor alcohol in his system, nor did he sustain head trauma.[50] The autopsy suggested that his combative arrest, combined with his obesity and other health problems, may have caused his fatal heart attack.[51] As a result of Garner's death, Police Commissioner William Bratton ordered an extensive review of the NYPD's training procedures, specifically focusing on the appropriate amount of force that can be used while detaining a suspect.[52] Arrest of Ramsey Orta On October 5, 2016, Ramsey Orta, who filmed Eric Garner's murder, was targeted by NYPD and arrested for weapons and drug charges. Orta filed one lawsuit, alleging that the NYPD has arrested him several times in retaliation for filming the Garner video. But in July 2016, Orta, saying he was “tired of fighting,” pled guilty to charges of selling heroin and other drugs to an undercover police officer, and to a charge of possessing an illegal handgun.[53] Shooting of Akai Gurley Main article: Shooting of Akai Gurley On November 20, 2014, NYPD Officer Peter Liang fired his pistol. The bullet hit the wall and ricocheted hitting an unarmed 28-year-old Akai Gurley at a Brooklyn housing project. Commissioner Bratton stated that Liang had already drawn his weapon before encountering Gurley, but initially deemed the shooting an accidental discharge after an investigation.[54] In 2015, Liang was suspended without pay and charged with manslaughter, negligent homicide, assault, reckless endangerment and official misconduct. On February 11, 2016, Liang was convicted of manslaughter and official misconduct; he was fired by the NYPD the same day.[55] Controversy surrounding Francisco Garcia On May 3, 2020, a video went viral of an NYPD officer repeatedly punching and tasering a man he was arresting for violating the city's temporary social distancing requirement.[56] Despite the fact that the person he was arresting, Donni Wright, was also shown to be resisting arrest and assaulting him,[56][57] it was later revealed that the officer involved, Francisco Garcia, had a previous history of alleged brutality, resulting in seven lawsuits which were settled by the city for a total of $210,000.[58] One notable incident included a controversial confrontation with a lesbian couple at a Harlem restaurant in 2016, where he allegedly shoved one of the two women and afterwards said "Take a picture of it, fucking[censorship] dyke.”[58] Another incident occurred in 2014, when he and other NYPD officers controversially arrested a home health care aide for trespassing.[58] However, it soon revealed that the health care aide, whose thick African accent made it hard for Garcia and the assisting officers to understand what he was saying, merely went into the wrong apartment and charges were dropped when it was proven that his patient lived in the same building.[58] Following the May 2020 incident, Garcia was not fired, but stripped of his gun, shield and badge and reassigned to desk duty.[59][58] Shooting of Jamie Liang Not to be confused with Jamie Laing. In October 2021, off-duty police officer Yvonne Wu broke into the home of her ex-girlfriend, Jenny Li, shooting her and her partner, Jamie Liang, with an NYPD-issued Glock-19 pistol, killing Liang and injuring Li. Wu was suspended without pay and charged with murder.[60][61] Protest controversies Handschu court case Main article: Handschu agreement A 1970s trial of 21 members of the Black Panther Party revealed that NYPD infiltrated and kept dossiers on not only the Black Panthers and other radical groups, but also on anti-war groups, gay rights activists, educational reform advocates, religious groups, and civic organizations. A large coalition of activist groups accused police of compiling information to punish and repress lawful dissent.[62] Barbara Handschu was a lead plaintiff in the 1971 class action suit Handschu v. Special Services Division, 605 F.Supp. 1384, affirmed 787 F.2d 828.[63] In the 1985 ruling, the court sided with Handschu,[64] finding that police surveillance of political activity violated constitutional protections of free speech.[63] The ruling brought about the agreement.[65] In spite of restrictions set by the Handschu agreement against police surveillance of peaceful citizen activities, like political organizing, law enforcement officials in New York have been able to weaken or violate the restrictions in order to carry out surveillance of the 2004 Republic National Convention protesters,[66] the Muslim community, Occupy Wall Street activists,[67] and Black Lives Matter activists in New York.[68] 1988 Tompkins Square Park Riot Main article: Tompkins Square Park Riot (1988) In August 1988, a riot erupted in Alphabet City's Tompkins Square Park in the East Village of Manhattan when police attempted to enforce a newly passed curfew for the park. Bystanders, artists, residents, homeless people and political activists clashed with police on the night of August 6 and the early morning of the following day.[69] In a report released by Commissioner Benjamin Ward, the police department's actions were "not well planned, staffed, supervised or executed... which culminated in a riot." Matthew Shepard memorial march When the LGBTQ community in New York City organized a memorial march, one week after Matthew Shepard died of injuries sustained during an attack, the NYPD responded in riot gear and on horseback, arresting 96 people and using some violent tactics,[70] triggering at least one federal, constitutional rights violations lawsuit.[71] 2002 World Economic Forum When activists peacefully demonstrated against the World Economic Forum in 2002, the NYPD responded by erecting pens for protesters, wearing riot gear and gas masks, and making what were described as either selective arrests or wholesale arrests based on charges of unlawful assembly and disorderly conduct.[72] Anti-war protests See also: February 15, 2003, anti-war protests Activists in New York City participated in a global day of protests against the impending U.S. invasion of Iraq. In court the NYPD opposed efforts by activists to organize a march, convincing a judge that activists should only hold a stationary demonstration. The day of the demonstration, police used horse-mounted officers, who charged at protesters, injuring some activists; used barricades to restrict protesters' access to the demonstration site and to trap activists during the demonstration; conducted widespread searches without a warrant; and detained some activists for many hours in vans without access to bathrooms or food.[73] 2004 Republican National Convention Main article: 2004 Republican National Convention During the 2004 Republican National Convention, many peaceful protesters were arrested at Madison Square Garden, where the convention was held. Over the course of several days, mass arrests by the NYPD netted over 400 people.[74] The use of flexible, plastic orange netting to "divide and conquer protestors," including pedestrians, according to The New York Times.[75] Mayor Michael Bloomberg told The New York Times that if the NYPD engaged in the false arrests of activists, then there was a way to deal with the false arrests after the fact. "You can't arrest 1,800 people without having somebody in the middle who shouldn't have been arrested," Mayor Bloomberg said of the number of arrests made during the 2004 Republican National Convention, adding, "That's what the courts are there to find out afterwards."[76] Among other actions causing controversy toward the NYPD, a thousand people were detained under conditions, including overcrowding, dirtiness, and contamination of oil and asbestos, described as unfit for detention. People also reported having suffered from smell, bad ventilation, and chemical burns and rashes[77][78][79][80][81] The New York Times has also reported on two occasions that the police videotaped, infiltrated, and acted as agents provocateurs during the protests,[82][83] and that officers traveled as far away as Europe beforehand to surveil on people there who planned to protest at the RNC.[82] The NYPD procured and has deployed Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD), also known as a sound cannon, as a non-lethal, crowd-controlling military weapon that can cause injury and is intended to disrupt protests. Two LRAD units were purchased in 2004 at the cost of $35,000.[84] An LRAD was at protests of the 2004 Republican National Convention in New York City[85] but not used. Occupy Wall Street protests Main article: Occupy Wall Street During the Occupy Wall Street protests in 2011, 700 were arrested, leading to controversy over the NYPD's policing tactics.[86][87] Black Lives Matter protests Main article: Black Lives Matter protests in New York City 2014 protests In 2014, large-scale protests took place in New York City following the deaths of Eric Garner in Staten Island, Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and Akai Gurley in Brooklyn. The protests increased after grand juries in Ferguson and in Staten Island separately decided not to file criminal charges against the police officers, who were involved in the chokehold death of Garner and the shooting death of Brown, respectively. In response to these protests, the NYPD made large numbers of arrests and deployed the uses of pepper spray and mobile LRADs to disrupt activists, long regarded by many as controversial.[88] Use of LRADs by the NYPD triggered legal objections on the basis that there may have never been "formal guidelines for the devices' use".[84] Political pressure to address fatal interactions with the NYPD escalated after the Daily News reported statistics that showed that, in the time between the 1999 slaying of Amadou Diallo and the 2014 shooting death of Akai Gurley, on-duty NYPD officers were involved in 179 fatalities.[89] 2020 protests The George Floyd protests in New York City, a series of wide-scale protests, occurred after the May 2020 police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis. There were numerous instances of police-involved excessive force, and as of June 9, 2020, prosecutors were considering charges against up to 40 officers related to their actions during the protests.[90] On May 29, an NYPD officer shoved a 20-year-old woman to the ground at a protest near Barclays Center in Brooklyn, resulting in concussion and seizures.[90] A video of the incidents depicts the officer calling the woman a "bitch" after she asked about his order to get out of the street.[90][91][92] The officer was later suspended without pay, and later became the first officer to be charged for actions taken during the protests.[90][93] A video of a crowd of protesters clashing with the NYPD attracted attention on May 30, showing police vehicles accelerating into a crowd of people.[94] In response to the video, de Blasio initially defended the officers' actions,[95] but later reneged on these comments.[96][97] The Guardian wrote that the video, viewed more than 30 million times as of June 4, "quickly shredded years of effort to repair the deeply tarnished image of the NYPD."[97] On May 30, a video of an incident at a Brooklyn protest circulated on social media depicting a black protester wearing a mask with his hands up approached by a police officer who pulls the protester's mask off in order to pepper spray his face. After an investigation, the officer involved was suspended without pay and referred to an internal disciplinary process.[98][99][93] In September 2020, Human Rights Watch published a 99-page report documenting a coordinated attempt by NYPD officers to "kettle", assault and mass arrest peaceful protestors in the Mott Haven neighborhood of the South Bronx on June 4, 2020.[100] Multiple-victim misconduct allegations and additional controversies Corruption in 77th Precinct In December 1986, 11 NYPD officers were arrested from the 77th Precinct station house in the first major instance of corruption after the Knapp Commission. The investigation came to be known as the "Buddy Boys" case. The officers, "who knocked down doors, stole money and drugs from drug dealers and resold the stolen drugs," also "ran extortion operations within the precinct," according to a corruption timeline prepared by The New York Times.[101] Eventually, 13 officers were indicted, and all of the nearly 200 officers at the 77th Precinct station house had to be transferred to other Brooklyn precincts, except for 1 union delegate.[102] A special state prosecutor, Charles Hynes, found later to be corrupt himself, had to present evidence to a special grand jury in the corruption investigation.[103] Central Park jogger case Main article: Central Park jogger case Five black and one Latino boys, 14 to 16 years old, were coerced by NYPD officers into falsely confessing to a woman's Central Park assault and rape. The six males were vindicated in 2002, five of whom equally shared a $40 million 2014 lawsuit settlement.[104] 75th Precinct cocaine ring scandal Main article: The Seven Five In May 1992, five current and one retired NYPD officers were arrested and charged with trafficking drugs from Brooklyn into Long Island. Two of the officers were partners at the 75th Precinct, whilst the other officers were from the 73rd Precinct.[105] Prosecutors alleged that one of the officers arrested, Michael Dowd, knew when he was under surveillance and may have benefited from tips from department investigators. How Dowd may have managed, for some time, to evade investigation became a subject of inquiry by the Mollen Commission.[106] Officer Kenny Eurell, who also was one of the officers arrested at the same time as Dowd, tape-recorded Dowd plotting an elaborate plan to skip bail. His bail was revoked and later Dowd was convicted of racketeering and conspiracy to distribute narcotics and served 12 years in prison.[107] In 2014, a documentary was released, The Seven Five, detailing Michael Dowd's career with the NYPD. Corruption in 34th Precinct Federal investigators launched a probe over reports that some police officers were engaged in drug dealing. At the same time, Mayor David Dinkins announced that he would "name a special investigator to look into the charges of corruption, as well as possible lapses in the Police Department's internal investigation methods. Aides to the Mayor said the investigator would be Milton Mollen, the former Deputy Mayor for Public Safety," according to a report published by The New York Times, adding that the investigation by the U.S. Attorney's Office was focusing on the 34th Precinct, further noting that "The investigation is an unusual Federal intrusion into the workings of the city's Police Department and it raises the specter of a departmental problem larger than that acknowledged by Police Department officials." Amongst aspects or allegations triggering investigatory scrutiny was the fact that the 34th Precinct had the highest rate of homicides and that some 34th Precinct police officers were "overlooking drug dealing in exchange for money and drugs and acting as guardians for the dealers by protecting the buildings and stores where they live and work. Other officers are suspected of buying and selling cocaine or crack."[10] Top NYPD officials stated that the Brooklyn cocaine ring and the 34th Precinct corruption allegations were isolated incidents, in spite of complaints of other wrongdoings. Some complaints noted that officers with NYPD's Internal Affairs mishandled investigations. In 1994, the 34th Precinct had the highest number of corruption complaints, according to statistics reported by The New York Daily News.[108] The three-year federal investigation of the 34th Precinct ended with only one conviction of perjury.[109] Police riot In 1992, an estimated 10,000 off-duty NYPD officers showed up to a rally outside City Hall organized by the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association. The off-duty police officers were called to action by the police union over disapproval with actions taken by the then mayor, David Dinkins. Police were protesting, amongst other complaints, that Dinkins had appointed the Mollen Commission to investigate NYPD corruption. To show their disapproval with the Dinkins administration, the officers began the rally with rhetoric that was described as "vicious," with officers engaging in jarring behavior, including "jumping barricades, tramping on automobiles, mobbing the steps of City Hall" and "blocking traffic on the Brooklyn Bridge for nearly an hour in the most unruly and angry police demonstration in recent memory," according to an account of the rally published by The New York Times. There were instances when some of the 300 uniformed police officers, who were supposed to police the rally, actually encouraged raucous behavior by the protesters. Dinkins blamed PBA leadership, as well as then presumed mayoral candidate Rudolph Giuliani, for inciting the police into rowdy actions, calling the actions by police as "bordering on hooliganism."[110] The Editorial Board of The New York Times called the police rally a "riot," finding both praise and fault in a preliminary report by NYPD of the police misconduct. The report found that police officers used racial slurs to describe Dinkins, who is black, and that there had been drinking in connection with the rally. Generally, the report was well received by the Editorial Board for its frankness, but, in the editors' nuanced view of the report, the report still fell short, because the report was "thick with language critical of the unruly behavior but apparently thin on charges against individual rioters," again pointing out that the NYPD was unable to keep the conduct of its own officers in check. Then Acting NYPD Commissioner Raymond Kelly himself "raised serious questions about the Department's willingness and ability to police itself," according to The New York Times.[111] Corruption in 109th Precinct After the NYPD received complaints that police officers assigned to the 109th Precinct were using drugs, four officers were confronted. Three officers took drugs tests, failed, and were dismissed. One officer resigned.[112] The investigation of the precinct extended to at least 20 police officers, including a sergeant. Some officers were given desk jobs or transferred to other precincts. Three officers from the precinct were indicted for theft. In its report about the investigations at the 109th Precinct, The New York Times noted that although the allegations were not as severe as those at the 30th Precinct, the investigation was notable, "because it demonstrates that major corruption exists in precincts outside the high-crime areas where the temptations for drug-related corruption are usually highest."[113] In the face of allegations that a police union, the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association, was undertaking "aggressive efforts to thwart major corruption inquiries," according to The New York Times, John Miller, then the Deputy Police Commissioner for Public Information, said he found the actions "disturbing." Efforts to root out bad cops were made difficult by the P.B.A., as that police union is known, according to officials and prosecutors, who worried "that they will have trouble rooting out substantial numbers of corrupt officers as long as the P.B.A. resists them," as reported by The New York Times. Indeed, the P.B.A. was shown to be a powerful organization with great influence. "Fortified with millions of dollars in annual dues collections, the P.B.A. is one of the most powerful unions in the city. As an active lobbyist in Albany and as a contributor to political campaigns, the P.B.A. has enormous influence over the department and is typically brought in for consultations before important management decisions are made."[114] Corruption in 73rd Precinct In January 1994, five NYPD officers assigned to the 73rd Precinct station house were removed from duty over allegations of extorting cash, guns, and drugs from drug dealers. The investigation referred to the group of implicated police officers by the moniker, the "Morgue Boys," because the officers would sometimes retreat near an abandoned coffin factory, where the officers would divide the proceeds of their criminality. Federal and state investigators worked in partnership to collect evidence for a federal grand jury, which included information that the implicated police officers would hold up drug dealers at gunpoint, usually while on-duty, netting up to $2,000 per night in criminal proceeds. The investigation into corruption at the 73rd Precinct was made possible by information gathered at hearings held by the Mollen Commission.[115] Eventually, 15 police officers were suspected of having participated in the "Morgue Boys" ring,[116] resulting in at least six arrests, three of which pleaded guilty, with the remaining three receiving either acquittals or mistrials by trial jurors with respect to criminal and civil rights charges, respectively.[112] Corruption in 30th Precinct Main article: Dirty Thirty (NYPD) Thirty-three officers were arrested in a wide-ranging investigation of corruption at the 30th Precinct station house in Harlem. Some of the police officers would illegally search known drug dealers' apartments, seizing drugs and cash. The police officers would then sell the seized drugs straight out of the 30th Precinct station house itself at half-market price in order to profit from their spoils. The arrests, which implicated nearly one out of six officers assigned to the 30th Precinct station house, were the fruits of a probe began by an investigator, who worked for the Mollen Commission.[117] Corruption in 48th Precinct Sixteen police officers from the 48th Precinct station house in The Bronx were indicted and arrested on corruption charges including larceny, filing false police reports, and insurance fraud. Seven further officers faced disciplinary action, but not arrests, because there was insufficient evidence to lead to indictments. In total, nearly 10 percent of the police officers assigned to the 48th Precinct house were implicated in a corruption investigation that was inspired by pressure created by the Mollen Commission.[118] Reports also showed that a police union, the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association, undertook aggressive efforts to thwart investigations into corruption at the 48th Precinct.[114] Flushing brothel evidence-planting Dennis Kim and Jerry Svoronos, two police officers working out of the 109th Precinct, and Gina Kim and Geeho Chae, brothel operators, were arrested on March 8, 2006, for bribery charges relating to the protection of a brothel located in Flushing, Queens. Agents seized approximately $800,000 in cash, believed to be the proceeds of the brothel, from Kim and Chae's vehicle and residence. On March 8, 2006, search warrants were executed at the brothel and a boarding house used by the brothel workers, where agents seized immigration documents, business records, and a small quantity of Ecstasy. The two officers were in a unit which targets quality-of-life-type crimes.[119] Members of the precincts engaged in a practice known as "flaking", in which cops planted marijuana, cocaine, or Ecstasy on suspects. Members of the conditions unit maintained a small stash of drug in an Altoids tin for this purpose, Assistant U.S. Attorney Monica Ryan said.[120] In addition, 16 Chinese and Korean brothel workers were taken into immigration custody. Mafia cops Main article: Louis Eppolito and Stephen Caracappa See also: Lucchese crime family Louis Eppolito and Stephen Caracappa were simultaneously on the payrolls of the NYPD and the Lucchese crime family and were abusing their authority as officers of the NYPD. They would routinely violate the civil rights of the citizens of New York City, and moonlighted for the crime family. They would use NYPD files to track down the enemies of the crime family and were ultimately convicted of the murders of Eddie Lino, Michael Greenwald (an informant for the FBI) and innocent man Nick Guido, who had the same name as a man targeted by the crime family. Eppolito received life in prison with an additional 100 years and Caracappa received life in prison with an additional 80 years. They were also fined a combined $4 million. They received a monthly salary of $5,000 from the crime family.[121] NYPD "rape cops" scandals In December 2008, two on-duty NYPD officers were charged with raping a woman whom they had been dispatched to help on a 911 call. Officers Kenneth Moreno, age 43, and Franklin Mata, age 29, were called to help a drunken woman out of a taxi and into her apartment in 2008. The woman testified that she awoke in her bedroom to being raped by Moreno; Mata was said to have acted as a lookout during the incident. Although both men were acquitted of the rape at trial in May 2011, the jury's verdict proved highly controversial and drew large protests.[122] Moreno and Mata were, however, found guilty of official misconduct for going back into the woman's apartment three times without alerting their superiors and making erroneous calls to 911 with claims of a nonexistent homeless man loitering in the area to facilitate their return to the premises. As a result of the convictions, both officers were immediately terminated from the NYPD.[123][124] In September 2011, an off-duty NYPD officer, Michael Pena, was charged with raping a schoolteacher at gunpoint. According to the woman, she was stopped by Pena, who was allegedly intoxicated, who ordered her into an apartment backyard as he pointed a gun into her face. At Pena's trial, the woman testified that Pena had threatened to kill her if she screamed or looked at him as he began to rape her. An apartment resident heard the woman's pleas for him to stop and called 911. The NYPD was able to confirm that Pena was drunk and armed, but he denied raping her. He was charged with 10 felonies, including predatory assault, sexual assault, and first-degree rape, and pleaded not guilty. On March 27, 2012, Pena was found guilty on the predatory assault and sexual assault charges, but the jury deadlocked on the rape charges. Three months after the trial, Pena pleaded guilty to rape and was sentenced to 75-to-life.[125] Gun smuggling scandal In October 2011, five current NYPD police officers and three retired police officers were arrested and charged with trafficking guns into New York state in exchange for thousands of dollars in cash. Six of those implicated worked, or once worked, at the 68th Precinct.[126] Ticket fixing scandal In October 2011, 16 NYPD police officers were charged with offenses related to ticket fixing whereby they "fixed" tickets issued to family and friends.[127] The head of New York's largest police union defended ticket-fixing by the NYPD, saying it was "long standing practice at all levels of the department."[128] Though only 16 NYPD officers were facing trial, news reports show that hundreds of NYPD police officers were involved, "caught on a phone tap asking for scores of tickets to disappear."[129] A list of officers involved in ticket-fixing, which numbered hundreds, was subsequently used by prosecutors to vet cases that might rest too heavily on officers.[128] "Paid Detail Unit" An October 2011 article by Pam Martens in the CounterPunch newsletter alleged police corruption in reference to the NYPD's "Paid Detail Unit" that allows corporations to hire NYPD police officers for security duties.[130][131] The Paid Detail Unit was established by Mayor Giuliani in 1998 as a way to increase revenue to New York City that allowed off-duty police officers to moonlight in uniform and as of 2003 nearly half of NYPD's street cops (11,000) were on the Paid Detail Unit.[132] The then commanding officer of the Unit justified the program by claiming cops are off the business payroll the moment they see a crime committed and are expected to respond just as they would if they were on-duty.[132] Muslim surveillance After the September 11 attack, the NYPD and the Central Intelligence Agency, engaged to track certain Muslims in the New York metropolitan area,[133] including Yale University and the University of Pennsylvania.[134] According to Associated Press, "[a] months-long investigation... has revealed that the NYPD operates far outside its borders and targets ethnic communities in ways that would run afoul of civil liberties rules if practiced by the federal government. And it does so with unprecedented help from the CIA in a partnership that has blurred the bright line between foreign and domestic spying."[135] When the Associated Press published reports on this activity,[135] the NYPD faced much controversy and criticism. Muslims were spied on in mosques, restaurants, streets, public places and Muslim groups, and websites were scrutinized. It resulted in much confusion and anger from Muslim communities in the United States, as well as support from New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg. The FBI criticized the spying as unhealthy.[136][137][138][139] The Associated Press won the 2012 Pulitzer Prize for the investigation.[140] Later, in June 2012, Muslims in New Jersey sued the NYPD over the spying.[141] However, the lawsuit was dismissed in February 2014 by a federal judge who said that the surveillance of the Muslim community was a lawful effort to prevent terrorism, not a civil-rights violation.[142] The surveillance program was disbanded on April 15, 2014 after a meeting that was held with several Muslim advocates on April 8, 2014. It was also revealed that the surveillance program failed to generate even a single lead.[143] Falsification of evidence to secure convictions Louis N. Scarcella is a retired NYPD detective who initially came to prominence during the "crack epidemic" of the 1980s–1990s. As a member of the Brooklyn North Homicide Squad, he and his longtime partner Stephen Chmil built a reputation for obtaining convictions in difficult cases. Since 2013, Scarcella has received extensive publicity for multiple allegations of investigative misconduct. As of November 2019, 15 people had their convictions overturned in Scarcella's homicide cases, as the Kings County (Brooklyn) District Attorney's Office continued to review dozens of his investigations. For cases involving at least 8 suspects, the prosecutors or judges have explicitly cited evidence of Scarcella's improper conduct, although the statute of limitations has protected him from legal consequences. As the New York Daily News reported, as of May 2018, Scarcella's homicide cases had resulted in wrongful convictions for at least 13 individuals with a combined 245 years in prison, and the city and state had paid at least $53.3 million in legal settlements because of his "shady investigations involving tainted evidence, misleading testimony or forced confessions".[144][145][146][147] Corruption in the 67th Precinct A pattern of arrests of individuals who were charged with gun possession, made by officers in Brooklyn's 67th Precinct station house, was reported to be allegedly tampered, according to a 2014 newspaper report. The suspects stated that the police had placed the guns on their person, and the report said that "each gun was found in a plastic bag or a handkerchief, with no traces of the suspect's fingerprints." Defense attorneys have said in court filings that the arresting officers may have been inventing informers as a way to satisfy arrest quotas and to collect $1,000 rewards from an anti-gun community safety program.[148] The questions raised about the arrests suggested a "pattern of questionable police conduct and tactics," according to the report.[148] After an inquiry by the newspaper, prosecutors admitted that they were going to review the cases of some of the arrests, leading to gun possession charges being dropped against at least two men. The case against a third man was eventually dismissed at the request of prosecutors, but only after the man's trial preparation had commenced. A fourth man was acquitted at the conclusion of a federal trial after police testimony was found to be "inconsistent." A trial against a fifth man arrested on gun possession charges was dismissed after police could not produce their informant before the judge.[149] Reportedly, an investigation is being conducted by the NYPD's Internal Affairs Bureau. "Turned backs" at Liu's and Ramos' hospital arrivals and funerals On December 20, 2014, many NYPD officers turned their backs on Mayor Bill de Blasio when patrol officers Rafael Ramos and Wenjian Liu arrived at Brooklyn's Woodhull Hospital where they were pronounced dead on arrival hours later, in protest at words de Blasio reportedly spoken to his son that characterized them in a negative light, as well as at the officers' funerals themselves, Ramos' on December 27 and Liu's on January 4, 2015.[150] Enforcement of laws had been dramatically lowered in the weeks following the funeral.[151] The events at the funerals were politicized, with many conservative commentators siding with the NYPD and many liberals siding with protesters against the NYPD.[152] Some blamed the local police union, the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association, which said that it was not behind the decline in arrests.[153] NYPD edits to English Wikipedia articles On March 13, 2015, many news organizations reported that 50 of the 15,000 IP addresses belonging to the NYPD were associated with edits to articles on the English Wikipedia that dated back to 2006. These IP addresses geolocate to NYPD headquarters at 1 Police Plaza. According to one news source, English Wikipedia discourages editors from making revisions that might constitute a conflict of interest.[154][155][156][157] An internal review found two officers had used police-owned equipment to make edits to English Wikipedia. Of the English Wikipedia edits, Commissioner Bill Bratton said, "I don't anticipate any punishment to be quite frank with you." Bratton said the NYPD does not have "a policy specific to accessing that site," but will review its social media policy.[158] In 2020, it was reported that the NYPD continued to edit its pages on Wikipedia, although edits were quickly reversed.[159] Arrest quota "game" In 2015, officers went public with accusations that the command of the Anti-Crime Unit in the 122nd Precinct station house in Staten Island awarded points to unit officers for every misdemeanor and felony arrest the officers made. If unit officers failed to earn a minimum number of points per month, then the unit officers faced the possibility of being transferred out of the unit. Officers who made the allegations said that the point system amounted to a game to reinforce a quota system of arrests, a charge that an NYPD spokesperson denied. The allegations were revealed against a backdrop of a lawsuit filed by nearly a dozen minority NYPD officers, who claimed that the NYPD retaliated against them for refusing to meet a quota for issuing summonses in minority communities.[160] Rant against Uber driver On March 30, 2015, an Uber driver was "pulled over" by Detective Patrick Cherry[161] a 15-year veteran of the NYPD who was assigned to the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Force in New York City.[162] His xenophobic and profanity-filled[163] tirade and threats of arrest for making a "mild" gesture at the detective for not properly signaling has highlighted what other drivers-for-hire have called a pattern of abuse and discrimination by the New York City police.[164] The encounter came to light, because of a video that a passenger in the car posted to YouTube.[165] Detective Cherry conducted this unjustified detainment (although a brief one) in a Hyundai Sonata not officially issued to him, according to NYPD.[166] Furthermore, it had a simple LED blue and red flasher on the dash, a color combination not used by police in the state of New York,[167] raising additional questions if this was a personally-owned car and not one which he had the right to use in traffic stops. In the ensuing news stories it came to light that Detective Cherry has been the subject to two federal civil rights lawsuits, both which the City of New York settled.[168] This detective also has been party to at least 12 citizen complaint review board enquiries.[169] According to NYPD Commissioner William Bratton, Cherry has been stripped of his badge, gun, and the right to arrest[170] while the Internal Affairs and CCRB investigations take place. Lawsuits against NYPD officers The New York Daily News revealed that 55 officers had each been sued for misconduct 10 or more times since 2006, resulting in settlements and judgements that totaled over $6 million of the $1 billion paid during the period to cover all civil suit judgements/settlements against the NYPD. Only one to two percent of people who believe they were mistreated by the police actually file lawsuits.[171] Narcotics detective Peter Valentin was sued 28 times for misconduct from 2006 through early 2014, resulting in $884,000 in settlements. The lawsuit allegations included the running of slash-and-burn raids that resulted in few criminal convictions.[171] Corruption in the 40th Precinct In 2015, disciplinary charges were announced aga

https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Adler Berriman "Barry" Seal (July 16, 1939 – February 19, 1986) was an American commercial airline pilot who became a major drug smuggler for the Medellín Cartel. When Seal was convicted of smuggling charges, he became an informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration and testified in several major drug trials. He was murdered on February 19, 1986, by contract killers hired by the cartel. Early life and career Barry Seal was born in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the son of Mary Lou (née Delcambre) and Benjamin Curtis Seal, a candy wholesaler. Seal began to fly as a teenager, earning a student pilot certificate at 16 and a private pilot's certificate at 17. His flight instructor described him as a naturally gifted pilot.[1] In 1962, Seal enlisted in the Louisiana Army National Guard for six years: six months of active duty, followed by five and a half years of inactive duty. Seal's active duty began in July 1962. He was assigned to the 20th Special Forces Group and graduated from the United States Army Airborne School selection and training. His non-active duty was served in the 245th Engineer Battalion, where his MOS was radio telephone operator.[2] In 1964, Seal joined TWA as a flight engineer and was soon promoted to the first officer, then captain, flying a Boeing 707 on a regular Western Europe route. He was one of the youngest 707 command pilots in the TWA fleet.[3] Seal's career with TWA ended in July 1972, when he was arrested for involvement in a conspiracy to smuggle a shipment of plastic explosives to Mexico using a DC-4. The case was eventually dismissed in 1974 for prosecutorial misconduct, but in the meantime TWA fired Seal, who had falsely taken medical leave to participate in the scheme.[4] Drug smuggling Seal admitted that he started smuggling small amounts of marijuana by air in early 1976.[5] By 1978, he had expanded to flying significant loads of cocaine, pound-for-pound a much more profitable enterprise than marijuana smuggling.[5] Seal's operations received an important boost when he was arrested and jailed in Honduras on the return leg of a drug-smuggling trip to Ecuador. Seal made important connections while in prison in Honduras, including Emile Camp, a fellow Louisiana pilot and smuggler who became one of Seal's closest associates, and Ellis McKenzie, a local Honduran smuggler.[6] Also, after his release from prison Seal met William Roger Reaves on the flight back to the U.S. It was Reaves who provided Seal with his first connection to the Medellín Cartel.[7] To expand his smuggling capacity, Seal also hired William Bottoms, his ex-brother-in-law, as a pilot. From 1980 on, Bottoms was the main pilot in Seal's smuggling enterprise, often flying with Camp while Seal oversaw planning and operations.[8] In 1981, Seal began smuggling cocaine for the Medellín Cartel.[7] At his peak, he earned as much as $500,000 per flight transporting shipments of cocaine from Colombia to the United States.[9] Seal's smuggling method was to use low-flying planes and airdrop drug packages in remote areas of Louisiana. They were then picked up by Seal's ground team and transported to the Colombian distributors in Florida.[10][11] By 1982, Seal was using over a dozen aircraft in his smuggling operation.[12] The number of planes and the frequency of flights soon attracted the attention of Louisiana State Police and Federal investigators.[13] To avoid this unwanted attention, Seal moved his aircraft to Mena Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas, where he did maintenance and modifications to improve the planes' carrying capacity and avionics.[13] Seal's activities in Mena later became the subject of rumor and controversy, but according to Seal's biographer, former FBI agent Del Hahn, Seal did not use Mena as a drug transshipment point. [14] An "extensive joint investigation" by the FBI, Arkansas State Police and IRS revealed in 2020 that Barry Seal had used the Mena airport for "smuggling activity" from late 1980 until March 1984.[15] Florida indictments and convictions By 1981, DEA agents in Florida were aware of Seal's smuggling activities. In April 1981, a DEA informant introduced Seal to an undercover DEA agent. After several months of contacts, the agent negotiated a deal with Seal to smuggle 1,200 pounds of methaqualone tablets into the United States (the tablets were counterfeits, made of chalk).[16] The investigation into Seal was part of a major undercover operation called Operation Screamer in which over 80 pilots were eventually indicted. Two indictments were returned against Seal in March 1983. The first indictment charged Seal alone with two counts of conspiracy to distribute methaqualone. The second indictment charged Seal and three others with multiple counts of possession and distribution of methaqualone, phenobarbital, and meperidine.[17] Seal surrendered to federal authorities at the end of April 1983 and attempted to make a deal, first with the Florida task force, then with the Baton Rouge task force. Both rejected any deals, even though Seal told them a little about his involvement with the Ochoa family. [18] Without a deal, Seal was tried in February 1984 and after a month-long trial was convicted on all the counts in the first indictment. Undercover work Facing a heavy sentence, and having been rejected by regional drug task forces in both Florida and Louisiana, Seal decided to try contacting the Vice President's Drug Task Force, a special program in the office of then-Vice President George Bush. The office referred Seal to DEA headquarters, which assigned DEA agent Ernst Jacobsen to debrief Seal and evaluate his potential as an informant.[19] Jacobsen was impressed with Seal's connections, especially the ones with the Ochoa family, and on March 28, Seal signed a letter agreeing to serve as a DEA informant.[20] Seal then pleaded guilty to the second indictment in Florida and was released with his sentence to depend on his performance as an informant.[21] The Florida Task Force plan called for Seal to set up a cocaine purchase with the Ochoas and other cartel members, providing the basis for indictments in the U.S. Seal had previously dealt with the cartel through another associate so that they were unaware of his real name. Through his cartel contacts in Miami, Seal arranged a meeting using the name Ellis McKenzie (the real name of another Seal associate). He flew down to Medellín for the meeting on April 8, accompanied by a Miami based cartel pilot who was unaware of Seal's role as an informant.[22] In Nicaragua Participants at the meeting included Pablo Escobar and Jorge, Fabio Jr., and Juan David Ochoa.[23] The Colombian government had recently conducted a major raid on the cartel's manufacturing facilities at a remote jungle location called Tranquilandia, and they told Seal that they were making arrangements to set up shipping and production facilities in Nicaragua, where they had struck a deal with the Sandinista government.[24] These arrangements were not yet complete, so Seal's first shipment was to be a direct flight to the U.S. Originally planned for mid-April, the flight did not take place until the end of May. When it did, the overloaded plane crashed at the Colombia airfield on takeoff.[25] The cartel provided a new plane, but it lacked the capacity for a direct flight to the U.S., so the cartel arranged a stopover in Nicaragua earlier than one planned at an airfield in Los Brasiles near Managua. After refueling, Seal left Los Brasiles flying without lights, and when he came close to Managua, he was fired on by Nicaraguan military units. The plane was hit and Seal had to make an emergency landing at Sandino International Airport in Managua.[26] The drugs were unloaded by the military and Seal and his co-pilot were taken to detention in downtown Managua, where they were released to the cartel's Nicaraguan contact, Federico Vaughan.[26] Vaughan was an aide to Tomas Borge, Nicaraguan Minister of the Interior.[27] In Managua, Seal met again with Pablo Escobar, who was setting up a cocaine lab for production. After a discussion about how to move the increased flow of cocaine, Escobar decided to keep the first shipment in Nicaragua and have Seal return to the States and buy a larger plane.[28] The plane Seal acquired was a C-123K, a large aircraft used primarily for military transport. Before returning to Nicaragua, the DEA arranged for CIA technicians to install hidden cameras inside the plane.[29] Seal returned to the Los Brasiles airfield in Nicaragua on June 25. The pickup went as planned this time, and the cameras successfully photographed Seal and several Nicaraguan soldiers loading cocaine, aided by Pablo Escobar, Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha (another important cartel member), and Federico Vaughan. On his return to the U.S., Seal landed at Homestead Air Force Base and the drugs were transferred into a Winnebago camper, which Seal turned over to his Colombian contact.[30] The drugs could not be distributed, and the immediate arrest of those handling the vehicle would suggest to the Colombians that Seal had betrayed them, so DEA agents staged an accident with the camper, allowing the driver to escape.[31] Unfortunately, the driver was arrested by local police, and the circumstances of the seizure raised the suspicions of the cartel.[30] Seal made one more trip to Nicaragua on July 7, bringing money to Escobar to pay the Nicaraguans for landing rights. Another shipment was also planned at this time, but under instructions from the DEA, Seal told Escobar his landing site was under DEA surveillance and unsafe for transport to avoid the need to seize a second load. The DEA felt this would be impossible to explain away, and Seal returned to the U.S. without cargo.[32] The DEA plan was to keep Seal working with the cartel on other parts of the supply chain, such as moving cocaine base into Nicaragua from Colombia and inspecting smuggling airfields in Mexico and the U.S. The ultimate hope was to arrest the cartel leaders in a jurisdiction where it would be easy to extract them.[33] However, the Nicaragua undercover operation came to an end soon after Seal's return from his second trip when it was reported in the press. A leak regarding the operation came to light before Seal's second trip. On June 29, General Paul F. Gorman, US Military Commander Southern Command, made a speech stating the US had evidence that elements of the Nicaraguan government were involved in drug smuggling, though Gorman did not mention Seal or the undercover flights. It is not clear whether Seal and his crew were informed of this before they returned to Nicaragua.[34] A more detailed account of American efforts in Nicaragua appeared on July 17 in an article by reporter Edmond Jacoby, published on the front page of the Washington Times.[35] Although not a complete account, it gave enough information to spell an end to Seal's work with the cartel, and to the DEA's hopes of capturing the cartel leaders outside of Colombia.[36] In the U.S. Following the exposure of the Nicaraguan investigation, the DEA had to move quickly to arrest the cartel distributors in Miami. The DEA had been informed before the publication of the Jacoby article, so they were still able to have Seal set up a meeting with the chief cartel supervisor in Miami, Carlos Bustamonte, and arrested him on July 17, along with other cartel employees.[37] The evidence acquired from the arrest, plus the evidence gathered by Seal, provided the basis for the first drug trafficking indictment in the U.S. against Escobar and the Ochoas.[37] Despite the exposure, Seal was able to put together a second major undercover operation for the DEA later that year. This operation involved a long, complicated cocaine shipment from Bolivia, refueling in Colombia, refueling again in Texas, and delivering the cocaine in Las Vegas. The DEA refused to let Seal leave the country due to the danger he was in, so Seal arranged for his ex-brother-in-law William Bottoms to make the flight. The flight, in January 1985, was successful and led to arrests and convictions.[38] In February, Seal also played a central role in an undercover operation against Norman Saunders, chief minister of the Turks and Caicos Islands, a British colony south of the Bahamas. Saunders was videotaped paying a bribe to Seal in Miami, and was also successfully prosecuted.[39] Continuing legal problems While Seal had come to an agreement with the DEA and the Florida drug task force in March 1984, he was still under active investigation by state and federal authorities in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and Little Rock, Arkansas. In October 1984, a grand jury in Louisiana was convened and began interviewing witnesses against Seal.[40] Seal attempted to push back against the investigation by appearing in a television news series broadcast by WBRZ in Baton Rouge in November 1984. The documentary series, titled "Uncle Sam Wants You", ran on five consecutive evenings. It included an interview where Seal denied he was a smuggler and depicted Seal as harassed by the government. The state narcotics agents who were investigating Seal in Baton Rouge sued over their depiction in the series, but the lawsuit was dismissed.[41] Soon after the broadcast, the heads of the Florida and Louisiana task forces met to work out an agreement that would allow Seal to continue working with the Florida task force and testify as a witness at trial. They agreed to a sentence for Seal's Louisiana activities no greater than the sentence he received for his Florida smuggling, with both sentences to run concurrently.[42] Sentencing Seal was taken into federal custody in June 1985 and spent several months testifying in court. He was the primary witness in three trials: the trial of Saunders and the other Turks and Caicos officials in July; the trial of the cartel distributors in Miami in August; the trial of the cartel distributors who had arranged the shipment of cocaine from Bolivia to Las Vegas, also in August. All three trials resulted in convictions for all defendants. Seal also made a public appearance before the President's Commission on Organized Crime, recounting his experiences as a drug smuggler.[43] In Florida Following his testimony in the Miami trials, Seal appeared in Florida court again over his second indictment in the Big Screamer operation. Although Seal had pleaded guilty, with the support of his DEA supervisors, he was sentenced to five years of unsupervised probation.[43] Following his testimony in Las Vegas, Seal spent another month in a witness protection center. In October 1985 he returned to court over the first indictment in Big Screamer, for which he had originally been sentenced to ten years.[44] After listening to summaries of Seal's successful work for the DEA, Judge Norman Roettger sentenced Seal to time served (a little over three months in witness protection) and three years probation.[45] In Louisiana When Seal received only time served and probation, Louisiana state and federal drug investigators were faced with a dilemma. They had anticipated Seal would serve substantial time in Florida and were now bound by the agreement Florida and Louisiana drug task forces had made in December 1984. The Florida sentence meant no jail time for Seal in Louisiana, yet Seal was pleading guilty to buying 200 kilograms of cocaine, already more serious than the Florida charges. Also, before the agreement was reached, the Louisiana task force investigation had been looking into Seal's involvement in smuggling thousands of kilograms of cocaine.[46] At Seal's sentencing hearing in January 1986, Judge Frank Polozola acknowledged that he was bound by the agreement, but informed Seal and his lawyer of his dissatisfaction with Seal's failure to receive jail time in Florida, forcing Polozola to sentence Seal to probation on much more serious charges in Louisiana.[47] He warned Seal that he intended to set strict probation provisions and that if Seal violated these, the plea bargain could be revoked and Seal re-sentenced.[47] Polozola took the occasion to say that people like Seal were "the lowest, most despicable people I can think of." In imposing sentence, Polozola further stipulated that Seal could not carry a gun or hire armed bodyguards as this would be possession or constructive possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. Seal's attorney, Lewis Unglesby, told Polozola his ruling amounted to a death sentence for his client. Seal told friends that the judge "made me a clay pigeon."[48] The probation conditions prohibited Seal from leaving Baton Rouge without written permission from Judge Polozola, who ordered Seal to spend every night at a halfway house from 6PM to 6AM for the first six months of his probation. Seal was assigned to the Salvation Army's Community Treatment Center in Baton Rouge.[49] Murder Background Seal was originally introduced to the Medellín cartel members as a pilot named Ellis McKenzie.[50] Although the newspaper report and the arrest of their Miami distributors confirmed that their pilot was DEA, it was not until the cartel members received a copy of Seal's television documentary that they learned McKenzie was Seal. They put out a contract to kidnap or murder Seal. Max Mermelstein, a high-level cartel distributor in Miami, later testified in court that he was shown the documentary a few days after it was broadcast and was told that the cartel wanted Seal either captured or killed: the price was $500,000 if Seal was killed, and $1,000,000 if he was captured alive. Mermelstein testified that he accepted the contract, believing that a refusal would mean death. He received a phone call from Fabio Ochoa and Escobar, who both thanked him for his help, and was given $100,000 for any costs he incurred.[51] Before Mermelstein had located Seal, however, he was arrested by a federal task force in June 1985. He soon told the task force about the contract, and Seal was informed that the cartel was offering $500,000 for his death.[52] Killing On the evening of February 19, 1986, Seal was shot to death in front of the Salvation Army Center, three weeks into his probation. When Seal pulled into the center's lot and parked, a man got out of a car behind the center's donation drop boxes and opened fire with a suppressed MAC-10 submachine gun. Seal was hit six times and died almost instantly.[53] Six Colombians were quickly arrested in connection with the murder. Three of them, Luis Carlos Quintero-Cruz, Miguel Vélez, and Bernardo Antonio Vásquez, were indicted on state charges for capital murder. A fourth man was indicted separately on lesser charges, and evidence of direct involvement was insufficient for two, who were released and deported.[54] In addition to the state charges against the killers, federal charges were filed against Fabio Ochoa, Pablo Escobar, and a third cartel member, Rafael Cardona, for conspiring to violate Seal's civil rights by murdering him.[55] Trial Widespread publicity and the general public outcry caused a delay of several months before Seal's murder trial began. It proved impossible to impanel sufficient jurors in Baton Rouge, so the venue was moved to Lake Charles.[56] The trial began in April 1987. The most important witnesses were Max Mermelstein and Luis Carlos Uribe-Munera. Mermelstein, who had told the DEA of the murder contract after his arrest in 1985, testified that Ochoa, Escobar, and Cardona had asked him to take the contract and provided him with money and weapons to do the job.[51] He had seen Cardona test-fire the murder weapon in Mermelstein's garage and bullets that matched the murder weapon were later extracted from the garage wall by FBI forensics.[57] Mermelstein also knew the defendant Vélez. He testified that Vélez was present when he was given the contract and that Vélez later asked Mermelstein to turn the contract over to him.[58] Uribe-Munera was a Colombian drug smuggler for the cartel. He testified that in January 1986, he was ordered by Jorge Ochoa to kill Seal. When Uribe-Munera learned that he would probably be killed afterward, he refused. He was then shot five times by cartel gunmen, but survived and eventually sought asylum at the U.S. embassy in Bogota. Uribe-Munera was brought to the U.S., where he agreed to plead guilty to conspiracy to import and distribute cocaine.[59] There was also extensive eyewitness and forensic evidence against Quintero-Cruz, Vélez, and Vásquez. A witness identified Vélez as the driver of the vehicle in the halfway house parking lot.[60] Another eyewitness saw Quintero-Cruz outside the car, handing the MAC-10 to the car driver through the window after the murder.[61] All three men's fingerprints were found in the vehicle. Vasquez was identified as the purchaser of the halfway house vehicle by the car agency salesman and paid for hotel rooms and rental cars using his name. All three were found guilty and sentenced to life without parole.[60] In January 2023, Louisiana Governor John Bel Edwards denied Vásquez's request for clemency. [62] Personal life Seal was married three times. His first marriage, to Barbara Dodson, lasted from 1963 to 1971. The second marriage, to Lynn Ross, lasted from 1971 to 1972. In 1973, he married Deborah DuBois. The marriage ended with his death in 1986. Seal had six children; two from his first wife, one from a relationship he had in between marriages, and three more with Deborah.[63][64] Legacy Controversies Exposure of Nicaraguan undercover operation In 1988, the House Judiciary Committee held a hearing that looked into how Seal's 1984 trip to Nicaragua was leaked to the press. Questioned about the identity of the source, DEA agent Ernst Jacobson replied, "I heard that the leak came from an aide in the White House". He stated that Iran–Contra figure Oliver North had attended two meetings about the sting operation and had the motivation to release the information. UPI reported: "By linking the Sandinistas with drug traffic ... aid to the rebels accused of human rights violations might seem more palatable". Subcommittee chairman William J. Hughes strongly suggested that North was the source of the leak, but Representative Bill McCollum said, "...we don't know who leaked this. No one has been able to tell us".[65] Citing testimony of DEA Administrator John C. Lawn, the report of the Kerry Committee released in December 1988 pinned the leak on North stating he "decided to play politics with the issue".[66] In an interview with Frontline, North said he was told by his superiors on the National Security Council to brief Senator Paula Hawkins about the operation, but he denied leaking the report.[67][68] Hawkins told Frontline that neither she nor her staff leaked the information after the briefing.[67] Jacoby later denied that North was the source of his story and attributed it to a deceased staff member for Representative Dan Daniel.[69] Criticism of U.S. failure to protect Seal Louisiana Attorney General William Guste wrote to United States Attorney General Edwin Meese criticizing the government's failure to protect Seal as a witness. At Guste's request, Meese launched an investigation to determine whether or not attorneys in Louisiana, Miami, and Washington had mishandled the case, and to determine whether or not Seal should have been forced into protective custody. Government attorneys stated that Seal placed himself in danger by refusing to move his family and enter a witness protection program.[70] Media depictions Films Seal is portrayed by Dennis Hopper in Doublecrossed (1991), a docudrama made for HBO.[71] Seal is portrayed by Michael Paré in the American crime drama film The Infiltrator (2016), in two brief, historically inaccurate scenes that exercise dramatic license to depict the film's title character, Robert Mazur, as a passenger in a car being driven by Seal who is killed in a motorcycle drive-by shooting. Seal is portrayed by Tom Cruise in the crime drama-comedy film American Made (2017), loosely based on Seal's life, produced by Imagine Entertainment. Little of the film is historically accurate; most of the plot, such as the murder of Seal's brother-in-law, was invented for purposes of the film.[72] Television Seal is portrayed by the actor Sebastián Sánchez in Pablo Escobar, The Drug Lord as the character of Harry Beal. Seal is portrayed by theater director Thaddeus Phillips under his real name also of his nickname Ellis McKenzie in the 2013 TV series Alias El Mexicano. Seal is portrayed by Dylan Bruno in Season 1, Episode 4, of the Netflix series Narcos (2015) but is inaccurately depicted as being an ex-CIA pilot rather than a former commercial airline pilot. Literature Seal appears in James Cardenas debut novel, Killing Colombia. He appears, introduces himself as Barry Seal from Baton Rouge, and says he is a former airline pilot trying to make it by. See also Allegations of CIA drug trafficking Kerry Committee report References Hahn (2016), p. 25. Hahn (2016), p. 28. Hahn (2016), p. 28-29. Hahn (2016), p. 31-37. Hahn (2016), p. 61. Hahn (2016), p. 48–50. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 147. Hahn (2016), p. 64–65. STATE of Louisiana v. Miguel VELEZ, Bernardo Vasquez, and Luis Carlos Quintero-Cruz, 588 So.2d 116 (Court of Appeal of Louisiana, Third Circuit. 1991). Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 147-148. Hahn (2016), p. 63-64. Hahn (2016), p. 66. Hahn (2016), p. 66-67. Hahn (2016), p. 13. Bowden, Bill (19 July 2020). "Activities at airport in Mena detailed - FBI document recently released". Arkansas Democrat Gazette. WEHCO Media. Retrieved 2 November 2023. Hahn (2016), p. 51. Hahn (2016), p. 51-52. Hahn (2016), p. 81-82. Hahn (2016), p. 82-83. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 150-151. Hahn (2016), p. 83. Hahn (2016), p. 87-89. Hahn (2016), p. 89. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 152. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 158-159. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 160. Werner, Leslie Maitland (1984-07-28). "11 Indicted by U.s. as Drug Smugglers". The New York Times. Retrieved 2020-09-04. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 161. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 162. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 163. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 164. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 166. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 167. Hahn (2016), p. 93-94. Edmond, Jacoby (July 17, 1984). "Sandinistas, cocaine traffic in U.S. linked". The Washington Times. Hahn (2016), p. 94. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 169. Hahn (2016), p. 96-97. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 219. Hahn (2016), p. 107-108. Hahn (2016), p. 109-111. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 202-203. Hahn (2016), p. 131. Hahn (2016), p. 132. Hahn (2016), p. 136. Hahn (2016), p. 139. Hahn (2016), p. 140. "Barry Seal murder in Baton Rouge 25 years ago helped expose Iran-Contra debacle". 14 February 2011. Hahn (2016), p. 141-142. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 145-146. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 207-208. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 218-219. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 235-237. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 295. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 240. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 295-296. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 214. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 216-217. Hahn (2016), p. 147-148. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 298. Gugliotta & Leen (1989), p. 238. Finn, James (January 26, 2023). "Louisiana governor denies parole for man who helped kill Barry Seal for Escobar's cartel". The Advocate. Baton Rouge. Gyan, Joe (2015-10-16). "Slain drug smuggler Barry Seal's daughter sues to halt movie on her father's life". The Advocate. "Family of murdered drug smuggler sue Universal over Tom Cruise film Mena". The Guardian. 2015-10-16. Zentz, Wendy (July 29, 1988). "North's name bandied about on news leak". UPI. UPI. Retrieved June 12, 2017. Drugs, law enforcement, and foreign policy :a report. US Government Printing Office. December 1988. hdl:2027/pst.000014976124. "Transcripts - Drug Wars". Special Reports. FRONTLINE. PBS. Retrieved June 17, 2017. "Special Reports - Interview - Drug Wars". FRONTLINE. PBS. Retrieved 15 April 2015. Hahn (2016). Kozol, Ronald (April 13, 1986). "Informants murder puts head on authorities". Nation/world. Chicago Tribune. Vol. 139, no. 103 (Final ed.). Section 1, page 5. Retrieved August 27, 2017. Chris Willman (1991-07-20). "TV Reviews: 'Doublecrossed': Story of Drugs and Politics". Articles.latimes.com. Retrieved 2018-01-17. "American Made (2017)". Historyvshollywood.com. History vs. Hollywood. Retrieved 2020-06-03. Further reading Articles Swain, Mark. "Who Killed Barry Seal? An Investigative Obituary." High Times, June 1986, pp. 22–23. Archived from the original. Books Gugliotta, Guy; Leen, Jeff (1989). Kings of Cocaine: Inside the Medellín Cartel - An Astonishing True Story of Murder, Money and International Corruption. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-64957-9. Hahn, Del (2016). Smuggler's End: The Life and Death of Barry Seal. Pelican Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1-4556-2101-9. External links DEA file (Barry Seal) at Internet Archive FBI file (Barry Seal) at Internet Archive Special documentary film reports written and produced by John Camp with the WBRZ-TV investigative unit. Hosted by the copyright holder at the Louisiana Digital Media Archive. Grave of Seal Uncle Sam Wants You (1984) Murder of a Witness: The Barry Seal Story (1986) Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST VIAF National Germany United States Poland Categories: 1939 births1986 deaths1986 murders in the United States20th-century American criminalsAmerican aviatorsAmerican drug traffickersAmerican male criminalsAmerican people convicted of money launderingAmerican murder victimsAmerican spiesCommercial aviatorsCriminals from LouisianaDrug Enforcement Administration informantsDeaths by firearm in LouisianaDrug policy of the United StatesMedellín Cartel traffickersMurdered criminalsPeople from Baton Rouge, LouisianaPeople from Mena, ArkansasPeople murdered in LouisianaPeople murdered by Colombian organized crime

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Catcher in the Rye is a novel by American author J. D. Salinger that was partially published in serial form 1945–46 before being novelized in 1951. Originally intended for adults, it is often read by adolescents for its themes of angst and alienation, and as a critique of superficiality in society.[4][5] The novel also deals with themes of innocence, identity, belonging, loss, connection, sex, and depression. The main character, Holden Caulfield, has become an icon for teenage rebellion.[6] Caulfield, nearly of age, gives his opinion on a wide variety of topics as he narrates his recent life events. The Catcher has been translated widely.[7] About one million copies are sold each year, with total sales of more than 65 million books.[8] The novel was included on Time's 2005 list of the 100 best English-language novels written since 1923,[9] and it was named by Modern Library and its readers as one of the 100 best English-language novels of the 20th century.[10][11][12] In 2003, it was listed at number 15 on the BBC's survey "The Big Read". Plot Holden Caulfield recalls the events of a weekend (Saturday afternoon to Monday afternoon) shortly before the previous year's Christmas, beginning at Pencey Preparatory Academy, a boarding school in Pennsylvania. Holden has just been expelled from Pencey because he had failed all of his classes except English. After causing the fencing team to forfeit a fencing match in New York because he accidentally lost the team's equipment on the subway, he says goodbye to his history teacher, Mr. Spencer. He offers Holden advice and embarrasses him by criticizing his history exam. Later, Holden agrees to write an English composition for his roommate, Ward Stradlater, who is leaving for a date. Holden is distressed to learn that Stradlater's date is Jane Gallagher, with whom Holden was infatuated. That night, Holden decides to go to a Cary Grant comedy with Mal Brossard and dorm neighbor Robert Ackley. Since Ackley and Mal have already seen the film, they eat food, play pinball, and return to Pencey. When Stradlater returns hours later, he fails to appreciate the deeply personal composition Holden wrote for him about the baseball glove of Holden's late brother Allie who died from leukemia years earlier and refuses to say whether he had sex with Jane. Enraged, Holden punches him, and Stradlater easily wins the fight. When Holden continues insulting him, Stradlater leaves him lying on the floor with a bloody nose. Fed up with the "phonies" at Pencey Prep, Holden decides to catch a train to New York. Holden intends to stay away from his home until Wednesday, when his parents will have received notification of his expulsion. Aboard the train, Holden meets the mother of a wealthy Pencey student, Ernest Morrow, and makes up nice but false stories about her son. In a taxicab, Holden asks the driver whether the ducks in the Central Park lagoon migrate during winter, a subject he brings up often, but the man barely responds. Holden checks into the Edmont Hotel and spends an evening dancing with three tourists at the hotel lounge. Holden eventually gets bored of them. Following an unpromising visit to a nightclub, Holden becomes preoccupied with his internal angst and agrees to have a prostitute named Sunny visit his room. His attitude toward the girl changes when she enters the room and takes off her clothes. Holden, who is a virgin, says he only wants to talk, which annoys her and causes her to leave. Even though he maintains that he paid her the right amount for her time, she returns with her pimp Maurice and demands more money. Holden insults Maurice, Sunny takes money from Holden's wallet, and Maurice snaps his fingers on Holden's groin and punches him in the stomach. Afterward, Holden imagines that he has been shot by Maurice and pictures murdering him with an automatic pistol. The next morning, Holden, becoming increasingly depressed and needing personal connection, calls Sally Hayes, a familiar date. Although Holden claims that she is "the queen of all phonies", they agree to meet that afternoon to attend a play at the Biltmore Theater. Holden shops for a special record, "Little Shirley Beans", for his 10-year-old sister Phoebe. He spots a boy singing a song which lifts his mood. After the play, Holden and Sally go ice skating at Rockefeller Center, where Holden begins ranting against society and frightens Sally. He invites Sally to run away with him that night to live in the wilderness of New England, but she declines. The conversation turns sour, and the two angrily part ways. Holden decides to meet his old classmate, Carl Luce, for drinks at the Wicker Bar. Holden annoys Carl, whom Holden suspects of being gay, by insistently questioning him about his sex life. Luce says Holden should go see a psychiatrist, to understand himself better. After Luce leaves, Holden gets drunk, awkwardly flirts with several adults, and calls an icy Sally. Exhausted and out of money, Holden wanders over to Central Park to investigate the ducks, accidentally breaking Phoebe's record on the way. Nostalgic, he heads home to see Phoebe. He sneaks into his parents' apartment while they are out and wakes her up. Despite being happy to see Holden, Phoebe quickly infers that he has been expelled and chastises him for his aimlessness and his apparent disdain for everything. When asked if he cares about anything, Holden shares a selfless fantasy he has been thinking about (based on a mishearing of Robert Burns's Comin' Through the Rye), in which he imagines himself as making a job of saving children running through a field of rye by catching them before they fell off a nearby cliff. Phoebe points out that the actual poem says, "when a body meet a body, comin through the rye." Holden breaks down in tears, and his sister tries to console him. When his parents return home, Holden slips out and visits his former and much-admired English teacher, Mr. Antolini, who expresses concern that Holden is headed for "a terrible fall". Mr. Antolini advises him to begin applying himself and provides Holden with a place to sleep. Holden is upset when he wakes up to find Mr. Antolini patting his head, which he interprets as a sexual advance. He leaves and spends the rest of the night in a waiting room at Grand Central Terminal, sinking further into despair and expressing regret over leaving Mr. Antolini. He spends most of the morning wandering Fifth Avenue. Losing hope of finding belonging or companionship in the city, Holden decides to head out West and live a reclusive lifestyle as a deaf-mute gas station attendant living in a log cabin. He decides to see Phoebe at lunchtime to explain his plan and say goodbye. While visiting her school, Holden sees graffiti containing a curse word and becomes distressed by the thought of children learning the word's meaning and tarnishing their innocence. When he meets Phoebe at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, she arrives with a suitcase and asks to go with him, even though she was looking forward to acting as Benedict Arnold in a play that Friday. Holden refuses to let her come with him, which upsets Phoebe. He tries to cheer her up by allowing her to skip school and taking her to the Central Park Zoo, but she remains angry. They eventually reach the zoo's carousel, where Phoebe reconciles with Holden after he buys her a ticket. Holden is filled with happiness and joy at the sight of Phoebe riding the carousel. Holden alludes to encountering his parents that night and "getting sick", mentioning that he will be attending another school in September. Holden then does not want to tell anything more because talking about them has made him miss his former classmates. History Various older stories by Salinger contain characters similar to those in The Catcher in the Rye. While at Columbia University, Salinger wrote a short story called "The Young Folks" in Whit Burnett's class; one character from this story has been described as a "thinly penciled prototype of Sally Hayes". In November 1941 he sold the story "Slight Rebellion off Madison", which featured Holden Caulfield, to The New Yorker, but it wasn't published until December 21, 1946, due to World War II. The story "I'm Crazy", which was published in the December 22, 1945 issue of Collier's, contained material that was later used in The Catcher in the Rye. In 1946, The New Yorker accepted a 90-page manuscript about Holden Caulfield for publication, but Salinger later withdrew it.[13] The school Holden attends is Pencey Preparatory Academy, a boarding school in Pennsylvania that Salinger may have based on the Valley Forge Military Academy and College.[14] Writing style The Catcher in the Rye is narrated in a subjective style from the point of view of Holden Caulfield, following his exact thought processes. There is flow in the seemingly disjointed ideas and episodes; for example, as Holden sits in a chair in his dorm, minor events, such as picking up a book or looking at a table, unfold into discussions about experiences. Critical reviews affirm that the novel accurately reflected the teenage colloquial speech of the time.[15] Words and phrases that appear frequently include:[16] "Flitty" – homosexual "Give her the time" – sexual intercourse "Necking" – kissing, hugging, and caressing passionately "Phony" – people who are dishonest or fake about who they really are[17] "Prince" – a fine, generous, helpful fellow (often used in sarcastic fashion) "Rubbernecks" – people who stretch their necks or turn their heads to gaze about in curiosity "Snowing" – deceiving, misleading, or winning over by glib talk, flattery, etc. Interpretations Bruce Brooks held that Holden's attitude remains unchanged at story's end, implying no maturation, thus differentiating the novel from young adult fiction.[18] In contrast, Louis Menand thought that teachers assign the novel because of the optimistic ending, to teach adolescent readers that "alienation is just a phase."[19] While Brooks maintained that Holden acts his age, Menand claimed that Holden thinks as an adult, given his ability to accurately perceive people and their motives. Others highlight the dilemma of Holden's state, in between adolescence and adulthood.[20][21] Holden is quick to become emotional. "I felt sorry as hell for..." is a phrase he often uses. It is often said that Holden changes at the end, when he watches Phoebe on the carousel, and he talks about the golden ring and how it's good for kids to try to grab it.[20] Peter Beidler in his A Reader's Companion to J. D. Salinger's "The Catcher in the Rye", identifies the movie that the prostitute "Sunny" refers to. In chapter 13 she says that in the movie a boy falls off a boat. The movie is Captains Courageous (1937), starring Spencer Tracy. Sunny says that Holden looks like the boy who fell off the boat. Beidler shows a still of the boy, played by child-actor Freddie Bartholomew.[22] Each Caulfield child has literary talent. D.B. writes screenplays in Hollywood;[23] Holden also reveres D.B. for his writing skill (Holden's own best subject), but he also despises Hollywood industry-based movies, considering them the ultimate in "phony" as the writer has no space for his own imagination and describes D.B.'s move to Hollywood to write for films as "prostituting himself"; Allie wrote poetry on his baseball glove;[24] and Phoebe is a diarist.[25] This "catcher in the rye" is an analogy for Holden, who admires in children attributes that he often struggles to find in adults, like innocence, kindness, spontaneity, and generosity. Falling off the cliff could be a progression into the adult world that surrounds him and that he strongly criticizes. Later, Phoebe and Holden exchange roles as the "catcher" and the "fallen"; he gives her his hunting hat, the catcher's symbol, and becomes the fallen as Phoebe becomes the catcher.[26] In their biography of Salinger, David Shields and Shane Salerno argue that: "The Catcher in the Rye can best be understood as a disguised war novel." Salinger witnessed the horrors of World War II, but rather than writing a combat novel, Salinger, according to Shields and Salerno, "took the trauma of war and embedded it within what looked to the naked eye like a coming-of-age novel."[27] Reception The Catcher in the Rye has been consistently listed as one of the best novels of the twentieth century. Shortly after its publication, in an article for The New York Times, Nash K. Burger called it "an unusually brilliant novel,"[3] while James Stern wrote an admiring review of the book in a voice imitating Holden's.[28] George H. W. Bush called it a "marvelous book," listing it among the books that inspired him.[29] In June 2009, the BBC's Finlo Rohrer wrote that, 58 years since publication, the book is still regarded "as the defining work on what it is like to be a teenager."[30] Adam Gopnik considers it one of the "three perfect books" in American literature, along with Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and The Great Gatsby, and believes that "no book has ever captured a city better than Catcher in the Rye captured New York in the fifties."[31] In an appraisal of The Catcher in the Rye written after the death of J. D. Salinger, Jeff Pruchnic says the novel has retained its appeal for many generations. Pruchnic describes Holden as a "teenage protagonist frozen midcentury but destined to be discovered by those of a similar age in every generation to come."[32] Bill Gates said that The Catcher in the Rye is one of his favorite books,[33] as has Aaron Sorkin.[34] Not all reception has been positive. The book has had its share of naysayers, including the longtime Washington Post book critic Jonathan Yardley, who, in 2004, wrote that the experience of rereading the novel after several decades proved to be "a painful experience: The combination of Salinger's execrable prose and Caulfield's jejune narcissism produced effects comparable to mainlining castor oil." Yardley described the novel as among the worst popular books in the annals of American literature. "Why," Yardley asked, "do English teachers, whose responsibility is to teach good writing, repeatedly and reflexively require students to read a book as badly written as this one?"[35] According to Rohrer, many contemporary readers, as Yardley found, "just cannot understand what the fuss is about.... many of these readers are disappointed that the novel fails to meet the expectations generated by the mystique it is shrouded in. J. D. Salinger has done his part to enhance this mystique. That is to say, he has done nothing."[30] Rohrer assessed the reasons behind both the popularity and criticism of the book, saying that it "captures existential teenage angst" and has a "complex central character" and "accessible conversational style"; while at the same time some readers may dislike the "use of 1940s New York vernacular" and the excessive "whining" of the "self-obsessed character". Censorship and use in schools In 1960, a teacher in Tulsa, Oklahoma, was fired for assigning the novel in class. She was later reinstated.[36] Between 1961 and 1982, The Catcher in the Rye was the most censored book in high schools and libraries in the United States.[37] The book was briefly banned in the Issaquah, Washington, high schools in 1978 when three members of the School Board alleged the book was part of an "overall communist plot".[38] This ban did not last long, and the offended board members were immediately recalled and removed in a special election.[39] In 1981, it was both the most censored book and the second most taught book in public schools in the United States.[40] According to the American Library Association, The Catcher in the Rye was the 10th most frequently challenged book from 1990 to 1999.[10] It was one of the ten most challenged books of 2005,[41] and although it had been off the list for three years, it reappeared in the list of most challenged books of 2009.[42] The challenges generally begin with Holden's frequent use of vulgar language;[43][44] other reasons include sexual references,[45] blasphemy, undermining of family values[44] and moral codes,[46] encouragement of rebellion,[47] and promotion of drinking, smoking, lying, promiscuity, and sexual abuse.[46] The book was written for an adult audience, which often forms the foundation of many challengers' arguments against it.[48] Often the challengers have been unfamiliar with the plot itself.[37] Shelley Keller-Gage, a high school teacher who faced objections after assigning the novel in her class, noted that "the challengers are being just like Holden... They are trying to be catchers in the rye."[44] Censorship of the book often causes a Streisand effect, as such incidents cause many to put themselves on the waiting list to borrow the novel, where there was no waiting list before.[49][50] Violent reactions Further information: The Catcher in the Rye in popular culture § Shootings Several shootings have been associated with Salinger's novel, including Robert John Bardo's murder of Rebecca Schaeffer and John Hinckley Jr.'s assassination attempt on Ronald Reagan. Additionally, after fatally shooting John Lennon, Mark David Chapman was arrested with a copy of the book that he had purchased that same day, inside of which he had written: "To Holden Caulfield, From Holden Caulfield, This is my statement".[51][52] Commenting on the fascination of Hinckley and Chapman, Harvey Solomon-Brady wrote: Compared to books lauded by other killers – George Orwell's 1984 by John F. Kennedy's assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, C.S. Lewis's meditations on Christianity by Gianni Versace's murderer Andrew Cunanan and Joseph Conrad's The Secret Agent by Unabomber Ted Kaczynski – The "Catcher in the Rye" stands out in its devastating ability to influence without explicit instruction. [53] Attempted adaptations In film Early in his career, Salinger expressed a willingness to have his work adapted for the screen.[54] In 1949, a critically panned film version of his short story "Uncle Wiggily in Connecticut" was released; renamed My Foolish Heart, the film took great liberties with Salinger's plot and is widely considered to be among the reasons that Salinger refused to allow any subsequent film adaptations of his work.[20][55] The enduring success of The Catcher in the Rye, however, has resulted in repeated attempts to secure the novel's screen rights.[56] When The Catcher in the Rye was first released, many offers were made to adapt it for the screen, including one from Samuel Goldwyn, producer of My Foolish Heart.[55] In a letter written in the early 1950s, Salinger spoke of mounting a play in which he would play the role of Holden Caulfield opposite Margaret O'Brien, and, if he couldn't play the part himself, to "forget about it." Almost 50 years later, the writer Joyce Maynard definitively concluded, "The only person who might ever have played Holden Caulfield would have been J. D. Salinger."[57] Salinger told Maynard in the 1970s that Jerry Lewis "tried for years to get his hands on the part of Holden,"[57] the protagonist in the novel which Lewis had not read until he was in his thirties.[49] Film industry figures including Marlon Brando, Jack Nicholson, Ralph Bakshi, Tobey Maguire and Leonardo DiCaprio have tried to make a film adaptation.[58] In an interview with Premiere, John Cusack commented that his one regret about turning 21 was that he had become too old to play Holden Caulfield. Writer-director Billy Wilder recounted his abortive attempts to snare the novel's rights: Of course I read The Catcher in the Rye... Wonderful book. I loved it. I pursued it. I wanted to make a picture out of it. And then one day a young man came to the office of Leland Hayward, my agent, in New York, and said, "Please tell Mr. Leland Hayward to lay off. He's very, very insensitive." And he walked out. That was the entire speech. I never saw him. That was J. D. Salinger and that was Catcher in the Rye.[59] In 1961, Salinger denied Elia Kazan permission to direct a stage adaptation of Catcher for Broadway.[60] Later, Salinger's agents received bids for the Catcher film rights from Harvey Weinstein and Steven Spielberg, neither of which was even passed on to Salinger for consideration.[61] In 2003, the BBC television program The Big Read featured The Catcher in the Rye, interspersing discussions of the novel with "a series of short films that featured an actor playing J. D. Salinger's adolescent antihero, Holden Caulfield."[60] The show defended its unlicensed adaptation of the novel by claiming to be a "literary review", and no major charges were filed. In 2008, the rights of Salinger's works were placed in the JD Salinger Literary Trust where Salinger was the sole trustee. Phyllis Westberg, who was Salinger's agent at Harold Ober Associates in New York, declined to say who the trustees are now that the author is dead. After Salinger died in 2010, Westberg stated that nothing had changed in terms of licensing film, television, or stage rights of his works.[62] A letter written by Salinger in 1957 revealed that he was open to an adaptation of The Catcher in the Rye released after his death. He wrote: "Firstly, it is possible that one day the rights will be sold. Since there's an ever-looming possibility that I won't die rich, I toy very seriously with the idea of leaving the unsold rights to my wife and daughter as a kind of insurance policy. It pleasures me no end, though, I might quickly add, to know that I won't have to see the results of the transaction." Salinger also wrote that he believed his novel was not suitable for film treatment, and that translating Holden Caulfield's first-person narrative into voice-over and dialogue would be contrived.[63] In 2020, Don Hahn revealed that The Walt Disney Company had almost made an animated film titled Dufus which would have been an adaptation of The Catcher in the Rye "with German shepherds", most likely akin to Oliver & Company. The idea came from then CEO Michael Eisner who loved the book and wanted to do an adaptation. After being told that J. D. Salinger would not agree to sell the film rights, Eisner stated, "Well, let's just do that kind of story, that kind of growing up, coming of age story."[64] Banned fan sequel In 2009, the year before he died, Salinger successfully sued to stop the U.S. publication of a novel that presents Holden Caulfield as an old man.[30][65] The novel's author, Fredrik Colting, commented: "call me an ignorant Swede, but the last thing I thought possible in the U.S. was that you banned books".[66] The issue is complicated by the nature of Colting's book, 60 Years Later: Coming Through the Rye, which has been compared to fan fiction.[67] Although commonly not authorized by writers, no legal action is usually taken against fan fiction, since it is rarely published commercially and thus involves no profit.[68] Legacy and use in popular culture Main article: The Catcher in the Rye in popular culture See also Book censorship in the United States Le Monde's 100 Books of the Century References Notes "CalArts Remembers Beloved Animation Instructor E. Michael Mitchell". Calarts.edu. Archived from the original on September 28, 2009. Retrieved January 30, 2010. "50 Most Captivating Covers". Onlineuniversities.com. Retrieved January 30, 2010. Burger, Nash K. (July 16, 1951). "Books of The Times". The New York Times. Retrieved March 18, 2009. Costello, Donald P., and Harold Bloom. "The Language of 'The Catcher in the Rye:' Bloom's Modern Critical Interpretations: The Catcher in the Rye (2000): 11–20. Literary Reference Center. EBSCO. Web. December 1, 2010. "Carte Blanche: Famous Firsts". Booklist. November 15, 2000. Retrieved December 20, 2007. Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Allusions By Elizabeth Webber, Mike Feinsilber p. 105 Magill, Frank N. (1991). "J. D. Salinger". Magill's Survey of American Literature. New York: Marshall Cavendish Corporation. p. 1803. ISBN 1-85435-437-X. According to List of best-selling books. An earlier article says more than 20 million: Yardley, Jonathan (October 19, 2004). "J. D. Salinger's Holden Caulfield, Aging Gracelessly". The Washington Post. Retrieved January 21, 2007. "It isn't just a novel, it's a dispatch from an unknown, mysterious universe, which may help explain the phenomenal sales it enjoys to this day: about 250,000 copies a year, with total worldwide sales over – probably way over – 10 million." Grossman, Lev; Lacayo, Richard (October 16, 2005). "All-Time 100 Novels: The Complete List". Time. "The 100 most frequently challenged books: 1990–1999". American Library Association. Retrieved August 13, 2009. List of most commonly challenged books from the list of the one hundred most important books of the 20th century by Radcliffe Publishing Course Guinn, Jeff (August 10, 2001). "'Catcher in the Rye' still influences 50 years later" (fee required). Erie Times-News. Retrieved December 18, 2007. Alternate URL Salzman, Jack (1991). New essays on the Catcher in the Rye. Cambridge University Press. p. 3. ISBN 9780521377980. "Hazing, Fighting, Sexual Assaults: How Valley Forge Military Academy Devolved Into "Lord of the Flies" – Mother Jones". Motherjones.com. October 30, 2005. Retrieved September 2, 2022. Costello, Donald P. (October 1959). "The Language of 'The Catcher in the Rye'". American Speech. 34 (3): 172–182. doi:10.2307/454038. JSTOR 454038. "Most critics who glared at The Catcher in the Rye at the time of its publication thought that its language was a true and authentic rendering of teenage colloquial speech." "Study Help Full Glossary". CliffsNotes. Retrieved January 9, 2024. "The Catcher in the Rye: Questions and Answers". SparkNotes. Retrieved January 9, 2024. Brooks, Bruce (May 1, 2004). "Holden at sixteen". Horn Book Magazine. Archived from the original on December 21, 2007. Retrieved December 19, 2007. Menand, Louis (September 27, 2001). "Holden at fifty". The New Yorker. Retrieved December 19, 2007. Onstad, Katrina (February 22, 2008). "Beholden to Holden". CBC News. Archived from the original on February 25, 2008. Graham, 33. Press, Coffeetown (June 16, 2011). "A Reader's Companion to J.D. Salinger's The Catcher in the Rye (Second Edition), by Peter G. Beidler". Coffeetown Press. p. 28. Retrieved August 3, 2022. Salinger (1969, p. 67) Salinger (1969, p. 38) Salinger (1969, p. 160) Yasuhiro Takeuchi (Fall 2002). "The Burning Carousel and the Carnivalesque: Subversion and Transcendence at the Close of The Catcher in the Rye". Studies in the Novel. Vol. 34, no. 3. pp. 320–337. Shields, David; Salerno, Shane (2013). Salinger (Hardcover ed.). Simon & Schuster. p. xvi. ASIN 1476744831. "The Catcher in the Rye can best be understood as a disguised war novel. Salinger emerged from the war incapable of believing in the heroic, noble ideals we like to think our cultural institutions uphold. Instead of producing a combat novel, like Norman Mailer, James Jones, and Joseph Heller did, Salinger took the trauma of war and embedded it within what looked to the naked eye like a coming-of-age novel." Stern, James (July 15, 1951). "Aw, the World's a Crumby Place". The New York Times. Retrieved March 18, 2009. "Academy of Achievement – George H. W. Bush". The American Academy of Achievement. Archived from the original on February 13, 1997. Retrieved June 5, 2009. Rohrer, Finlo (June 5, 2009). "The why of the Rye". BBC News Magazine. BBC. Retrieved June 5, 2009. Gopnik, Adam. The New Yorker, February 8, 2010, p. 21 Pruchnic, Jeff. "Holden at Sixty: Reading Catcher After the Age of Irony." Critical Insights: ------------The Catcher in The Rye (2011): 49–63. Literary Reference Center. Web. February 2, 2015. Gates, Bill. "The Best Books I Read in 2013". gatesnotes.com. Retrieved August 7, 2017. "Celebrities Share With PARADE: 'The Book That Changed My Life'". Parade: Entertainment, Recipes, Health, Life, Holidays. June 8, 2012. Yardley, Jonathan (October 19, 2004). "J.D. Salinger's Holden Caulfield, Aging Gracelessly". The Washington Post. Retrieved September 2, 2022. Dutra, Fernando (September 25, 2006). "U. Connecticut: Banned Book Week celebrates freedom". The America's Intelligence Wire. Archived from the original on February 15, 2013. Retrieved December 20, 2007. "In 1960 a teacher in Tulsa, Okla. was fired for assigning "The Catcher in the Rye". After appealing, the teacher was reinstated, but the book was removed from the itinerary in the school." "In Cold Fear: 'The Catcher in the Rye', Censorship, Controversies and Postwar American Character. (Book Review)". Modern Language Review. April 1, 2003. Retrieved December 19, 2007. Reiff, Raychel Haugrud (2008). J.D. Salinger: The Catcher in the Rye and Other Works. Tarrytown, NY: Marshall Cavendish Corporation. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-7614-2594-6. Jenkinson, Edward (1982). Censors in the Classroom. Avon Books. p. 35. ISBN 978-0380597901. Andrychuk, Sylvia (February 17, 2004). "A History of J.D. Salinger's The Catcher in the Rye" (PDF). p. 6. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 28, 2007. "During 1981, The Catcher in the Rye had the unusual distinction of being the most frequently censored book in the United States, and, at the same time, the second-most frequently taught novel in American public schools." ""It's Perfectly Normal" tops ALA's 2005 list of most challenged books". American Library Association. Retrieved March 3, 2015. "Top ten most frequently challenged books of 2009". American Library Association. Retrieved September 27, 2010. "Art or trash? It makes for endless, unwinnable debate". The Topeka Capital-Journal. October 6, 1997. Archived from the original on June 6, 2008. Retrieved December 20, 2007. "Another perennial target, J.D. Salinger's "Catcher in the Rye," was challenged in Maine because of the "f" word." Mydans, Seth (September 3, 1989). "In a Small Town, a Battle Over a Book". The New York Times. p. 2. Retrieved December 20, 2007. MacIntyre, Ben (September 24, 2005). "The American banned list reveals a society with serious hang-ups". The Times. London. Retrieved December 20, 2007. Frangedis, Helen (November 1988). "Dealing with the Controversial Elements in The Catcher in the Rye". The English Journal. 77 (7): 72–75. doi:10.2307/818945. JSTOR 818945. "The foremost allegation made against Catcher is... that it teaches loose moral codes; that it glorifies... drinking, smoking, lying, promiscuity, and more." Yilu Zhao (August 31, 2003). "Banned, But Not Forgotten". The New York Times. Retrieved December 20, 2007. "The Catcher in the Rye, interpreted by some as encouraging rebellion against authority..." "Banned from the classroom: Censorship and The Catcher in the Rye – English and Drama blog". blogs.bl.uk. Retrieved January 30, 2019. Whitfield, Stephen (December 1997). "Cherished and Cursed: Toward a Social History of The Catcher in the Rye" (PDF). The New England Quarterly. 70 (4): 567–600. doi:10.2307/366646. JSTOR 366646. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 12, 2012. Retrieved November 2, 2012. J.D. Salinger. Philadelphia: Chelsea House. 2001. pp. 77–105. ISBN 0-7910-6175-2. Weeks, Linton (September 10, 2000). "Telling on Dad". Amarillo Globe-News. Archived from the original on June 4, 2011. Retrieved February 12, 2011. Doyle, Aidan (December 15, 2003). "When books kill". Salon.com. Archived from the original on November 5, 2007. Harvey Solomon-Brady, WhyNow, "Did The Catcher in the Rye kill John Lennon?," 8 December 2020 Hamilton, Ian (1988). In Search of J. D. Salinger. New York: Random House. ISBN 0-394-53468-9. p. 75. Berg, A. Scott. Goldwyn: A Biography. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989. ISBN 1-57322-723-4. p. 446. See Dr. Peter Beidler's A Reader's Companion to J. D. Salinger's the Catcher in the Rye, Chapter 7. Maynard, Joyce (1998). At Home in the World. New York: Picador. p. 93. ISBN 0-312-19556-7. "News & Features". IFILM: The Internet Movie Guide. 2004. Archived from the original on September 6, 2004. Retrieved April 5, 2007. Crowe, Cameron, ed. Conversations with Wilder. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999. ISBN 0-375-40660-3. p. 299. McAllister, David (November 11, 2003). "Will J. D. Salinger sue?". The Guardian. London. Retrieved April 12, 2007. "Spielberg wanted to film Catcher In The Rye". Irish Examiner. December 5, 2003. Retrieved August 24, 2019. "Slim chance of Catcher in the Rye movie – ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation)". ABC News. ABCnet.au. January 29, 2010. Retrieved January 30, 2010. Connelly, Sherryl (January 29, 2010). "Could 'Catcher in the Rye' finally make it to the big screen? Salinger letter suggests yes". Daily News. New York. Retrieved January 30, 2010. Taylor, Drew (August 3, 2020). "Disney Once Tried to Make an Animated 'Catcher in the Rye' — But Wait, There's More". Collider. Retrieved August 3, 2020. Gross, Doug (June 3, 2009). "Lawsuit targets 'rip-off' of 'Catcher in the Rye'". CNN. Retrieved June 3, 2009. Fogel, Karl. Looks like censorship, smells like censorship... maybe it IS censorship?. QuestionCopyright.org. July 7, 2009. Sutherland, John. How fanfic took over the web London Evening Standard. Retrieved July 22, 2009. Rebecca Tushnet (1997). "Fan Fiction and a New Common Law". Loyola of Los Angeles Entertainment Law Journal. 17. Bibliography Graham, Sarah (2007). J.D. Salinger's The Catcher in the Rye. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-34452-4. Rohrer, Finlo (June 5, 2009). "The why of the Rye". BBC News Magazine. BBC. Salinger, J. D. (1969), The Catcher in the Rye, New York: Bantam Wahlbrinck, Bernd (2021). Looking Back after 70 Years: J.D. Salinger's Catcher in the Rye Revisited. Tumbelweed. ISBN 978-3-9821463-7-9. Further reading Steinle, Pamela Hunt (2000). In Cold Fear: The Catcher in the Rye Censorship Controversies and Postwar American Character. Ohio State University Press. Archived from the original on March 31, 2016. Retrieved March 29, 2018. External links Wikiquote has quotations related to The Catcher in the Rye. Book Drum illustrated profile of The Catcher in the Rye Archived September 28, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Photos of the first edition of Catcher in the Rye Lawsuit targets "rip-off" of "Catcher in the Rye" – CNN vte J. D. Salinger Novel The Catcher in the Rye Short story collections Nine Stories Franny and Zooey Raise High the Roof Beam, Carpenters and Seymour: An Introduction Three Early Stories Short stories "Blue Melody" "Both Parties Concerned" "A Boy in France" "De Daumier-Smith's Blue Period" "Down at the Dinghy" "Elaine" "For Esmé—with Love and Squalor" "A Girl I Knew" "Go See Eddie" "The Hang of It" "Hapworth 16, 1924" "The Heart of a Broken Story" "I'm Crazy" "The Inverted Forest" "Just Before the War with the Eskimos" "Last Day of the Last Furlough" "The Laughing Man" "The Long Debut of Lois Taggett" "Once a Week Won't Kill You" "A Perfect Day for Bananafish" "Personal Notes of an Infantryman" "Pretty Mouth and Green My Eyes" "Slight Rebellion off Madison" "Soft-Boiled Sergeant" "The Stranger" "Teddy" "This Sandwich Has No Mayonnaise" "Uncle Wiggily in Connecticut" "The Varioni Brothers" "The Young Folks" "A Young Girl in 1941 with No Waist at All" Unpublished "Birthday Boy" "The Boy in the People Shooting Hat" "The Children's Echelon" "I Went to School with Adolf Hitler" "The Last and Best of the Peter Pans" "Lunch for Three" "The Magic Foxhole" "Monologue for a Watery Highball" "Mrs. Hincher" "The Ocean Full of Bowling Balls" "Paula" "Two Lonely Men" Related Matt Salinger (son) Holden Caulfield Glass family Salinger v. Random House, Inc. My Foolish Heart (1949) Pari (1995) Salinger (2013) (companion biography) Manhattan's Babe (2014) Coming Through the Rye (2015 film) Rebel in the Rye (2017) My Salinger Year (2020) Category Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International VIAF National Germany Israel Categories: Fiction set in 19491951 American novelsAmerican bildungsromansBook censorship in the Republic of IrelandEnglish-language novelsFiction with unreliable narratorsLiterary realismLittle, Brown and Company booksNovels by J. D. SalingerNovels about American prostitutionNovels set in CaliforniaNovels set in New York CityNovels set in PennsylvaniaNew York City in fictionObscenity controversies in literatureControversies in the United StatesTrying to prevent adulthood in popular cultureCensored books1951 debut novelsFirst-person narrative novelsNovels first published in serial form

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Vietnamese boat people (Vietnamese: Thuyền nhân Việt Nam) were refugees who fled Vietnam by boat and ship following the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. This migration and humanitarian crisis was at its highest in 1978 and 1979, but continued into the early 1990s. The term is also often used generically to refer to the Vietnamese people who left their country in a mass exodus between 1975 and 1995 (see Indochina refugee crisis). This article uses the term "boat people" to apply only to those who fled Vietnam by sea. The number of boat people leaving Vietnam and arriving safely in another country totaled almost 800,000 between 1975 and 1995. Many of the refugees failed to survive the passage, facing danger from pirates, over-crowded boats, and storms. According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, between 200,000 and 400,000 boat people died at sea.[1] The boat people's first destinations were Hong Kong and the Southeast Asian locations of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. Tensions stemming from Vietnam's disputes with Cambodia and China in 1978 and 1979 caused an exodus of the majority of the Hoa people from Vietnam, many of whom fled by boat to China.[2][3] The combination of economic sanctions, the legacy of destruction left by the Vietnam War, policies of the Vietnamese government, and further conflicts with neighboring countries caused an international humanitarian crisis, with Southeast Asian countries increasingly unwilling to accept more boat people on their shores. After negotiations and an international conference in 1979, Vietnam agreed to limit the flow of people leaving the country. The Southeast Asian countries agreed to admit the boat people temporarily, and the rest of the world, especially more developed countries, agreed to assume most of the costs of caring for the boat people and resettle them in their countries. From refugee camps in Southeast Asia, the great majority of boat people were resettled in more developed countries. Significant numbers resettled in the United States, Canada, Italy, Australia, France, West Germany, and the United Kingdom. Several tens of thousands were repatriated to Vietnam, either voluntarily or involuntarily. Programs and facilities to carry out resettlement included the Orderly Departure Program, the Philippine Refugee Processing Center, and the Comprehensive Plan of Action. Background A family of Vietnamese refugees rescued by a US Navy ship. Rescued Vietnamese being given water. East Sea - crewmen of the amphibious cargo ship USS Durham (LKA-114) take Vietnamese refugees from a small craft, April 1975 The Vietnam War ended on April 30, 1975, with the fall of Saigon to the People's Army of Vietnam and the subsequent evacuation of more than 130,000 Vietnamese closely associated with the United States or the former government of South Vietnam. Most of the evacuees were resettled in the United States in Operation New Life and Operation New Arrivals. The U.S government transported refugees from Vietnam via aircraft and ships to temporarily settle down in Guam before moving them to designated homes in the contiguous United States.[4] Within the same year, communist forces gained control of Cambodia and Laos, thus engendering a steady flow of refugees fleeing all three countries.[5] In 1975, President Gerald Ford signed the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act, budgeting roughly 415 million dollars in the effort to provide transportation, healthcare, and accommodations to the 130,000 Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Lao refugees.[citation needed] After the Saigon evacuation, the number of Vietnamese leaving their country remained relatively small until mid-1978. A number of factors contributed to the refugee crisis, including economic hardship and wars in Vietnam, China, and Cambodia. In addition, up to 300,000 people, especially those associated with the former government and military of South Vietnam, were sent to re-education camps, where many endured torture, starvation, and disease while being forced to perform hard labor.[6] In addition, 1 million people, mostly city dwellers, "volunteered" to live in "New Economic Zones" where they were to survive by reclaiming land and clearing jungle to grow crops.[7] Repression was especially severe on the Hoa people, the ethnic Chinese population in Vietnam.[8][9] Due to increasing tensions between Vietnam and China, which ultimately resulted in China's 1979 invasion of Vietnam, the Hoa were seen by the Vietnamese government as a security threat.[10] Hoa people also controlled much of the retail trade in South Vietnam, and the communist government increasingly levied them with taxes, placed restrictions on trade, and confiscated businesses. In May 1978, the Hoa began to leave Vietnam in large numbers for China, initially by land. By the end of 1979, resulting from the Sino-Vietnamese War, 250,000 Hoa had sought refuge in China and many tens of thousands more were among the Vietnamese boat people scattered all over Southeast Asia and in Hong Kong.[11] The Vietnamese government and its officials profited from the outflow of refugees, especially the often well-to-do Hoa. The price for obtaining exit permits, documentation, and a boat or ship, often derelict, to leave Vietnam was reported to be the equivalent of $3,000 for adults and half that for children. These payments were often made in the form of gold bars. Many poorer Vietnamese left their country secretly without documentation and in flimsy boats, and these were the most vulnerable to pirates and storms while at sea.[12] There were many methods employed by Vietnamese citizens to leave the country. Most were secret and done at night; some involved the bribing of top government officials.[13] Some people bought places in large boats that hold up to several hundred passengers. Others boarded fishing boats (fishing being a common occupation in Vietnam) and left that way. One method used involved middle-class refugees from Saigon, armed with forged identity documents, traveling approximately 1,100 kilometres (680 mi) to Da Nang by road. On arrival, they would take refuge for up to two days in safe houses while waiting for fishing junks and trawlers to take small groups into international waters.[citation needed] Planning for such a trip took many months and even years. Although these attempts often caused a depletion of resources, people often had false starts before they managed to escape.[13] Exodus in 1978–1979 Although a few thousand people had fled Vietnam by boat between 1975 and mid-1978, the exodus of the boat people began in September 1978. The vessel Southern Cross unloaded 1,200 Vietnamese on an uninhabited island belonging to Indonesia. The government of Indonesia was furious at the people being dumped on its shores, but was pacified by the assurances of Western countries that they would resettle the refugees. In October, another ship, the Hai Hong, attempted to land 2,500 refugees in Malaysia. The Malaysians declined to allow them to enter their territory and the ship sat offshore until the refugees were processed for resettlement in third countries. Additional ships carrying thousands of refugees soon arrived in Hong Kong and the Philippines and were also denied permission to land. Their passengers were both ethnic Vietnamese and Hoa who had paid substantial fares for the passage.[14] As these larger ships met resistance to landing their human cargo, many thousands of Vietnamese began to depart Vietnam in small boats, attempting to land surreptitiously on the shores of neighbouring countries. The people in these small boats faced enormous dangers at sea and many thousands of them did not survive the voyage. The countries of the region often "pushed back" the boats when they arrived near their coastline and boat people cast about at sea for weeks or months looking for a place where they could land. Despite the dangers and the resistance of the receiving countries, the number of boat people continued to grow, reaching a high of 54,000 arrivals in the month of June 1979, with a total of 350,000 in refugee camps in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong. At this point, the countries of Southeast Asia united in declaring that they had "reached the limit of their endurance and decided that they would not accept any new arrivals".[15] The United Nations convened an international conference in Geneva, Switzerland in July 1979, stating that "a grave crisis exists in Southeast Asia for hundreds of thousands of refugees". Illustrating the prominence of the issue, Vice President Walter Mondale headed the U.S. delegation. The results of the conference were that the Southeast Asian countries agreed to provide temporary asylum to the refugees, Vietnam agreed to promote orderly departures rather than permit boat people to depart, and the Western countries agreed to accelerate resettlement. The Orderly Departure Program enabled Vietnamese, if approved, to depart Vietnam for resettlement in another country without having to become a boat person.[16] As a result of the conference, boat people departures from Vietnam declined to a few thousand per month and resettlements increased from 9,000 per month in early 1979 to 25,000 per month, the majority of the Vietnamese going to the United States, France, Australia,[17] and Canada. The worst of the humanitarian crisis was over, although boat people would continue to leave Vietnam for more than another decade and die at sea or be confined to lengthy stays in refugee camps.[18] Pirates and other hazards Boat people had to face storms, diseases, starvation, and elude pirates.[1] The boats were not intended for navigating open waters, and would typically head for busy international shipping lanes some 240 kilometres (150 mi) to the east. The lucky ones would succeed in being rescued by freighters[19] or reach shore 1–2 weeks after departure. The unlucky ones continued their perilous journey at sea, sometimes lasting a few months long, suffering from hunger, thirst, disease, and pirates before finding safety. A typical story of the hazards faced by the boat people was told in 1982 by a man named Le Phuoc. He left Vietnam with 17 other people in a boat 23 feet (7.0 m) long to attempt the 300-mile (480 km) passage across the Gulf of Thailand to southern Thailand or Malaysia. Their two outboard motors soon failed and they drifted without power and ran out of food and water. Thai pirates boarded their boat three times during their 17-day voyage, raped the four women on board and killed one, stole all the possessions of the refugees, and abducted one man who was never found. When their boat sank, they were rescued by a Thai fishing boat and ended up in a refugee camp on the coast of Thailand.[20] Another of many stories tell of a boat carrying 75 refugees which were sunk by pirates with one person surviving.[21] The survivors of another boat in which most of the 21 women aboard were abducted by pirates said that at least 50 merchant vessels passed them by and ignored their pleas for help. An Argentine freighter finally picked them up and took them to Thailand.[22] The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) began compiling statistics on piracy in 1981. In that year, 452 boats carrying Vietnamese boat people arrived in Thailand carrying 15,479 refugees; 349 of the boats had been attacked by pirates an average of three times each, while 228 women had been abducted and 881 people were dead or missing. An international anti-piracy campaign began in June 1982 and reduced the number of pirate attacks although they continued to be frequent and often deadly until 1990.[5] The number of Vietnamese boat people who died at sea can only be estimated. According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, between 200,000 and 600,000 boat people died at sea.[1] Other wide-ranging estimates are that 10 to 70 percent of Vietnamese boat people died at sea.[23] Refugee camps In response to the outpouring of boat people, the neighbouring countries with international assistance set up refugee camps along their shores and on small, isolated islands. As the number of boat people grew to tens of thousands per month in early 1979, their numbers outstripped the ability of local governments, the UN, and humanitarian organizations to provide food, water, housing, and medical care to them. Two of the largest refugee camps were Bidong Island in Malaysia and Galang Refugee Camp in Indonesia. Bidong Island was designated as the principal refugee camp in Malaysia in August 1978. The Malaysian government towed any arriving boatloads of refugees to the island. Less than one square mile (260 ha) in area, Bidong was prepared to receive 4,500 refugees, but by June 1979 Bidong had a refugee population of more than 40,000 who had arrived in 453 boats. The UNHCR and a large number of relief and aid organizations assisted the refugees. Food and drinking water had to be imported by barge. Water was rationed at one gallon per day per person. The food ration was mostly rice and canned meat and vegetables. The refugees constructed crude shelters from boat timbers, plastic sheeting, flattened tin cans, and palm fronds. Sanitation in the crowded conditions was the greatest problem. The United States and other governments had representatives on the island to interview refugees for resettlement. With the expansion of the numbers to be resettled after the July 1979 Geneva Conference, the population of Bidong slowly declined. The last refugee left in 1991.[24] The Galang Refugee Camp was also on an island, but with a much larger area than Bidong. More than 170,000 Indochinese, the great majority of boat people, were temporary residents at Galang while it served as a refugee camp from 1975 until 1996. After they became well-established, Galang and Bidong and other refugee camps provided education, language and cultural training to boat people who would be resettled abroad. Refugees usually had to live in camps for several months—and sometimes years—before being resettled.[25] In 1980, the Philippine Refugee Processing Center was established on the Bataan Peninsula in the Philippines. The center housed up to 18,000 Indochinese refugees who were approved for resettlement in the United States and elsewhere and provided them English language and other cross-cultural training. 1980s surge and response Between 1980 and 1986, the outflow of boat people from Vietnam was less than the numbers resettled in third countries. In 1987, the numbers of boat people began to grow again. The destination this time was primarily Hong Kong and Thailand. Concerning the impact on its economy, security and society, Hong Kong government began to search for solutions.[26] In the early 1987, one of the accommodated Vietnamese refugee boats received the assistance of the Immigration Department to depart to continue sailing. It arrived in Kinmen to apply for asylum but was rejected by the ROC military, then was slaughtered on Lieyu Island on March 7, known as the Lieyu Massacre. The boat was burnt, evidence destroyed, and the ROC Ministry of National Defense repeatedly denied on the journalists' reportages and the parliament questioning. The chilling effect made the refugee boats extinct on northbound afterwards.[27][28][29] On June 15, 1988, after more than 18,000 Vietnamese had arrived that year, Hong Kong authorities announced that all new arrivals would be placed in detention centres and confined until they could be resettled. Boat people were held in prison-like conditions and education and other programs were eliminated. Countries in Southeast Asia were equally negative about accepting newly arriving Vietnamese boat people into their countries. Moreover, both asylum and resettlement countries were doubtful that many of the newer boat people were fleeing political repression and thus merited refugee status.[30] Another international refugee conference in Geneva in June 1989 produced the Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) which had the aim of reducing the migration of boat people by requiring that all new arrivals be screened to determine if they were genuine refugees. Those who failed to qualify as refugees would be repatriated, voluntarily or involuntarily, to Vietnam, a process that would take more than a decade. The CPA quickly served to reduce boat people migration.[citation needed] In 1989, about 70,000 Indochinese boat people arrived in five Southeast Asian countries and Hong Kong. By 1992, that number declined to only 41 and the era of the Vietnamese Boat People fleeing their homeland definitively ended. However, resettlement of Vietnamese continued under the Orderly Departure Program, especially of former re-education camp inmates, Amerasian children, and to reunify families.[31] Resettlement and repatriation The boat people comprised only part of the Vietnamese resettled abroad from 1975 until the end of the twentieth century. A total of more than 1.2 million Vietnamese were resettled between 1975 and 1997. Of that number more than 700,000 were boat people; the remaining 900,000 were resettled under the Orderly Departure Program or in China or Malaysia. (For complete statistics see Indochina refugee crisis).[32] UNHCR statistics for 1975 to 1997 indicate that 839,228 Vietnamese arrived in UNHCR camps in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong. They arrived mostly by boat, although 42,918 of the total arrived by land in Thailand. 749,929 were resettled abroad. 109,322 were repatriated, either voluntarily or involuntarily. The residual caseload of Vietnamese boat people in 1997 was 2,288, of whom 2,069 were in Hong Kong. The four countries resettling most Vietnamese boat people and land arrivals were the United States with 402,382; France with 120,403; Australia with 108,808; and Canada with 100,012.[33] Vietnamese refugees resettlement This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2010) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Escape boat saved by the Cap Anamur in late April 1984, placed in Troisdorf Memorial and tribute of Vietnamese refugees in Hamburg The Orderly Departure Program from 1979 until 1994 helped to resettle refugees in the United States and other Western countries. In this program, refugees were asked to go back to Vietnam and wait for assessment. If they were deemed to be eligible to be resettled in the United States (according to criteria that the US government had established), they would be allowed to emigrate. Humanitarian Program for Former Political Detainees, popularly called Humanitarian Operation or HO due to the "H" subgroup designation within the ODP and trailing numbers 01-09 (e.g., H01-H09, H10, etc.), was set up to benefit former South Vietnamese who were involved in the former regime or worked for the United States. They were to be allowed to immigrate to the U.S. if they had suffered persecution by the communist regime after 1975. Half-American children in Vietnam, descendants of servicemen, were also allowed to immigrate along with their mothers or foster parents. This program sparked a wave of rich Vietnamese parents buying the immigration rights from the real mothers or foster parents. They paid money (in the black market) to transfer the half-American children into their custody, then applied for visas to emigrate to the United States. Most of these half-American children were born of American soldiers and prostitutes. They were subject to discrimination, poverty, neglect, and abuse. On November 15, 2005, the United States and Vietnam signed an agreement allowing additional Vietnamese to immigrate who were not able to do so before the humanitarian program ended in 1994. Effectively, this new agreement was an extension and final chapter of the HO program. Hong Kong adopted the "port of first asylum policy" in July 1979 and received over 100,000 Vietnamese at the peak of migration in the late 1980s. Many refugee camps were set up in its territories. Frequent violent clashes between the boat people and security forces caused public outcry and mounting concerns in the early 1990s since many camps were very close to high-density residential areas. By the late 1980s, Western Europe, the United States, and Australia received fewer Vietnamese refugees[citation needed]. It became much harder for refugees to get visas to settle in those countries. As hundreds of thousands of people were escaping out of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia via land or boat, countries of first arrival in Southeast Asia were faced with the continuing exodus and the increasing reluctance by third countries to maintain resettlement opportunities for every exile. The countries threatened push-backs of the asylum seekers. In this crisis, the Comprehensive Plan of Action For Indochinese Refugees was adopted in June 1989. The cut-off date for refugees was March 14, 1989. Effective from this day, the Indochinese Boat people would no longer automatically be considered as prima facie refugees, but only asylum seekers and would have to be screened to qualify for refugee status. Those who were "screened-out" would be sent back to Vietnam and Laos, under an orderly and monitored repatriation program. The refugees faced prospects of staying years in the camps and ultimate repatriation to Vietnam. They were branded, rightly or wrongly, as economic refugees. By the mid-1990s, the number of refugees fleeing from Vietnam had significantly dwindled. Many refugee camps were shut down. Most of the well educated or those with genuine refugee status had already been accepted by receiving countries[citation needed]. There appeared to be some unwritten rules in Western countries. Officials gave preference to married couples, young families, and women over 18 years old, leaving single men and minors to suffer at the camps for years. Among these unwanted, those who worked and studied hard and involved themselves in constructive refugee community activities were eventually accepted by the West by recommendations from UNHCR workers. Hong Kong was open about its willingness to take the remnants at its camp, but only some refugees took up the offer. Many refugees would have been accepted by Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines, but hardly any wanted to settle in these countries. The market reforms of Vietnam, the imminent handover of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China by Britain scheduled for July 1997, and the financial incentives for voluntary return to Vietnam caused many boat people to return to Vietnam during the 1990s. Most remaining asylum seekers were voluntarily or forcibly repatriated to Vietnam, although a small number (about 2,500) were granted the right of abode by the Hong Kong Government in 2002. In 2008, the remaining refugees in the Philippines (around 200) were granted asylum in Canada, Norway, and the United States, marking an end to the history of the boat people from Vietnam. Memorials Bronze plaque in the Port of Hamburg dedicated by Vietnamese refugees giving thanks to Rupert Neudeck and the rescue ship Cap Anamur Vietnamese refugees arrive in Hamburg, summer of 1986 on the rescue ship Cap Anamur II Bunk beds used by Vietnamese refugees inside the rescue ship Cap Anamur II Greeting Vietnamese refugees from the rescue ship Cap Anamur II in 1986 South Vietnamese Boat People Memorial, in Brisbane, QLD, dedicated 2 December 2012, executed by Phillip Piperides Some monuments and memorials were erected to commemorate the dangers and the people, who died on the journey to escape from Vietnam. Among them are: Ottawa, Ontario, Canada (1995): "Refugee Mother and Child" Monument, Preston Street at Somerset[34] Grand-Saconnex, Switzerland (February 2006).[35] City of Santa Ana, California, US (February 2006).[36] Liège, Belgium (July 2006).[37] Hamburg, Germany (October 2006).[38][39] Troisdorf, Germany (May 2007) (tháng 5, 2007)[40][41] Footscray (Jensen Park Reserve of Melbourne), Australia (June 2008).[42] Bagneux, Hauts-de-Seine, France (May 11, 2008).[43][44] Westminster, California (April 2009), by ViVi Vo Hung Kiet.[45][46][47] Port Landungsbruecken (Hamburg), Germany (September 2009).[48][49] Galang Island, Indonesia (demolished) Bidong Island, Malaysia Washington, D.C., United States. Geneva, Switzerland Marne-la-Vallée, France: Roundabout "Rond Point Saigon"; André Malraux intersection avenue and boulevard des Genets of Bussy-Saint-Georges commune (September 12, 2010).,[50] statue by sculptor Vũ Đình Lâm.[51] Sydney, Bankstown, New South Wales, Australia (November 2011) at Saigon Place.[52] This is the bronze statue, weighing more than three tons by sculptor Terrence Plowright. Tarempa in Anambas, Indonesia.[53] Brisbane, Queensland, Australia (December 2, 2012) by Phillip Piperides.[54] Perth, Western Australia, Australia (November 1, 2013) in Wade Street Park Reserve. 5.5 meter high monument of sculptor Coral Lowry.[55] Montreal, Quebec, Canada (November 18, 2015) by UniAction. Courage & Inspiration is the commemorative and collective artwork of 14'L x4'H highlighting the 40th anniversary of Vietnamese Boat people refugees in Canada. It has been inaugurated and displayed at the Montreal City Hall, hosted by Frantz Benjamin, City Council President and Thi Be Nguyen, Founder of UniAction, from November 18 to 28, 2015.[56] Almere, Flevoland, Netherlands (30 April 2016) by the Cộng Đồng Việt Nam Tỵ Nạn Cộng Sản Tại Hòa Lan (Associatie Van Vietnamese Vluchtelingen In Nederland).[57][58] The Monument for Vietnamese boat refugees (Dutch: Monument voor Vietnamese bootvluchtelingen; Vietnamese: Tượng Đài Thuyền Nhân Việt Nam tại Hòa Lan) started construction in 2012 and was inaugurated by Franc Weerwind, the mayor of Almere, on 30 April 2016 at the Vạn Hạnh Pagoda, a local Buddhist temple.[57][58] Des Moines, Iowa, United States. The Robert D Ray Asian Gardens is a pagoda and garden erected along the banks of the Des Moines River. Paid for in part by the thousands of Tai Dam refugees living in Iowa, the garden memorializes Governor Ray being the first elected official in the US to advocate for their resettlement.[59] Adelaide, South Australia, Australia (February 2021): "Vietnamese Boat People Monument"[60] In popular culture Postcards from Nam (published by AmazonEncore/Lake Union in 2011) is a novel by Uyen Nicole Duong describing the search of a boat person by his successful Vietnamese immigrant lawyer friend. Boat People is a 1982 Hong Kong film based on research on Vietnamese refugees Turtle Beach is a 1992 Australian film about raising awareness for the plight of the boat people The Beautiful Country is a 2004 film about Vietnamese refugees and their journey to the US Journey from the Fall is a 2005 independent film by Ham Tran, about the Vietnamese re-education camp and boat people experience following the Fall of Saigon Ru is a 2009 novel by Kim Thúy on the life of a Vietnamese woman who leaves Saigon as a boat person and eventually immigrates to Quebec "Plus près des étoiles" is a French song by Gold that describes the departure of the boat people from Vietnam. See also Afghan refugees Arab Winter and the boat people Bắt đầu từ nay, a Vietnamese radio PSA announcing the policy of Comprehensive Plan of Action on Vietnamese boat people Mariel boatlift Mass killings under communist regimes Vietnamese refugees in Israel Wet feet, dry feet policy References Associated Press, June 23, 1979, San Diego Union, July 20, 1986. See generally Nghia M. Vo, The Vietnamese Boat People (2006), 1954 and 1975-1992, McFarland. Chang (1999), p. 227. Straits Times, 10 July 1989.[full citation needed] "REWIND: Operation New Life". YouTube. April 7, 2016. Archived from the original on 2021-11-18. State of the World's Refugees, 2000 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, pp. 81-84, 87, 92, 97; accessed 8 January 2014 Sagan, Ginetta; Denney, Stephen (October–November 1982). "Re-education in Unliberated Vietnam: Loneliness, Suffering and Death". The Indochina Newsletter. Retrieved 2016-09-01. Desbarats, J. "Population Redistribution in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam" Population and Development Review, Vol 13, No 1, 1987, pp. 43-76. doi:10.2307/1972120 Butterfield, Fox, "Hanoi Regime Reported Resolved to Oust Nearly All Ethnic Chinese," Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine The New York Times, July 12, 1979. Kamm, Henry, "Vietnam Goes on Trial in Geneva Over its Refugees," Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine The New York Times, July 22, 1979. "Special Study on Indochina Refugee Situation -- July 1979", Douglas Pike Collection, The Vietnam Archive, Texas Tech University, http://www.virtual.vietnam.ttu.edu/cgi-bin/starfetch.exe?c3WGk7fZGwC.5GSATuRwDvOhJJrHoi37YUc3lHzCxC5@Dg6Q@i.EMsVl.BwT.mM49B2oJjiYBplFyq.OeCcgrOYQN8lbdw@dsxmaCfsxVMY/2123309004.pdf, accessed 8 January 2014; Far Eastern Economic Review December 22, 1978, p. 1 Thompson, Larry Clinton Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus Jefferson, NC: MacFarland Publishing Company, 2010, pp. 142-143 "Indochina Refugee Situation" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2016-03-04. "Cultures - Canadian Museum of History". Retrieved 6 May 2015. Thompson, pp. 150–152 State of the World's Refugees, 2000 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, pp. 83, 84; accessed 8 January 2014 Kumin, Judith. "Orderly Departure from Vietnam: Cold War Anomaly or Humanitarian Innovation?" Refugee Survey Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 1 (2008), p. 104. Grant, Bruce (1979), The boat people, Harmondsworth, Penguin, ISBN 978-0-14-005531-3 State of the World's Refugees, 2000. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. pp. 83, 84; accessed 8 January 2014; Thompson, pp. 164–165. Chang, Harold (1977-06-26). "Vietnam escape trail paved with gold" (PDF). South China Morning Post. p. 1. United States, Congress, House, "Piracy in the Gulf of Thailand: A Crisis for the International Community", 97th Congress, 2nd Session, GPO, 1978, pp. 15-17 Crossette, Barbara; Times, Special To the New York (1982-01-11). "THAI PIRATES CONTINUING BRUTAL ATTACKS ON VIETNAMESE BOAT PEOPLE". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-02-17. UNHCR "The Adventures of Len", Refugees Magazine May 1983, pp. 87-92 Rummel, Rudolph (1997), Statistics of Vietnamese Democide, in his Statistics of Democide, Table 6.1B, lines 730, 749-751. "Bidong Island" http://www.terengganutourism.com/pulau_bidong.htm, accessed 15 January 2014; Thompson, pp 156-160 "Galang Refugee Camp" http://www.unhcr.or.id/en/news-and-views/photo-galleries/29-galang-refugee-camp, accessed 14 January 2013 Regina Ip (17 July 2000). "世界最後一個越南難民中心關閉標誌歷史新紀元" [The closure of the last Vietnamese refugee center in the world marks a new era in history]. Hong Kong: Security Bureau (Hong Kong). Retrieved 20 October 2022. Hau, Pei-tsun (1 January 2000). 八年參謀總長日記 [8-year Diary of the Chief of the General Staff (1981–1989)] (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Taipei: Commonwealth Publishing. ISBN 9576216389. Guan, Ren-jian (1 September 2011). 你不知道的台灣 國軍故事 [The Taiwan you don't know: Stories of ROC Arm Forces] (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Taipei: Puomo Digital Publishing. ISBN 9789576636493. Retrieved 20 October 2022. Gao, Yong-cheng (13 July 2022). "111司調0025 調查報告" [2022 Justice Investigation Report No. 0025] (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Taipei: Control Yuan. Retrieved 7 August 2022. Robinson, W. Courtland, "The Comprehensive Plan of Action for Indochinese Refugees, 1989-1997: Sharing the Burden and Pass the Buck" Journal of Refugee Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2004, p. 320, 323 Robinson, W. Courtland Terms of Refuge, London: Zed Books, 1998, p. 193 Robinson, Terms of Refuge Appendix 1 and 2; Far Eastern Economic Review, June 23, 1978, p. 20 Robinson, Terms of Refuge, Appendix 1 and 2 "Then and Now: Artist Trung Pham from Vietnam". Retrieved September 26, 2017. "Bản Tin Liên Hội Nhân Quyền Việt Nam ở Thụy Sĩ". Retrieved 6 May 2015. "Error - 404". Retrieved 6 May 2015.[permanent dead link] "Thời Sự". Retrieved 6 May 2015.[permanent dead link] (in German) Report (Gedenkstein der Dankbarkeit)[permanent dead link] and Images[permanent dead link] of inauguration ceremony on the site of the Ministry of Interior Germany "Tượng đài Hamburg". Archived from the original on 2008-03-04. Retrieved 2014-06-28. "Khánh thành Bia tị nạn tưởng niệm thuyền nhân ở nước Đức". Retrieved 19 November 2016. "BBCVietnamese.com". Retrieved 6 May 2015. Hulls unveils Vietnamese Boat People Memorial[permanent dead link] "Archive of Vietnamese Boat People". Retrieved 6 May 2015. "Thuyền nhân khúc ruột ngàn dặm". Retrieved 19 November 2016. "Ủy Ban Xây Dựng Tượng Đài Chiến Sĩ Việt Mỹ Tổ Chức Lễ Tưởng Niệm 40 Năm Quốc Hận Và 12 Năm Thành Lập Tượng Đài". Việt Báo Daily News (in Vietnamese). Garden Grove, California. April 29, 2015. Retrieved May 6, 2015. "Thành phố Westminster và Tượng-đài Thuyền-nhân Việt-Nam". Archived from the original on 31 May 2009. Retrieved 20 June 2019. "Người Việt: Khánh-thành tượng-đài Westminster". Retrieved 20 June 2019.[permanent dead link] "Tường thuật buổi lễ Khánh Thành Tượng Đài Tị Nạn Hamburg". Archived from the original on 1 October 2009. Retrieved 20 June 2019. "Ngày tri ân nhân dân Đức". Archived from the original on 25 March 2012. Retrieved 20 June 2019. "Tượng đài Bussy". Archived from the original on 26 July 2010. Retrieved 19 November 2016. "Hướng về tương lai với Niềm Mơ Ước của Mẹ" Khánh thành tượng đài thuyền nhân "Vietluanonline.com". Retrieved 6 May 2015. "Khắc tên thuyền nhân trên đài tưởng niệm tại Indonesia - Cộng Đồng - Người Việt Online". Retrieved 6 May 2015.[permanent dead link] "Queensland khánh thành tượng đài thuyền nhân - Cộng Đồng - Người Việt Online". Archived from the original on 9 December 2014. Retrieved 6 May 2015. "Boat people say 'thanks, Australia'". Perth Voice Interactive. November 2013. Retrieved 6 May 2015. International, Radio Canada (7 May 2015). "Commemorating the arrival of Vietnamese refugees". Retrieved 19 November 2016. Ủy Ban Xây Dựng Tượng Đài Thuyền Nhân (30 April 2016). "Tượng Đài Thuyền Nhân Việt Nam tại Hòa Lan. - Khởi công năm 2012, khánh thành vào ngày 30-04-2016 trị giá € 50.000" (PDF) (in Vietnamese). Cộng Đồng Việt Nam Tỵ Nạn Cộng Sản Tại Hòa Lan (Associatie Van Vietnamese Vluchtelingen In Nederland). Retrieved 30 April 2023. Friedlander (30 April 2016). "Monument voor Vietnamese bootvluchtelingen" (in Dutch). Omroep Flevoland (government of the province of Flevoland). Retrieved 30 April 2023. Public Art Foundation, Greater Des Moines. "Robert D. Ray Asian Gardens". Retrieved 27 July 2019. "Vietnamese Boat People Monument - Adelaide". www.vbpm.com.au. Archived from the original on 26 April 2022. Retrieved 25 April 2022. Bibliography Chang, Pao-min (1999). "Corruption and Crime in China: Old Problems and New Trends". The Journal of East Asian Affairs. Institute for National Security Strategy. 13 (1): 221–268. JSTOR 23257220. Martin Tsamenyi, The Vietnamese boat people and international law, Nathan: Griffith University, 1981 Steve Roberts From Every End of This Earth: 13 Families and the New Lives They Made in America (novel, a.o. on Vietnamese family), 2009. Georges Claude Guilbert Après Hanoï: Les mémoires brouillés d'une princesse vietnamienne (novel, on Vietnamese woman and her boat people family), 2011. Thompson, Larry Clinton, Refugee Workers in the Indochina Exodus, Jefferson, NC: MacFarland Publishing Company, 2010. Kim Thúy Ru,2009 Zhou, Min and Carl L. Bankston III Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1998.ISBN 978-0-87154-995-2. Further reading Mary Terrell Cargill and Jade Quang Huynh, Voices of Vietnamese Boat People: Nineteen Narratives of Escape and Survival, 2000, McFarland & Company, ISBN 978-0-7864-0785-9. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Vietnamese boat people. Through My Eyes Website Archived 2011-10-04 at the Wayback Machine Imperial War Museum - Online Exhibition (images, video and interviews with Vietnam War refugees, including Boat People) The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Boat People No Longer Boat people - a refugee crisis: CBC Archives footage Boat People S.O.S Archive of Vietnamese Boatpeople Archived 2012-05-31 at the Wayback Machine Oral History Interviews with 15 Canadian Vietnamese Boat People Vietnam's boat people: 25 years of fears, hopes and dreams, CNN Courage & Inspiration: Boat people Documentary Archived 2016-02-05 at the Wayback Machine by Les Films de l'Hydre and UniAction, La Presse Exodus of Refugees Reaches Its Last Stage vte Vietnam War Participants North Vietnam (Việt Minh / PAVN, PRG, Viet Cong) South Vietnam (ARVN) International participants United States Thailand Australia China Republic of China South Korea New Zealand Related conflicts Laotian Civil War Cambodian Civil War Cold War (1962–1979) Background French Indochina Japanese occupation State of Vietnam (1949–1955) First Indochina War (Việt Minh, Battle of Dien Bien Phu) 1954 Geneva Conference Vietnamese migration of 1954–55 1955 referendum North Vietnamese invasion of Laos 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt Events 1962: Strategic Hamlet Program Independence Palace bombing 1963: Buddhist crisis Coup against Diem 1964: Coup against Minh Gulf of Tonkin incident / Resolution December coup 1965: U.S. escalation / "Americanization" 1965 South Vietnamese coup Bombing of North Vietnam 1966: Buddhist Uprising 1968: Tet Offensive (Khe Sanh, Hue) 1970: Cambodian campaign 1971: Vietnamization policy, ARVN campaign in Laos 1972: Easter Offensive Christmas bombings 1973: Paris Peace Accords 1974: Battle of Phước Long 1975: 1975 spring offensive Fall of Saigon Other topics Agent Orange Body count Canada and the Vietnam War Củ Chi tunnels Ho Chi Minh trail Henry Kissinger’s views Operation Popeye Opposition to United States involvement Protests Pentagon Papers POW/MIA issue Rape SEATO Sihanouk Trail United States news media and Vietnam Vietnam War in film Vietnam War in games War crimes (Huế, My Lai, Đắk Sơn) Weapons of the Vietnam War Aftermath Cambodian–Vietnamese War Sino-Vietnamese War Vietnamese boat people Vietnam Veterans Memorial Normalization of US–Vietnam relations

Federico Fellini Cavaliere di Gran Croce OMRI (Italian: [fedeˈriːko felˈliːni]; 20 January 1920 – 31 October 1993) was an Italian filmmaker. He is known for his distinctive style, which blends fantasy and baroque images with earthiness. He is recognized as one of the greatest and most influential filmmakers of all time. His films have ranked highly in critical polls such as that of Cahiers du Cinéma and Sight & Sound, which lists his 1963 film 8+1⁄2 as the 10th-greatest film. Fellini's best-known films include I vitelloni (1953), La Strada (1954), Nights of Cabiria (1957), La Dolce Vita (1960), 8½ (1963), Juliet of the Spirits (1965), Fellini Satyricon (1969), Roma (1972), Amarcord (1973), and Fellini's Casanova (1976). Fellini was nominated for 17 Academy Awards over the course of his career, winning a total of four in the category of Best Foreign Language Film (the most for any director in the history of the award). He received an honorary award for Lifetime Achievement at the 65th Academy Awards in Los Angeles. Fellini also won the Palme d'Or for La Dolce Vita in 1960, two times the Moscow International Film Festival in 1963 and 1987, and the Career Golden Lion at the 42nd Venice International Film Festival in 1985. In Sight & Sound's 2002 list of the greatest directors of all time, Fellini was ranked 2nd in the directors' poll and 7th in the critics' poll. Early life and education Rimini (1920–1938) Fellini was born on 20 January 1920, to middle-class parents in Rimini, then a small town on the Adriatic Sea. On 25 January, at the San Nicolò church he was baptized Federico Domenico Marcello Fellini.[1] His father, Urbano Fellini (1894–1956), born to a family of Romagnol peasants and small landholders from Gambettola, moved to Rome in 1915 as a baker apprenticed to the Pantanella pasta factory. His mother, Ida Barbiani (1896–1984), came from a bourgeois Catholic family of Roman merchants. Despite her family's vehement disapproval, she had eloped with Urbano in 1917 to live at his parents' home in Gambettola.[2] A civil marriage followed in 1918 with the religious ceremony held at Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome a year later. The couple settled in Rimini where Urbano became a traveling salesman and wholesale vendor. Fellini had two siblings, Riccardo (1921–1991), a documentary director for RAI Television, and Maria Maddalena (m. Fabbri; 1929–2002). In 1924, Fellini started primary school in an institute run by the nuns of San Vincenzo in Rimini, attending the Carlo Tonni public school two years later. An attentive student, he spent his leisure time drawing, staging puppet shows and reading Il corriere dei piccoli, the popular children's magazine that reproduced traditional American cartoons by Winsor McCay, George McManus and Frederick Burr Opper. (Opper's Happy Hooligan would provide the visual inspiration for Gelsomina in Fellini's 1954 film La Strada; McCay's Little Nemo would directly influence his 1980 film City of Women.)[3] In 1926, he discovered the world of Grand Guignol, the circus with Pierino the Clown and the movies. Guido Brignone's Maciste all'Inferno (1926), the first film he saw, would mark him in ways linked to Dante and the cinema throughout his entire career.[4] Enrolled at the Ginnasio Giulio Cesare in 1929, he made friends with Luigi Titta Benzi, later a prominent Rimini lawyer (and the model for young Titta in Amarcord (1973)). In Mussolini's Italy, Fellini and Riccardo became members of the Avanguardista, the compulsory Fascist youth group for males. He visited Rome with his parents for the first time in 1933, the year of the maiden voyage of the transatlantic ocean liner SS Rex (which is shown in Amarcord). The sea creature found on the beach at the end of La Dolce Vita (1960) has its basis in a giant fish marooned on a Rimini beach during a storm in 1934. Although Fellini adapted key events from his childhood and adolescence in films such as I Vitelloni (1953), 8+1⁄2 (1963), and Amarcord (1973), he insisted that such autobiographical memories were inventions: It is not memory that dominates my films. To say that my films are autobiographical is an overly facile liquidation, a hasty classification. It seems to me that I have invented almost everything: childhood, character, nostalgias, dreams, memories, for the pleasure of being able to recount them.[5] In 1937, Fellini opened Febo, a portrait shop in Rimini, with the painter Demos Bonini. His first humorous article appeared in the "Postcards to Our Readers" section of Milan's Domenica del Corriere. Deciding on a career as a caricaturist and gag writer, Fellini travelled to Florence in 1938, where he published his first cartoon in the weekly 420. According to a biographer, Fellini found school "exasperating"[6] and, in one year, had 67 absences.[7] Failing his military culture exam, he graduated from high school in 1939.[8] Rome (1939) In September 1939, he enrolled in law school at the Sapienza University of Rome to please his parents. Biographer Hollis Alpert reports that "there is no record of his ever having attended a class".[9] Installed in a family pensione, he met another lifelong friend, the painter Rinaldo Geleng. Desperately poor, they unsuccessfully joined forces to draw sketches of restaurant and café patrons. Fellini eventually found work as a cub reporter on the dailies Il Piccolo and Il Popolo di Roma, but quit after a short stint, bored by the local court news assignments. Four months after publishing his first article in Marc'Aurelio, the highly influential biweekly humour magazine, he joined the editorial board, achieving success with a regular column titled But Are You Listening?.[10] Described as "the determining moment in Fellini's life",[11] the magazine gave him steady employment between 1939 and 1942, when he interacted with writers, gagmen, and scriptwriters. These encounters eventually led to opportunities in show business and cinema. Among his collaborators on the magazine's editorial board were the future director Ettore Scola, Marxist theorist and scriptwriter Cesare Zavattini, and Bernardino Zapponi, a future Fellini screenwriter. Conducting interviews for CineMagazzino also proved congenial: when asked to interview Aldo Fabrizi, Italy's most popular variety performer, he established such immediate personal rapport with the man that they collaborated professionally. Specializing in humorous monologues, Fabrizi commissioned material from his young protégé.[12] Career and later life Early screenplays (1940–1943) Federico Fellini during the 1950s Retained on business in Rimini, Urbano sent wife and family to Rome in 1940 to share an apartment with his son. Fellini and Ruggero Maccari, also on the staff of Marc'Aurelio, began writing radio sketches and gags for films. Not yet twenty and with Fabrizi's help, Fellini obtained his first screen credit as a comedy writer on Mario Mattoli's Il pirata sono io (The Pirate's Dream). Progressing rapidly to numerous collaborations on films at Cinecittà, his circle of professional acquaintances widened to include novelist Vitaliano Brancati and scriptwriter Piero Tellini. In the wake of Mussolini's declaration of war against France and Britain on 10 June 1940, Fellini discovered Kafka's The Metamorphosis, Gogol, John Steinbeck and William Faulkner along with French films by Marcel Carné, René Clair, and Julien Duvivier.[13] In 1941 he published Il mio amico Pasqualino, a 74-page booklet in ten chapters describing the absurd adventures of Pasqualino, an alter ego.[14] Writing for radio while attempting to avoid the draft, Fellini met his future wife Giulietta Masina in a studio office at the Italian public radio broadcaster EIAR in the autumn of 1942. Well-paid as the voice of Pallina in Fellini's radio serial, Cico and Pallina, Masina was also well known for her musical-comedy broadcasts which cheered an audience depressed by the war. Giulietta is practical, and likes the fact that she earns a handsome fee for her radio work, whereas theater never pays well. And of course the fame counts for something too. Radio is a booming business and comedy reviews have a broad and devoted public.[15] In November 1942, Fellini was sent to Libya, occupied by Fascist Italy, to work on the screenplay of I cavalieri del deserto (Knights of the Desert, 1942), directed by Osvaldo Valenti and Gino Talamo. Fellini welcomed the assignment as it allowed him "to secure another extension on his draft order".[16] Responsible for emergency re-writing, he also directed the film's first scenes. When Tripoli fell under siege by British forces, he and his colleagues made a narrow escape by boarding a German military plane flying to Sicily. His African adventure, later published in Marc'Aurelio as "The First Flight", marked "the emergence of a new Fellini, no longer just a screenwriter, working and sketching at his desk, but a filmmaker out in the field".[17] The apolitical Fellini was finally freed of the draft when an Allied air raid over Bologna destroyed his medical records. Fellini and Giulietta hid in her aunt's apartment until Mussolini's fall on 25 July 1943. After dating for nine months, the couple were married on 30 October 1943. Several months later, Masina fell down the stairs and suffered a miscarriage. She gave birth to a son, Pierfederico, on 22 March 1945, but the child died of encephalitis 11 days later on 2 April 1945.[18] Masina and Fellini had no other children.[19]The tragedy had enduring emotional and artistic repercussions.[20] Neorealist apprenticeship (1944–1949) After the Allied liberation of Rome on 4 June 1944, Fellini and Enrico De Seta opened the Funny Face Shop where they survived the postwar recession drawing caricatures of American soldiers. He became involved with Italian Neorealism when Roberto Rossellini, at work on Stories of Yesteryear (later Rome, Open City), met Fellini in his shop, and proposed he contribute gags and dialogue for the script. Aware of Fellini's reputation as Aldo Fabrizi's "creative muse",[21] Rossellini also requested that he try to convince the actor to play the role of Father Giuseppe Morosini, the parish priest executed by the SS on 4 April 1944. In 1947, Fellini and Sergio Amidei received an Oscar nomination for the screenplay of Rome, Open City. Working as both screenwriter and assistant director on Rossellini's Paisà (Paisan) in 1946, Fellini was entrusted to film the Sicilian scenes in Maiori. In February 1948, he was introduced to Marcello Mastroianni, then a young theatre actor appearing in a play with Giulietta Masina.[22] Establishing a close working relationship with Alberto Lattuada, Fellini co-wrote the director's Senza pietà (Without Pity) and Il mulino del Po (The Mill on the Po). Fellini also worked with Rossellini on the anthology film L'Amore (1948), co-writing the screenplay and in one segment titled, "The Miracle", acting opposite Anna Magnani. To play the role of a vagabond rogue mistaken by Magnani for a saint, Fellini had to bleach his black hair blond. Early films (1950–1953) Fellini, Masina, Carla del Poggio and Alberto Lattuada, 1952 In 1950 Fellini co-produced and co-directed with Alberto Lattuada Variety Lights (Luci del varietà), his first feature film. A backstage comedy set among the world of small-time travelling performers, it featured Giulietta Masina and Lattuada's wife, Carla Del Poggio. Its release to poor reviews and limited distribution proved disastrous for all concerned. The production company went bankrupt, leaving both Fellini and Lattuada with debts to pay for over a decade.[23] In February 1950, Paisà received an Oscar nomination for the screenplay by Rossellini, Sergio Amidei, and Fellini. After travelling to Paris for a script conference with Rossellini on Europa '51, Fellini began production on The White Sheik in September 1951, his first solo-directed feature. Starring Alberto Sordi in the title role, the film is a revised version of a treatment first written by Michelangelo Antonioni in 1949 and based on the fotoromanzi, the photographed cartoon strip romances popular in Italy at the time. Producer Carlo Ponti commissioned Fellini and Tullio Pinelli to write the script but Antonioni rejected the story they developed. With Ennio Flaiano, they re-worked the material into a light-hearted satire about newlywed couple Ivan and Wanda Cavalli (Leopoldo Trieste, Brunella Bovo) in Rome to visit the Pope. Ivan's prissy mask of respectability is soon demolished by his wife's obsession with the White Sheik. Highlighting the music of Nino Rota, the film was selected at Cannes (among the films in competition was Orson Welles's Othello) and then retracted. Screened at the 13th Venice International Film Festival, it was razzed by critics in "the atmosphere of a soccer match".[24] One reviewer declared that Fellini had "not the slightest aptitude for cinema direction". In 1953, I Vitelloni found favour with the critics and public. Winning the Silver Lion Award in Venice, it secured Fellini his first international distributor. Beyond neorealism (1954–1960) Cinecittà – Teatro 5, Fellini's favorite studio.[25] Fellini directed La Strada based on a script completed in 1952 with Pinelli and Flaiano. During the last three weeks of shooting, Fellini experienced the first signs of severe clinical depression.[26] Aided by his wife, he undertook a brief period of therapy with Freudian psychoanalyst Emilio Servadio.[26] Fellini cast American actor Broderick Crawford to interpret the role of an aging swindler in Il Bidone. Based partly on stories told to him by a petty thief during production of La Strada, Fellini developed the script into a con man's slow descent. To incarnate the role's "intense, tragic face", Fellini's first choice had been Humphrey Bogart,[27] but after learning of the actor's lung cancer, chose Crawford after seeing his face on the theatrical poster of All the King's Men (1949).[28] The film shoot was wrought with difficulties stemming from Crawford's alcoholism.[29] Savaged by critics at the 16th Venice International Film Festival, the film did miserably at the box office and did not receive international distribution until 1964. During the autumn, Fellini researched and developed a treatment based on a film adaptation of Mario Tobino's novel, The Free Women of Magliano. Set in a mental institution for women, the project was abandoned when financial backers considered the subject had no potential.[30] Fellini during the filming of Nights of Cabiria, 1956 While preparing Nights of Cabiria in spring 1956, Fellini learned of his father's death by cardiac arrest at the age of sixty-two. Produced by Dino De Laurentiis and starring Giulietta Masina, the film took its inspiration from news reports of a woman's severed head retrieved in a lake and stories by Wanda, a shantytown prostitute Fellini met on the set of Il Bidone.[31] Pier Paolo Pasolini was hired to translate Flaiano and Pinelli's dialogue into Roman dialect and to supervise researches in the vice-afflicted suburbs of Rome. The movie won the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film at the 30th Academy Awards and brought Masina the Best Actress Award at Cannes for her performance.[32] With Pinelli, he developed Journey with Anita for Sophia Loren and Gregory Peck. An "invention born out of intimate truth", the script was based on Fellini's return to Rimini with a mistress to attend his father's funeral.[33] Due to Loren's unavailability, the project was shelved and resurrected twenty-five years later as Lovers and Liars (1981), a comedy directed by Mario Monicelli with Goldie Hawn and Giancarlo Giannini. For Eduardo De Filippo, he co-wrote the script of Fortunella.[34] The Hollywood on the Tiber phenomenon of 1958 in which American studios profited from the cheap studio labour available in Rome provided the backdrop for photojournalists to steal shots of celebrities on the via Veneto.[35] The scandal provoked by Turkish dancer Haish Nana's improvised striptease at a nightclub captured Fellini's imagination: he decided to end his latest script-in-progress, Moraldo in the City, with an all-night "orgy" at a seaside villa. Pierluigi Praturlon's photos of Anita Ekberg after an evening spent with the actress in a Rome night club provided further inspiration for Fellini and his screenwriters.[36] Changing the title of the screenplay to La Dolce Vita, Fellini soon clashed with his producer on casting: The director insisted on the relatively unknown Mastroianni while De Laurentiis wanted Paul Newman as a hedge on his investment. Reaching an impasse, De Laurentiis sold the rights to publishing mogul Angelo Rizzoli. Shooting began on 16 March 1959 with Anita Ekberg climbing the stairs to the cupola of Saint Peter's in a mammoth décor constructed at Cinecittà. The statue of Christ flown by helicopter over Rome to St. Peter's Square was inspired by an actual media event on 1 May 1956, which Fellini had witnessed. La Dolce Vita broke all box office records. Despite scalpers selling tickets at 1000 lire,[37] crowds queued in line for hours to see an "immoral movie" before the censors banned it. At an exclusive Milan screening on 5 February 1960, one outraged patron spat on Fellini while others hurled insults. Denounced in parliament by right-wing conservatives, undersecretary Domenico Magrì of the Christian Democrats demanded tolerance for the film's controversial themes.[38] The Vatican's official press organ, L'Osservatore Romano, lobbied for censorship while the Board of Roman Parish Priests and the Genealogical Board of Italian Nobility attacked the film. In one documented instance involving favourable reviews written by the Jesuits of San Fedele, defending La Dolce Vita had severe consequences.[39] In competition at Cannes alongside Antonioni's L'Avventura, the film won the Palme d'Or awarded by presiding juror Georges Simenon. The Belgian writer was promptly "hissed at" by the disapproving festival crowd.[40] Art films and dreams (1961–1969) Federico Fellini A major discovery for Fellini after his Italian neorealism period (1950–1959) was the work of Carl Jung. After meeting Jungian psychoanalyst Dr. Ernst Bernhard in early 1960, he read Jung's autobiography, Memories, Dreams, Reflections (1963) and experimented with LSD.[41] Bernhard also recommended that Fellini consult the I Ching and keep a record of his dreams. What Fellini formerly accepted as "his extrasensory perceptions"[42] were now interpreted as psychic manifestations of the unconscious. Bernhard's focus on Jungian depth psychology proved to be the single greatest influence on Fellini's mature style and marked the turning point in his work from neorealism to filmmaking that was "primarily oneiric".[43] As a consequence, Jung's seminal ideas on the anima and the animus, the role of archetypes and the collective unconscious directly influenced such films as 8+1⁄2 (1963), Juliet of the Spirits (1965), Fellini Satyricon (1969), Casanova (1976), and City of Women (1980).[44] Other key influences on his work include Luis Buñuel,[a] Charlie Chaplin,[b] Sergei Eisenstein,[c] Buster Keaton,[45] Laurel and Hardy,[45] the Marx Brothers,[45] and Roberto Rossellini.[d] Exploiting La Dolce Vita's success, financier Angelo Rizzoli set up Federiz in 1960, an independent film company, for Fellini and production manager Clemente Fracassi to discover and produce new talent. Despite the best intentions, their overcautious editorial and business skills forced the company to close down soon after cancelling Pasolini's project, Accattone (1961).[46] Condemned as a "public sinner",[47] for La Dolce Vita, Fellini responded with The Temptations of Doctor Antonio, a segment in the omnibus Boccaccio '70. His second colour film, it was the sole project green-lighted at Federiz. Infused with the surrealistic satire that characterized the young Fellini's work at Marc'Aurelio, the film ridiculed a crusader against vice, interpreted by Peppino De Filippo, who goes insane trying to censor a billboard of Anita Ekberg espousing the virtues of milk.[48] In an October 1960 letter to his colleague Brunello Rondi, Fellini first outlined his film ideas about a man suffering creative block: "Well then – a guy (a writer? any kind of professional man? a theatrical producer?) has to interrupt the usual rhythm of his life for two weeks because of a not-too-serious disease. It's a warning bell: something is blocking up his system."[49] Unclear about the script, its title, and his protagonist's profession, he scouted locations throughout Italy "looking for the film",[50] in the hope of resolving his confusion. Flaiano suggested La bella confusione (literally The Beautiful Confusion) as the movie's title. Under pressure from his producers, Fellini finally settled on 8+1⁄2, a self-referential title referring principally (but not exclusively)[51] to the number of films he had directed up to that time. Giving the order to start production in spring 1962, Fellini signed deals with his producer Rizzoli, fixed dates, had sets constructed, cast Mastroianni, Anouk Aimée, and Sandra Milo in lead roles, and did screen tests at the Scalera Studios in Rome. He hired cinematographer Gianni Di Venanzo, among key personnel. But apart from naming his hero Guido Anselmi, he still couldn't decide what his character did for a living.[52] The crisis came to a head in April when, sitting in his Cinecittà office, he began a letter to Rizzoli confessing he had "lost his film" and had to abandon the project. Interrupted by the chief machinist requesting he celebrate the launch of 8+1⁄2, Fellini put aside the letter and went on the set. Raising a toast to the crew, he "felt overwhelmed by shame… I was in a no exit situation. I was a director who wanted to make a film he no longer remembers. And lo and behold, at that very moment everything fell into place. I got straight to the heart of the film. I would narrate everything that had been happening to me. I would make a film telling the story of a director who no longer knows what film he wanted to make".[53] The self-mirroring structure makes the entire film inseparable from its reflecting construction. Shooting began on 9 May 1962. Perplexed by the seemingly chaotic, incessant improvisation on the set, Deena Boyer, the director's American press officer at the time, asked for a rationale. Fellini told her that he hoped to convey the three levels "on which our minds live: the past, the present, and the conditional — the realm of fantasy".[54] After shooting wrapped on 14 October, Nino Rota composed various circus marches and fanfares that would later become signature tunes of the maestro's cinema.[55] Nominated for four Oscars, 8+1⁄2 won awards for best foreign language film and best costume design in black-and-white. In California for the ceremony, Fellini toured Disneyland with Walt Disney the day after. Increasingly attracted to parapsychology, Fellini met the Turin antiquarian Gustavo Rol in 1963.[56] Rol, a former banker, introduced him to the world of Spiritism and séances. In 1964, Fellini took LSD[57] under the supervision of Emilio Servadio, his psychoanalyst during the 1954 production of La Strada.[58] For years reserved about what actually occurred that Sunday afternoon, he admitted in 1992 that ... objects and their functions no longer had any significance. All I perceived was perception itself, the hell of forms and figures devoid of human emotion and detached from the reality of my unreal environment. I was an instrument in a virtual world that constantly renewed its own meaningless image in a living world that was itself perceived outside of nature. And since the appearance of things was no longer definitive but limitless, this paradisiacal awareness freed me from the reality external to my self. The fire and the rose, as it were, became one.[59] Fellini's hallucinatory insights were given full flower in his first colour feature Juliet of the Spirits (1965), depicting Giulietta Masina as Juliet, a housewife who rightly suspects her husband's infidelity and succumbs to the voices of spirits summoned during a séance at her home. Her sexually voracious next door neighbor Suzy (Sandra Milo) introduces Juliet to a world of uninhibited sensuality, but Juliet is haunted by childhood memories of her Catholic guilt and a teenaged friend who committed suicide. Complex and filled with psychological symbolism, the film is set to a jaunty score by Nino Rota. Nostalgia, sexuality, and politics (1970–1980) Fellini & Bruno Zanin on the set of Amarcord in 1973 To help promote Satyricon in the United States, Fellini flew to Los Angeles in January 1970 for interviews with Dick Cavett and David Frost. He also met with film director Paul Mazursky who wanted to cast him in a starring role alongside Donald Sutherland in his new film, Alex in Wonderland.[60] In February, Fellini scouted locations in Paris for The Clowns, a docufiction both for cinema and television, based on his childhood memories of the circus and a "coherent theory of clowning."[61] As he saw it, the clown "was always the caricature of a well-established, ordered, peaceful society. But today all is temporary, disordered, grotesque. Who can still laugh at clowns?... All the world plays a clown now."[62] In March 1971, Fellini began production on Roma, a seemingly random collection of episodes informed by the director's memories and impressions of Rome. The "diverse sequences," writes Fellini scholar Peter Bondanella, "are held together only by the fact that they all ultimately originate from the director's fertile imagination."[63] The film's opening scene anticipates Amarcord while its most surreal sequence involves an ecclesiastical fashion show in which nuns and priests roller skate past shipwrecks of cobwebbed skeletons. Over a period of six months between January and June 1973, Fellini shot the Oscar-winning Amarcord. Loosely based on the director's 1968 autobiographical essay My Rimini,[64] the film depicts the adolescent Titta and his friends working out their sexual frustrations against the religious and Fascist backdrop of a provincial town in Italy during the 1930s. Produced by Franco Cristaldi, the seriocomic movie became Fellini's second biggest commercial success after La Dolce Vita.[65] Circular in form, Amarcord avoids plot and linear narrative in a way similar to The Clowns and Roma.[66] The director's overriding concern with developing a poetic form of cinema was first outlined in a 1965 interview he gave to The New Yorker journalist Lillian Ross: "I am trying to free my work from certain constrictions – a story with a beginning, a development, an ending. It should be more like a poem with metre and cadence."[67] Late films and projects (1981–1990) Italian President Sandro Pertini receiving a David di Donatello Award from Fellini in 1985 Organized by his publisher Diogenes Verlag in 1982, the first major exhibition of 63 drawings by Fellini was held in Paris, Brussels, and the Pierre Matisse Gallery in New York.[68] A gifted caricaturist, he found much of the inspiration for his sketches from his own dreams while the films-in-progress both originated from and stimulated drawings for characters, decor, costumes and set designs. Under the title, I disegni di Fellini (Fellini's Designs), he published 350 drawings executed in pencil, watercolours, and felt pens.[69] On 6 September 1985 Fellini was awarded the Golden Lion for lifetime achievement at the 42nd Venice Film Festival. That same year, he became the first non-American to receive the Film Society of Lincoln Center's annual award for cinematic achievement.[3] Fellini rewards Marcello Mastroianni with the Golden Lion Honorary Award at the 47th Venice International Film Festival. Long fascinated by Carlos Castaneda's The Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge, Fellini accompanied the Peruvian author on a journey to the Yucatán to assess the feasibility of a film. After first meeting Castaneda in Rome in October 1984, Fellini drafted a treatment with Pinelli titled Viaggio a Tulun. Producer Alberto Grimaldi, prepared to buy film rights to all of Castaneda's work, then paid for pre-production research taking Fellini and his entourage from Rome to Los Angeles and the jungles of Mexico in October 1985.[70] When Castaneda inexplicably disappeared and the project fell through, Fellini's mystico-shamanic adventures were scripted with Pinelli and serialized in Corriere della Sera in May 1986. A barely veiled satirical interpretation of Castaneda's work,[71] Viaggio a Tulun was published in 1989 as a graphic novel with artwork by Milo Manara and as Trip to Tulum in America in 1990. For Intervista, produced by Ibrahim Moussa and RAI Television, Fellini intercut memories of the first time he visited Cinecittà in 1939 with present-day footage of himself at work on a screen adaptation of Franz Kafka's Amerika. A meditation on the nature of memory and film production, it won the special 40th Anniversary Prize at Cannes and the 15th Moscow International Film Festival Golden Prize. In Brussels later that year, a panel of thirty professionals from eighteen European countries named Fellini the world's best director and 8+1⁄2 the best European film of all time.[72] In early 1989 Fellini began production on The Voice of the Moon, based on Ermanno Cavazzoni's novel, Il poema dei lunatici (The Lunatics' Poem). A small town was built at Empire Studios on the via Pontina outside Rome. Starring Roberto Benigni as Ivo Salvini, a madcap poetic figure newly released from a mental institution, the character is a combination of La Strada's Gelsomina, Pinocchio, and Italian poet Giacomo Leopardi.[73] Fellini improvised as he filmed, using as a guide a rough treatment written with Pinelli.[74] Despite its modest critical and commercial success in Italy, and its warm reception by French critics, it failed to interest North American distributors.[75] Fellini won the Praemium Imperiale, an international prize in the visual arts given by the Japan Art Association in 1990.[76] Final years (1991–1993) In July 1991 and April 1992, Fellini worked in close collaboration with Canadian filmmaker Damian Pettigrew to establish "the longest and most detailed conversations ever recorded on film".[77] Described as the "Maestro's spiritual testament" by his biographer Tullio Kezich,[78] excerpts culled from the conversations later served as the basis of their feature documentary, Fellini: I'm a Born Liar (2002) and the book, I'm a Born Liar: A Fellini Lexicon. In April 1993 Fellini received his fifth Oscar, for lifetime achievement, "in recognition of his cinematic accomplishments that have thrilled and entertained audiences worldwide". On 16 June, he entered the Cantonal Hospital in Zürich for an angioplasty on his femoral artery[79] but suffered a stroke at the Grand Hotel in Rimini two months later. Partially paralyzed, he was first transferred to Ferrara for rehabilitation and then to the Policlinico Umberto I in Rome to be near his wife, also hospitalized. He suffered a second stroke and fell into an irreversible coma.[80] Death Fellini died in Rome on 31 October 1993 at the age of 73 after a heart attack he suffered a few weeks earlier,[81] a day after his 50th wedding anniversary. The memorial service, in Studio 5 at Cinecittà, was attended by an estimated 70,000 people.[82] At Giulietta Masina's request, trumpeter Mauro Maur played Nino Rota's "Improvviso dell'Angelo" during the ceremony.[83] Five months later, on 23 March 1994, Masina died of lung cancer. Fellini, Masina and their son, Pierfederico, are buried in a bronze sepulchre sculpted by Arnaldo Pomodoro. Designed as a ship's prow, the tomb is at the main entrance to the cemetery of Rimini. The Federico Fellini Airport in Rimini is named in his honour. Religious views Fellini was raised in a Roman Catholic family and considered himself a Catholic, but avoided formal activity in the Catholic Church. Fellini's films include Catholic themes; some celebrate Catholic teachings, while others criticize or ridicule church dogma.[84] In 1965 Fellini said: I go to church only when I have to shoot a scene in church, or for an aesthetic or nostalgic reason. For faith, you can go to a woman. Maybe that is more religious."[84] Political views While Fellini was for the most part indifferent to politics,[85] he had a general dislike of authoritarian institutions, and is interpreted by Bondanella as believing in "the dignity and even the nobility of the individual human being".[86] In a 1966 interview, he said, "I make it a point to see if certain ideologies or political attitudes threaten the private freedom of the individual. But for the rest, I am not prepared nor do I plan to become interested in politics."[87] Despite various famous Italian actors favouring the Communists, Fellini was opposed to communism. He preferred to move within the world of the moderate left, and voted for the Italian Republican Party of his friend Ugo La Malfa as well as the reformist socialists of Pietro Nenni, another friend of his, and voted only once for the Christian Democrats in 1976 to keep the Communists out of power.[88] Bondanella writes that DC "was far too aligned with an extremely conservative and even reactionary pre-Vatican II church to suit Fellini's tastes."[86] Apart from satirizing Silvio Berlusconi and mainstream television in Ginger and Fred,[89] Fellini rarely expressed political views in public and never directed an overtly political film. He directed two electoral television spots during the 1990s: one for DC and another for the Italian Republican Party (PRI).[90] His slogan "Non si interrompe un'emozione" (Don't interrupt an emotion) was directed against the excessive use of TV advertisements. The Democratic Party of the Left also used the slogan in the referendums of 1995.[91] Influence and legacy Dedicatory plaque to Fellini on Via Veneto, Rome: "To Federico Fellini, who made Via Veneto the stage for the La Dolce Vita – SPQR – 20 January 1995" Personal and highly idiosyncratic visions of society, Fellini's films are a unique combination of memory, dreams, fantasy and desire. The adjectives "Fellinian" and "Felliniesque" are "synonymous with any kind of extravagant, fanciful, even baroque image in the cinema and in art in general".[11] La Dolce Vita contributed the term paparazzi to the English language, derived from Paparazzo, the photographer friend of journalist Marcello Rubini (Marcello Mastroianni).[92] Contemporary filmmakers such as Martin Scorsese, Woody Allen, Pedro Almodóvar, Tim Burton,[93] Terry Gilliam,[94] Emir Kusturica,[95] David Lynch,[96] Alejandro González Iñárritu, Alejandro Jodorowsky, Darren Aronofsky, Wes Anderson, George Lucas, Giuseppe Tornatore, Paolo Sorrentino, Ari Aster and Luca Guadagnino have cited Fellini's influence on their work. Polish director Wojciech Has, whose two best-received films, The Saragossa Manuscript (1965) and The Hour-Glass Sanatorium (1973), are examples of modernist fantasies, has been compared to Fellini for the sheer "luxuriance of his images".[97] Roman Polanski considered Fellini to be among the three film-makers he favored most, along with Akira Kurosawa and Orson Welles[98] I Vitelloni inspired European directors Juan Antonio Bardem, Marco Ferreri, and Lina Wertmüller and influenced Martin Scorsese's Mean Streets (1973),[99] George Lucas's American Graffiti (1974), Joel Schumacher's St. Elmo's Fire (1985), and Barry Levinson's Diner (1982), among many others.[100] When the American magazine Cinema asked Stanley Kubrick in 1963 to name his ten favorite films, he ranked I Vitelloni number one.[101] International film directors who have named La Strada as one of their favorite films include Stanley Kwan, Anton Corbijn, Gillies MacKinnon, Andreas Dresen, Jiří Menzel, Adoor Gopalakrishnan, Mike Newell, Rajko Grlić, Spike Lee, Laila Pakalniņa, Ann Hui, Akira Kurosawa,[102] Kazuhiro Soda, Julian Jarrold, Krzysztof Zanussi, and Andrey Konchalovsky.[103] David Cronenberg credits La Strada for opening his eyes to the possibilities of cinema when, as a child, he saw adults leave a showing of the film openly weeping.[104] Nights of Cabiria was adapted as the Broadway musical Sweet Charity and the movie Sweet Charity (1969) by Bob Fosse starring Shirley MacLaine. City of Women was adapted for the Berlin stage by Frank Castorf in 1992.[105] 8+1⁄2 inspired, among others, Mickey One (Arthur Penn, 1965), Alex in Wonderland (Paul Mazursky, 1970), Beware of a Holy Whore (Rainer Werner Fassbinder, 1971), Day for Night (François Truffaut, 1973), All That Jazz (Bob Fosse, 1979), Stardust Memories (Woody Allen, 1980), Sogni d'oro (Nanni Moretti, 1981), Parad Planet (Vadim Abdrashitov, 1984), La Película del rey (Carlos Sorin, 1986), Living in Oblivion (Tom DiCillo, 1995), 8+1⁄2 Women (Peter Greenaway, 1999), Falling Down (Joel Schumacher, 1993), and the Broadway musical Nine (Maury Yeston and Arthur Kopit, 1982).[106] Yo-Yo Boing! (1998), a Spanish novel by Puerto Rican writer Giannina Braschi, features a dream sequence with Fellini inspired by 8+1⁄2.[107] Alice by Woody Allen is a loose reworking of Fellini's 1965 film Juliet of the Spirits.[108] Fellini's work is referenced on the albums Fellini Days (2001) by Fish, Another Side of Bob Dylan (1964) by Bob Dylan with Motorpsycho Nitemare, Funplex (2008) by the B-52's with the song Juliet of the Spirits, and in the opening traffic jam of the music video Everybody Hurts by R.E.M.[109] American singer Lana Del Rey has cited Fellini as an influence.[110] His work influenced the American TV shows Northern Exposure and Third Rock from the Sun.[111] Wes Anderson's short film Castello Cavalcanti (2013) is in many places a direct homage to Fellini.[112] In 1996, Entertainment Weekly ranked Fellini tenth on its "50 Greatest Directors" list.[113][114] In 2002 MovieMaker magazine ranked Fellini No. 9 on their list of The 25 Most Influential Directors of All Time.[115] In 2007, Total Film magazine ranked Fellini at No. 67 on its "100 Greatest Film Directors Ever" list.[116] Various film-related material and personal papers of Fellini are in the Wesleyan University Cinema Archives, to which scholars and media experts have full access.[117] In October 2009, the Jeu de Paume in Paris opened an exhibit devoted to Fellini that included ephemera, television interviews, behind-the-scenes photographs, Book of Dreams (based on 30 years of the director's illustrated dreams and notes), along with excerpts from La dolce vita and 8+1⁄2.[118] In 2014 the weekly entertainment-trade magazine Variety announced that French director Sylvain Chomet was moving forward with The Thousand Miles, a project based on various Fellini works, including his unpublished drawings and writings.[119] Filmography Year Title Director Writer Notes 1942 Knights of the Desert No Yes 1942 Before the Postman No Yes 1943 The Peddler and the Lady No Yes 1943 L'ultima carrozzella No Yes 1945 Tutta la città canta No Yes 1945 Rome, Open City No Yes 1946 Paisà No Yes 1947 Il delitto di Giovanni Episcopo No Yes 1948 Senza pietà No Yes 1948 Il miracolo No Yes 1949 Il mulino del Po No Yes 1950 Francesco, giullare di Dio No Yes 1950 Il Cammino della speranza No Yes 1950 Variety Lights Yes Yes Co-credited with Alberto Lattuada 1951 La città si difende No Yes 1951 Persiane chiuse No Yes 1952 The White Sheik Yes Yes 1952 Il brigante di Tacca del Lupo No Yes 1953 I vitelloni Yes Yes 1953 Love in the City Yes Yes Segment: "Un'agenzia matrimoniale" 1954 La strada Yes Yes 1955 Il bidone Yes Yes 1957 Nights of Cabiria Yes Yes 1958 Fortunella No Yes 1960 La Dolce Vita Yes Yes 1962 Boccaccio '70 Yes Yes Segment: "Le tentazioni del Dottor Antonio" 1963 8+1⁄2 Yes Yes 1965 Juliet of the Spirits Yes Yes 1968 Spirits of the Dead Yes Yes Segment: "Toby Dammit" 1969 Fellini: A Director's Notebook Yes Yes TV Documentary 1969 Fellini Satyricon Yes Yes 1970 I Clowns Yes Yes 1972 Roma Yes Yes 1973 Amarcord Yes Yes 1976 Fellini's Casanova Yes Yes 1978 Orchestra Rehearsal Yes Yes 1980 City of Women Yes Yes 1983 And the Ship Sails On Yes Yes 1986 Ginger and Fred Yes Yes 1987 Intervista Yes Yes 1990 The Voice of the Moon Yes Yes Television commercials TV commercial for Campari Soda (1984) TV commercial for Barilla pasta (1984) Three TV commercials for Banca di Roma (1992) Awards and nominations Main article: List of awards and nominations received by Federico Fellini Documentaries on Fellini Ciao Federico (1969). Dir. Gideon Bachmann (60'). Federico Fellini – un autoritratto ritrovato (2000). Dir. Paquito Del Bosco (RAI TV, 68'). Fellini: I'm a Born Liar (2002). Dir. Damian Pettigrew. Feature documentary (Arte, Eurimages, Scottish Screen, 102'). How Strange to Be Named Federico (2013). Dir. Ettore Scola. Fellini degli spiriti (2020). Dir. Selma Dell'Olio [it]. See also Art film Notes Fellini & Pettigrew 2003, p. 87. Buñuel is the auteur I feel closest to in terms of an idea of cinema or the tendency to make particular kinds of films. Stubbs 2006, pp. 152–153. One of Cabiria's finest moments comes in the movie's nightclub scene. It begins when the actor's girlfriend deserts him, and the star picks up Cabiria on the street as a replacement. He whisks her away to the nightclub. Fellini has admitted that this scene owes a debt to Chaplin's City Lights (1931). Peter Bondanella points out that Gelsomina's costume, makeup, and antics as a clown figure had "clear links to Fellini's past as a cartoonist-imitator of Happy Hooligan and Charlie Chaplin. Bondanella 1978, p. 167. In his study of Fellini Satyricon, Italian novelist Alberto Moravia observes that with "the oars of his galleys suspended in the air, Fellini revives for us the lances of the battle in Eisenstein's Alexander Nevsky (film). Fellini & Pettigrew 2003, pp. 17–18. Roberto Rossellini walked into my life at a moment when I needed to make a choice, when I needed someone to show me the path to follow. He was the stationmaster, the green light of providence... He taught me how to thrive on chaos by ignoring it and focusing on what was essential: constructing your film day by day. In Fellini on Fellini, the director explains that his "meeting with Rossellini was a determining factor... he taught me to make a film as if I were going for a picnic with friends". References Autuori, Beppe (30 October 2017). "Ma la casa mia n'dov'è?". Il Ponte (in Italian). Alpert 1988, p. 16. Bondanella 2002, p. 7. Burke & Waller 2003, p. 5-13. Fellini interview in Panorama 18 (14 January 1980). Screenwriters Tullio Pinelli and Bernardino Zapponi, cinematographer Giuseppe Rotunno and set designer Dante Ferretti also reported that Fellini imagined many of his "memories". Cf. Bernardino Zapponi's memoir, Il mio Fellini and Fellini's own insistence on having created his cinematic autobiography in I'm a Born Liar: A Fellini Lexicon, 32 Kezich 2006, p. 17. Kezich 2006, p. 14. "Fellini a Rimini. Storia della documentazione sul regista tra Cineteca, Fondazione e Museo" (PDF) (in Italian). p. 44. Retrieved 21 November 2022. Alpert 1988, p. 33. Kezich 2006, p. 31. Bondanella 2002, p. 8. Kezich 2006, p. 55. Alpert 1988, p. 42. Kezich 2006, p. 35. Kezich 2006, p. 48. Kezich 2006, p. 70. Kezich 2006, p. 71. Giannini, Rita. "Amarcord In Rimini with Federico Fellini" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 18 October 2020. Information on miscarriage and death from encephalitis cited in Tullio Kezich, Fellini: His Life and Work (New York: Faber, 2006), pg. 74. Kezich 2006, p. 157. Cf. filmed interview with Luigi 'Titta' Benzi in Fellini: I'm a Born Liar (2003). Kezich 2006, p. 78. Kezich 2006, p. 404. Kezich 2006, p. 114. Kezich 2006, p. 128. "Our flexible giant". Cinecittà Studios. Archived from the original on 21 September 2013. Retrieved 20 September 2013. Kezich 2006, p. 158. Kezich 2006, p. 167. Fava & Viganò 1995, p. 79. Kezich 2006, pp. 168–169. Liehm 1984, p. 236. Kezich 2006, p. 177. Cannes Film Festival: Best Actress, Giulietta Masina; OCIC Award – Special Mention, Federico Fellini; 1957. "Festival de Cannes: Nights of Cabiria". festival-cannes.com. Retrieved 2 August 2009. Kezich 2006, p. 189. "Cast del fil fortunella (1958)" (in Italian). Retrieved 21 November 2022. Alpert 1988, p. 122. "Pierluigi Praturlon – Il fotografo che riprese la dolce vita del cinema italiano" (in Italian). Retrieved 21 November 2022. Kezich 2006, p. 208. Kezich 2006, p. 209. Kezich 2006, p. 210. Alpert 1988, p. 145. "Fellini e l' LSD – sostanze.info". www.sostanze.info. Kezich 2006, p. 224. Kezich 2006, p. 227. Bondanella 1992, pp. 151–154. Bondanella 1992, p. 8. Kezich 2006, pp. 218–219. Kezich 2006, p. 212. Bondanella 2002, p. 96. Affron, 227[incomplete short citation] Alpert 1988, p. 159. Kezich 2006, p. 234 and Affron, pp. 3–4[incomplete short citation] Alpert 1988, p. 160. Fellini 1988, pp. 161–162. Alpert 1988, p. 170. Kezich 2006, p. 245. "Gustavo Rol – Who was he?". 2000-2013.gustavorol.org. Retrieved 9 August 2021. A synthetic derivative "fashioned to produce the same effects as the hallucinogenic mushrooms used by Mexican tribes". Kezich 2006, p. 255 Kezich 2006, p. 255. Fellini & Pettigrew 2003, p. 91. Kezich 2006, p. 410. Bondanella 1992, p. 192. Alpert 1988, p. 224. Bondanella 1992, p. 193. Alpert 1988, p. 239. Bondanella 1992, p. 265. Alpert 1988, p. 242. Bondanella 1978, p. 104. Kezich 2006, p. 413. Also cf. The Warsaw Voice Fellini, I disegni di Fellini (Roma: Editori Laterza), 1993. The drawings are edited and analysed by Pier Marco De Santi. For comparing Fellini's graphic work with those of Sergei Eisenstein, consult S.M. Eisenstein, Dessins secrets (Paris: Seuil), 1999. Kezich 2006, pp. 360–361. Kezich 2006, p. 362. Burke & Waller 2003, p. 16. Bondanella 1992, p. 330. Kezich 2006, p. 383. Segrave 2004, p. 179. Kezich 2006, p. 387. The award covers five disciplines: painting, sculpture, architecture, music, and theatre/film. Other winners include Akira Kurosawa, David Hockney, Balthus, Pina Bausch, and Maurice Béjart. Peter Bondanella, Review of Fellini: I'm a Born Liar in Cineaste Magazine (22 September 2003), p. 32 Kezich, Tullio, "Forword" in I'm a Born Liar: A Fellini Lexicon, 5. Also cf. Kezich 2006, p. 388 Kezich 2006, p. 396. "Federico Fellini, Film Visionary, Is Dead at 73". archive.nytimes.com. Retrieved 24 February 2018. Federico Fellini, Film Visionary, Is Dead at 73, nytimes.com; accessed 28 August 2017. Kezich 2006, p. 416. "Fellini funerali – Basilica di Santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri alle Terme di Diocleziano di Roma". santamariadegliangeliroma.it (in Italian). Staff (2 September 2005). "The Religious Affiliation of Director Federico Fellini". Adherents.com. Archived from the original on 16 July 2005. Retrieved 28 June 2016. Kezich 2006, p. 45. Bondanella 2002, p. 119. Cardullo, Bert, ed. (2006). Federico Fellini: Interviews. Univ. Press of Mississippi. p. 63. ISBN 978-1-57806-885-2. Minuz, Andrea (2015). Political Fellini: Journey to the End of Italy. Berghahn Books. p. 183. Kezich 2006, p. 367. "Con DC e PRI, Federico Fellini sponsor di due nemicicon DC e PRI, Federico Fellini sponsor di due nemici". Il Corriere della Sera (in Italian). 18 March 1992. Dagnino 2019, p. 39. Ennio Flaiano, the film's co-screenwriter and creator of Paparazzo, explained that he took the name from Signor Paparazzo, a character in George Gissing's novel By the Ionian Sea (1901). Bondanella, The Cinema of Federico Fellini, p. 136 "Tim Burton Collective". Archived from the original on 16 June 2007. Gilliam at Senses of Cinema Archived 9 February 2010 at the Wayback Machine; accessed 17 September 2008. Kusturica Interview at BNET; accessed 17 September 2008. City of Absurdity Quote Collection; accessed 17 September 2008. Gilbert Guez, review of The Saragossa Manuscript in Le Figaro, September 1966, p. 23 Morrison 2007, p. 160. Scorsese, Martin (March 2021). "Il Maestro – Federico Fellini and the lost magic of cinema". Harper's Magazine. Retrieved 28 October 2022. Kezich 2006, p. 137. Ciment, Michel. "Kubrick: Biographical Notes"; accessed 23 December 2009. "Akira kurosawa Lists His 100 Favourite Films". openculture. "strada, La". The Greatest Films Poll – Sight & Sound. British Film Institute. Archived from the original on 20 August 2012. Retrieved 10 October 2013. Le Vidéo Club de David Cronenberg : de Brigitte Bardot à Total Recall (avec du Cannes et Star Wars). Retrieved 24 May 2022. Burke 1996, p. 20. Numerous sources include Affron, Alpert, Bondanella, Kezich, Miller et al.[full citation needed] Introduction to Giannina Braschi's Yo-Yo Boing!, Doris Sommer, Harvard University, Latin American Literary Review Press, 1998. Stevenson, Billy (15 October 2016). "Mia of the Spirits: Woody Allen's Alice (1990)". Bright Lights Film Journal. Retrieved 11 November 2023. Miller 2008, p. 7. Sciarretto, Amy (20 January 2015). "Lana Del Rey Is Working on New Music and Shared Some Hints About It". Artistdirect. Archived from the original on 24 February 2016. Retrieved 16 February 2016. Burke & Waller 2003, p. 15. "Wes Anderson Honors Fellini in a Delightful New Short Film". Slate. 12 November 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013. "Greatest Film Directors and Their Best Films". Filmsite.org. Archived from the original on 19 April 2015. Retrieved 19 April 2009. "Greatest Film Directors". filmsite.org. "The 25 Most Influential Directors of All Time". MovieMaker. 7 July 2002. "The Greatest Directors Ever by Total Film Magazine". Filmsite.org. Archived from the original on 2 July 2014. Retrieved 19 April 2009. "Cinema Archives". Wesleyan University. Baker, Tamzin (3 November 2009). "Federico Fellini". www.blouinartinfo.com. Modern Painters. Archived from the original on 21 December 2016. Retrieved 13 January 2021. "Sylvain Chomet Steps Up for The Thousand Miles, Variety.com; accessed 28 August 2017. Sources Alpert, Hollis (1988). Fellini, a life. New York: Paragon House. ISBN 978-1-55778-000-3. Bondanella, Peter (1978). Federico Fellini : essays in criticism. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-502274-2. Bondanella, Peter (1992). The Cinema of Federico Fellini. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-00875-2. Bondanella, Peter (2002). The Films of Federico Fellini. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-511-06572-9. Burke, Frank (1996). Fellini's films : from postwar to postmodern. New York: Twayne Publishers. pp. 20. ISBN 978-0-8057-3893-3. Burke, Frank; Waller, Marguerite R. (2003). Federico Fellini: Contemporary Perspectives. Toronto, Ont.: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-7647-2. Dagnino, Gloria (2019). Branded entertainment and cinema: the marketisation of Italian film. London. ISBN 978-1-351-16684-3. Fava, Claudio G.; Viganò, Aldo (1995). I film di Federico Fellini [Federico Fellini's films] (in Italian). Gremese Editore. ISBN 978-88-7605-931-5. Fellini, Federico (1988). Comments on Film. Fresno, Calif.: Press at California State University, Fresno. ISBN 978-0-912201-15-3. Fellini, Federico; Pettigrew, Damian (1 December 2003). I'm a born liar: a Fellini lexicon. New York, NY: Harry N. Abrams. ISBN 978-0-8109-4617-0. Kezich, Tullio (2006). Federico Fellini: His Life and Work (1st American ed.). New York: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-21168-5. Miller, D. A. (2008). 8 1/2 = Otto e mezzo. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-84457-231-1. Liehm, Mira (1984). Passion and Defiance: Italian Film from 1942 to the Present. Berkeley (Calif.): University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-05744-9. Morrison, James (2007). Roman Polanski (Contemporary Film Directors). University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07446-2. Stubbs, John Caldwell (2006). Federico Fellini as auteur: seven aspects of his films. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 0-8093-2689-2. Segrave, Kerry (2004). Foreign Films in America: A History. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co. ISBN 0-7864-1764-1. Further reading Angelucci, Gianfranco (2014). Giulietta Masina: attrice e sposa di Federico Fellini. Rom, Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia: Edizioni Sabinae. ISBN 978-88-98623-11-2. Arpa, Angelo (2010). Federico Fellini: La dolce vita: cronaca di una passione (1. ed.). Rome: Sabinae. ISBN 978-88-96105-56-6. Ashough, Jamshid (2016). L'enigma di un genio: Capire il linguaggio di Federico Fellini. Pescara: Zona Franca EDizioni. ISBN 978-88-905139-4-7. Bertozzi, Marco; Ricci, Giuseppe; Casavecchia, Simone (2002). BiblioFellini: monografie, soggetti e sceneggiature, saggi in volume (in Italian). Rome: Scuola nazionale di cinema. Betti, Liliana (1979). Fellini: An Intimate Portrait (1st Eng. language ed.). Boston: Little, Brown. ISBN 978-0-316-09230-2. Cinfarani, Carmine. Federico Fellini: Leone d'Oro, Venezia 1985. Rome: Anica. Fellini, Federico (1976). Fellini on Fellini. Translated by Quigly, Isabel. Methuen. ISBN 978-0-413-33640-8. Fellini, Federico. (2008). The Book of Dreams. New York: Rizzoli International. ISBN 978-0-8478-3135-7. Fellini, Federico (2015). Making a Film. Translated by Calvino, Italo; White, Christopher Burton; Betti, Liliana. New York, NY: Contra Mundum Press. ISBN 978-1-940625-09-6. Fellini, Federico; Santi, Pier Marco De (1982). I disegni di Fellini (in Italian). Laterza. Manara, Milo; Fellini, Federico (1990). Trip to Tulum: from a script for a film idea. Translated by Gaudiano, Stefano; Bell, Elizabeth. Catalán Communications. ISBN 978-0-87416-123-6. Merlino, Benito (2007). Fellini. Paris: Gallimard. ISBN 978-2-07-033508-4. Minuz, Andrea (2015). Political Fellini: Journey to the End of Italy. Translated by Perryman, Marcus (English-language ed.). New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-78238-819-7. Panicelli, Ida; Mafai, Giulia; Delli Colli, Laura; Mazza, Samuele (1996). Fellini: Costumes and Fashion (1st English ed.). Milan: Charta. ISBN 978-88-86158-82-4. Pettigrew, Damian (2003). I'm a born liar: a fellini lexicon. New York: Harry N. Abrams. ISBN 0-8109-4617-3. Rohdie, Sam (2002). Fellini Lexicon. London: BFI. ISBN 978-0-85170-934-5. Scolari, Giovanni (2008). L'Italia di Fellini (1st ed.). Rome: Sabinae. ISBN 978-88-96105-01-6. Tornabuoni, Lietta (1995). Federico Fellini. New York: Rizzoli. ISBN 978-0-8478-1878-5. Walter, Eugene (2001). Milking the Moon: A Southerner's Story of Life on This Planet (1st ed.). New York: Crown Publishers. ISBN 978-0-609-60594-3. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Federico Fellini. Wikiquote has quotations related to Federico Fellini. Fellini Official site (in English) Fellini Foundation Official Rimini web site (in Italian) Fondation Fellini pour le cinéma Swiss web site (in French) Federico Fellini at IMDb Federico Fellini at the TCM Movie Database Edit this at Wikidata Federico Fellini biography on Lambiek Comiclopedia Site commemorating Fellini's 100th birthday vte Federico Fellini filmography As director Variety Lights (1950) The White Sheik (1952) I Vitelloni (1953) Love in the City (1953) La Strada (1954) Il bidone (1955) Nights of Cabiria (1957) La Dolce Vita (1960) Boccaccio '70 (1962) 8½ (1963) Juliet of the Spirits (1965) Spirits of the Dead (1968) Fellini: A Director's Notebook (1969) Fellini Satyricon (1969) The Clowns (1970) Roma (1972) Amarcord (1973) Casanova (1976) Orchestra Rehearsal (1979) City of Women (1980) And the Ship Sails On (1983) Ginger and Fred (1986) Intervista (1987) The Voice of the Moon (1990) As writer and actor L'Amore ("The Miracle" segment, 1948) As writer only The Last Wagon (1943) Rome, Open City (1945) Paisan (1946) Flesh Will Surrender (1947) Bullet for Stefano (1947) Without Pity (1948) In the Name of the Law (1949) City of Pain (1949) The Mill on the Po (1949) The Flowers of St. Francis (1950) Path of Hope (1950) Four Ways Out (1951) Cameriera bella presenza offresi... (1951) The Bandit of Tacca Del Lupo (1952) Fortunella (1958) Related Giulietta Masina (wife) Paparazzi E il Casanova di Fellini? (1975 documentary) Fellini: I'm a Born Liar (2002 documentary 2003 book) How Strange to Be Named Federico (2013 documentary) Awards for Federico Fellini vte Academy Award for Best International Feature Film 1947–1955 (Honorary) 1947: Shoeshine – Vittorio De Sica 1948: Monsieur Vincent – Maurice Cloche 1949: Bicycle Thieves – Vittorio De Sica 1950: The Walls of Malapaga – René Clément 1951: Rashomon – Akira Kurosawa 1952: Forbidden Games – René Clément 1953: No Award 1954: Gate of Hell – Teinosuke Kinugasa 1955: Samurai, The Legend of Musashi – Hiroshi Inagaki 1956–1975 1956: La Strada – Federico Fellini 1957: Nights of Cabiria – Federico Fellini 1958: My Uncle – Jacques Tati 1959: Black Orpheus – Marcel Camus 1960: The Virgin Spring – Ingmar Bergman 1961: Through a Glass Darkly – Ingmar Bergman 1962: Sundays and Cybèle – Serge Bourguignon 1963: 8½ – Federico Fellini 1964: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow – Vittorio De Sica 1965: The Shop on Main Street – Ján Kadár & Elmar Klos 1966: A Man and a Woman – Claude Lelouch 1967: Closely Watched Trains – Jiří Menzel 1968: War and Peace – Sergei Bondarchuk 1969: Z – Costa-Gavras 1970: Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion – Elio Petri 1971: The Garden of the Finzi-Continis – Vittorio De Sica 1972: The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie – Luis Buñuel 1973: Day for Night – François Truffaut 1974: Amarcord – Federico Fellini 1975: Dersu Uzala – Akira Kurosawa 1976–2000 1976: Black and White in Color – Jean-Jacques Annaud 1977: Madame Rosa – Moshé Mizrahi 1978: Get Out Your Handkerchiefs – Bertrand Blier 1979: The Tin Drum – Volker Schlöndorff 1980: Moscow Does Not Believe in Tears – Vladimir Menshov 1981: Mephisto – István Szabó 1982: Volver a Empezar ('To Begin Again') – José Luis Garci 1983: Fanny and Alexander – Ingmar Bergman 1984: Dangerous Moves – Richard Dembo 1985: The Official Story – Luis Puenzo 1986: The Assault – Fons Rademakers 1987: Babette's Feast – Gabriel Axel 1988: Pelle the Conqueror – Bille August 1989: Cinema Paradiso – Giuseppe Tornatore 1990: Journey of Hope – Xavier Koller 1991: Mediterraneo – Gabriele Salvatores 1992: Indochine – Régis Wargnier 1993: Belle Époque – Fernando Trueba 1994: Burnt by the Sun – Nikita Mikhalkov 1995: Antonia's Line – Marleen Gorris 1996: Kolya – Jan Svěrák 1997: Character – Mike van Diem 1998: Life Is Beautiful – Roberto Benigni 1999: All About My Mother – Pedro Almodóvar 2000: Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon – Ang Lee 2001–present 2001: No Man's Land – Danis Tanović 2002: Nowhere in Africa – Caroline Link 2003: The Barbarian Invasions – Denys Arcand 2004: The Sea Inside – Alejandro Amenábar 2005: Tsotsi – Gavin Hood 2006: The Lives of Others – Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck 2007: The Counterfeiters – Stefan Ruzowitzky 2008: Departures – Yōjirō Takita 2009: The Secret in Their Eyes – Juan José Campanella 2010: In a Better World – Susanne Bier 2011: A Separation – Asghar Farhadi 2012: Amour – Michael Haneke 2013: The Great Beauty – Paolo Sorrentino 2014: Ida – Paweł Pawlikowski 2015: Son of Saul – László Nemes 2016: The Salesman – Asghar Farhadi 2017: A Fantastic Woman – Sebastián Lelio 2018: Roma – Alfonso Cuarón 2019: Parasite – Bong Joon-ho 2020: Another Round – Thomas Vinterberg 2021: Drive My Car – Ryusuke Hamaguchi 2022: All Quiet on the Western Front – Edward Berger vte Academy Honorary Award 1928–1950 Warner Bros. / Charlie Chaplin (1928) Walt Disney (1932) Shirley Temple (1934) D. W. Griffith (1935) The March of Time / W. Howard Greene and Harold Rosson (1936) Edgar Bergen / W. Howard Greene / Museum of Modern Art Film Library / Mack Sennett (1937) J. Arthur Ball / Walt Disney / Deanna Durbin and Mickey Rooney / Gordon Jennings, Jan Domela, Devereaux Jennings, Irmin Roberts, Art Smith, Farciot Edouart, Loyal Griggs, Loren L. Ryder, Harry D. Mills, Louis Mesenkop, Walter Oberst / Oliver T. Marsh and Allen Davey / Harry Warner (1938) Douglas Fairbanks / Judy Garland / William Cameron Menzies / Motion Picture Relief Fund (Jean Hersholt, Ralph Morgan, Ralph Block, Conrad Nagel)/ Technicolor Company (1939) Bob Hope / Nathan Levinson (1940) Walt Disney, William Garity, John N. A. Hawkins, and the RCA Manufacturing Company / Leopold Stokowski and his associates / Rey Scott / British Ministry of Information (1941) Charles Boyer / Noël Coward / Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (1942) George Pal (1943) Bob Hope / Margaret O'Brien (1944) Republic Studio, Daniel J. Bloomberg, and the Republic Studio Sound Department / Walter Wanger / The House I Live In / Peggy Ann Garner (1945) Harold Russell / Laurence Olivier / Ernst Lubitsch / Claude Jarman Jr. (1946) James Baskett / Thomas Armat, William Nicholas Selig, Albert E. Smith, and George Kirke Spoor / Bill and Coo / Shoeshine (1947) Walter Wanger / Monsieur Vincent / Sid Grauman / Adolph Zukor (1948) Jean Hersholt / Fred Astaire / Cecil B. DeMille / The Bicycle Thief (1949) Louis B. Mayer / George Murphy / The Walls of Malapaga (1950) 1951–1975 Gene Kelly / Rashomon (1951) Merian C. Cooper / Bob Hope / Harold Lloyd / George Mitchell / Joseph M. Schenck / Forbidden Games (1952) 20th Century-Fox Film Corporation / Bell & Howell Company / Joseph Breen / Pete Smith (1953) Bausch & Lomb Optical Company / Danny Kaye / Kemp Niver / Greta Garbo / Jon Whiteley / Vincent Winter / Gate of Hell (1954) Samurai I: Musashi Miyamoto (1955) Eddie Cantor (1956) Society of Motion Picture and Television Engineers / Gilbert M. "Broncho Billy" Anderson / Charles Brackett / B. B. Kahane (1957) Maurice Chevalier (1958) Buster Keaton / Lee de Forest (1959) Gary Cooper / Stan Laurel / Hayley Mills (1960) William L. Hendricks / Fred L. Metzler / Jerome Robbins (1961) William J. Tuttle (1964) Bob Hope (1965) Yakima Canutt / Y. Frank Freeman (1966) Arthur Freed (1967) John Chambers / Onna White (1968) Cary Grant (1969) Lillian Gish / Orson Welles (1970) Charlie Chaplin (1971) Charles S. Boren / Edward G. Robinson (1972) Henri Langlois / Groucho Marx (1973) Howard Hawks / Jean Renoir (1974) Mary Pickford (1975) 1976–2000 Margaret Booth (1977) Walter Lantz / Laurence Olivier / King Vidor / Museum of Modern Art Department of Film (1978) Hal Elias / Alec Guinness (1979) Henry Fonda (1980) Barbara Stanwyck (1981) Mickey Rooney (1982) Hal Roach (1983) James Stewart / National Endowment for the Arts (1984) Paul Newman / Alex North (1985) Ralph Bellamy (1986) Eastman Kodak Company / National Film Board of Canada (1988) Akira Kurosawa (1989) Sophia Loren / Myrna Loy (1990) Satyajit Ray (1991) Federico Fellini (1992) Deborah Kerr (1993) Michelangelo Antonioni (1994) Kirk Douglas / Chuck Jones (1995) Michael Kidd (1996) Stanley Donen (1997) Elia Kazan (1998) Andrzej Wajda (1999) Jack Cardiff / Ernest Le

The dark side of U.S. foreign policy: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ "ON COMPANY BUSINESS (PART III)" serves as the riveting conclusion to this suppressed documentary, delving further into the intricate web of CIA operations. The film commences with the Chile operation, exposing its tragic outcome and the far-reaching implications. It then shifts focus to the CIA's involvement in Angola, shedding light on this lesser-known chapter. The documentary meticulously examines the CIA's ties with the Shah of Iran, unraveling the complexities of this relationship. It unveils the agency's manipulation of the press and its associations with secret police organizations in other nations, revealing the extent of its global influence. A pivotal highlight is the scrutiny of the Church Committee's investigations into the CIA, analyzing the operation and its aftermath. The film culminates with a poignant inquiry: Is the CIA truly "out of control," or does it operate firmly under the direction of the President and the Executive Branch? Released as the final part of the series, this segment challenges perceptions and prompts critical reflection on the agency's power and governance. United States intervention in Chilean politics started during the War of Chilean Independence (1812–1826). The influence of United States in both the economic and the political arenas of Chile has since gradually increased over the last two centuries, and continues to be significant. Chilean independence The arrival of Joel Roberts Poinsett, in 1811, marked the beginning of U.S. involvement in Chilean politics. He had been sent by President James Madison in 1809 as a special agent to the South American Spanish colonies (a position he filled from 1810 to 1814) to investigate the prospects of the revolutionaries, in their struggle for independence from Spain. War scare of 1891 During the 1891 Chilean Civil War, the U.S. backed President José Manuel Balmaceda, as a way to increase their influence in Chile, while Britain backed the successful Congressional forces. Itata incident Main article: Itata incident The Itata incident concerned an attempted shipment in 1891 by the ship Itata of arms purchased in California. The US Navy intercepted the ship and seized the arms. Baltimore crisis Main article: Baltimore crisis Washington sent a warship to Chile to protect American interests. The crew of the Baltimore took shore leave at Valparaiso. During the US sailors' shore leave on 16 October 1891, a mob of enraged Chileans angry about the Itata's capture, attacked them. Two American sailors were killed, 17 were wounded and 36 others were jailed. That Valparaiso riot prompted saber rattling from enraged US officials. A war between the U.S. and Chile was remotely possible. Chile's foreign minister escalated the tension but in Washington Secretary of State James G. Blaine cooled off the hotheads. The crisis ended when the Chilean government bowed, and while maintaining that the seamen were to blame for the riot paid an indemnity of $75,000 to the victims' families.[1] First half of the 20th century See also: Law of Permanent Defense of Democracy and South American dreadnought race United States involvement in Chilean affairs intensified in the early decades of the 20th century. After World War I, the United States replaced Britain as the leading superpower controlling most of Chile's resources, as most economic activity in the country lay in US hands. Such a change prevented Chile from profiting as a result of the war and gaining its financial independence. The dependence on the United States formally began in the early years of the 1920s as two major US companies Anaconda and Kennecott took control of the valuable resources. Up until the 1970s, "both industries controlled between 7% to 20% of the country's Gross Domestic Product".[2] The conclusion of World War II brought more of the same as Chile could not even exploit the "excess of copper they produced as almost all the copper was marketed through subsidiaries of United States copper firms established in Chile for whom the allied government fixed a ceiling price upon copper products during the course of the war."[3] As the working class demanded an improvement in their standard of living, higher wages and improved working conditions, the notion that a leftist government could be the solution for the people began to take form. 1950s and 1960s See also: Project Camelot During the 1950s and 1960s, the United States put forward a variety of programs and strategies, ranging from funding political campaigns to funding propaganda, aimed at impeding the presidential aspirations of leftist candidate Salvador Allende, who served as President of the Senate (1966-1969) before running a final time to become the 28th President of Chile, which lasted until his death in 1973.[4] Throughout these two decades, left-wing parties in Chile failed to gain power, in part due to the fact that the United States was, verifiably, impeding the left wing parties through various means. In the 1958 presidential election, Jorge Alessandri – a nominal independent with support from the Liberal and Conservative parties – defeated Allende by nearly 33,500 votes to claim the presidency.[5] His laissez-faire policies, endorsed by the United States, were regarded as the solution to the country's inflation problems. Under recommendations from the United States, Alessandri steadily reduced tariffs starting in 1959, a policy that caused the Chilean market to be overwhelmed by American product.[5] These governmental policies angered the working class of Chile, who demanded higher wages, and the repercussions of this massive discontent were felt in the 1961 congressional elections. The president suffered terrible blows,[clarification needed] sending the message that laissez-faire policies were not desired. As the "grand total of $130 million from the U.S. banking Industry, the U.S. Treasury Department, the IMF and the ICA"[6] accepted by Alessandri illustrates, laissez-faire policies may have induced the opposite of the intended effect – making Chile more dependent on the United States, not less. Presidential candidate Salvador Allende was a top contender in the 1964 election. The US, through the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), covertly spent three million dollars campaigning against him,[7] before and after the election, mostly through radio and print advertising. The Americans viewed electing Christian Democratic contender Eduardo Frei Montalva as vital, fearing that Alessandri's failures would lead the people to support Allende. Allende was feared by the Americans because of his warm relations with Cuba and his open criticism of the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Furthermore, clandestine aid to Frei was put forward through John F. Kennedy's Latin American Alliance for Progress, which promised "$20 billion in public and private assistance in the country for the next decade."[8] The 1970 election According to a U.S. Senate select committee, publishing a Church Commission Report in 1975 to describe international abuses committed by the CIA, NSA, and FBI, covert United States involvement in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973 was "extensive and continuous". The CIA spent $8 million in the three years between 1970 and the military coup of September 1973,[7] with over $3 million allocated toward Chilean intervention in 1972 alone. Covert American activity was present in almost every major election in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973, but its tangible effect on electoral outcomes is not altogether clear. Chile, more than any of its South American neighbors, had a long-standing democratic tradition dating back to the early 1930s, and it has been difficult to gauge how successful CIA tactics were in swaying voters.[citation needed] A declassified file from August 19, 1970, reveals the minutes of high-level officials in the CIA known as the "Special Review Group."[9][10] It was chaired by Henry Kissinger and was sanctioned by then-president Nixon. This was one of several documents released as part of the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series dedicated toward US-Chilean interventionalism – collectively known as Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973[11] and Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973[12] – that revealed a detailed account of correspondences between each of these officials, telegrams from the Chilean embassy, memorandums, and "Special Reports" concerning the state of affairs in Chile. For instance, a National Intelligence Estimate from January 28, 1969, stated the problems and conclusions that senior officials in Washington identified over the proliferating crisis in Chile.[13] The document indicates that the 1970 election stood above all other issues as of critical importance, with Chile's political and economic stability depending heavily on that particular election's outcome; the document notes the possibility of out of control economic stagnation and inflation in Chile as concerns. The conclusions of the document suggest that factionalism needed to be addressed, and expounded on United States interests in copper extraction companies operating in Chile.[13] The election represented the potential for important economic relations to collapse or continue. The document further focuses on potential ramifications if the election outcome were to not align with US interests.[13] At a 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, the chairman of the committee asked for an analysis of where the US/CIA stood in terms of taking action to prevent Allende from becoming President of Chile. William Broe, a high-ranking CIA officer, said Eduardo Frei Montalva, the 29th President of Chile, was essential to the situation in Chile, regardless of the type of involvement — military or congressional. The 40 Committee asked that the CIA collect information and create more intelligence reports to see what could be further done in Chile. The committee decided it was unlikely they were going to be able to influence the 24 Oct, congressional election to go against Allende. Helms was also concerned about Allende supporters in the Chilean military, as it seemed they would support Allende in the event of a coup. As a result of all this information, the Committee decided they wanted a full analysis of two things: (1.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing a military (Chilean) coup; (2.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing future oppositions to Allende to topple his influence. This presented two options for Henry Kissinger: political maneuvering or outright force.[14] Four days after the 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, a cable between Richard Helms and Henry Kissinger discussed the lack of morale that the US embassy had in Chile according to the American Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry. Kissinger stated in response that he would call another 40 Committee Meeting for the following Monday. Kissinger further noted: "We will not let Chile go down the drain." Allende presidency Salvador Allende ran again in the 1970 presidential election, winning a narrow victory plurality vote (near 37%). United States president Richard Nixon feared that Chile could become "another Cuba" and the US cut off most of its foreign aid to Chile. The US government believed that Allende would become closer to socialist countries, such as Cuba and the Soviet Union. They feared that Allende would push Chile into socialism, and therefore lose all of the US investments made in Chile.[15] On 15 September 1970; before Allende took office, Richard Nixon gave the order to overthrow Allende. According to a declassified document from the NSA, the handwritten notes from Richard Helms (CIA director at the time) state: "1 in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!; worth spending; not concerned; no involvement of embassy; $10,000,000 available, more if necessary; full-time job--best men we have; game plan; make the economy scream; 48 hours for plan of action." These notes came from a meeting Helms had with President Nixon, indicating the administration's willingness to stage a coup in Chile and the extent to which Nixon was willing to go to do so.[16] On 5 November 1970, Henry Kissinger advised President Nixon against peaceful coexistence with the Allende administration and instead advocated one of two positions.[15] The U.S. government had two approaches to fighting Marxism as represented by Allende. "Track I" was a State Department initiative designed to thwart Allende by subverting Chilean elected officials within the bounds of the Chilean constitution and excluded the CIA. Track I expanded to encompass some policies whose ultimate goal was to create the conditions that would encourage a coup.[17] "Track II" was a CIA operation overseen by Henry Kissinger and CIA's director of covert operations, Thomas Karamessines. "Track II" excluded the State Department and Department of Defense.[17] The goal of Track II was to find and support Chilean military officers that would support a coup. Immediately after the Allende government came into office, the U.S. sought to place pressure[18] on the Allende government to prevent its consolidation and limit its ability to implement policies contrary to U.S. and hemispheric interests, such as Allende's total nationalization of several U.S. corporations and the copper industry. Nixon directed that no new bilateral economic aid commitments be undertaken with the government of Chile. The US supported Allende's opponents in Chile during his presidency, intending to encourage either Allende's resignation, his overthrow, or his defeat in the election of 1976.[16] The Nixon administration covertly funded independent and non-state media and labor unions. Track I Track I was a U.S. State Department plan designed to persuade the Chilean Congress, through outgoing Christian Democratic President Eduardo Frei Montalva, to confirm conservative runner-up Jorge Alessandri as president. Alessandri would resign shortly after, rendering Frei eligible to run against Allende in new elections. As part of the "Track I" strategy to block Allende from assuming office after the 4 September election, the CIA needed to influence a Congressional run-off vote required by the Constitution since Allende did not win the absolute majority. Track II Main article: Project FUBELT The CIA had also drawn up a second plan, Track II. The agency would find military officers willing to support a coup and support them. They could then call new elections in which Allende could be defeated. In September 1970, President Nixon found that an Allende government in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million to stop Allende from coming to power or unseat him. As part of the Track II initiative, the CIA used false flag operatives to approach Chilean military officers, to encourage them to carry out a coup.[19] A first step to overthrowing Allende required removing General René Schneider, the army chief commander. Schneider was a constitutionalist and would oppose a coup d'état. To assist in the planned kidnapping of Schneider, the CIA provided "$50,000 in cash, three submachine guns, and a satchel of tear gas, all approved at headquarters ..."[20] The submachine guns were delivered by diplomatic pouch.[21] A group was formed, led by the retired General Roberto Viaux. Viaux was considered unstable by the U.S. and had been discouraged from attempting a coup alone. The CIA encouraged him to join forces with an active duty general, Camilo Valenzuela, who had also been approached by CIA operatives. They were joined by an Admiral, Hugo Tirado, who had been forced into retirement after the Tacnazo insurrection. On 22 October, Viaux went ahead with a plan to kidnap General René Schneider. Schneider drew a handgun to protect himself from his attackers, who shot him in four vital areas. He died in Santiago's military hospital three days later. This attempted kidnapping and death of Schneider shocked the public and increased support for the Chilean Constitution. This ultimately led to an extreme contrast to the expected outcome of a coup. The Chilean people rallied around their government which, in turn, overwhelmingly ratified Allende on 3 November 1970.[22] On 25 November 1970, Henry Kissinger issued a memorandum that detailed the Covert Action Program that the US would spearhead in Chile. In the memorandum, Kissinger stated that there were five principles of the program. The US would continue to have contacts in the Chilean military, take steps to divide Allende's supporters, cooperate with the media to run anti-Allende propaganda campaigns, support non-communist political parties in Chile, and publish materials that stated that Allende did not adhere to the democratic process and also wanted to form connections with Cuba and the Soviet Union.[23] A CIA and White House cover-up obscured American involvement, despite Congressional investigative efforts.[21] The Church Committee, which investigated U.S. involvement in Chile during this period, determined that the weapons used in the debacle "were, in all probability, not those supplied by the CIA to the conspirators." After Schneider's death, the CIA recovered the submachine guns and money it had provided.[24] Both Valenzuela and Viaux were arrested and convicted of conspiracy after Schneider's assassination. One member of the coup plotters that escaped arrest requested assistance from the CIA, and was paid $35,000, so "The CIA did, in fact, pay "hush" money to those directly responsible for the Schneider assassination—and then covered up that secret payment for thirty years."[21]: 34 [25] In 1970, the U.S. manufacturing company ITT Corporation owned 70% of Chitelco, the Chilean Telephone Company, and funded El Mercurio, a Chilean right-wing newspaper. The CIA used ITT as a conduit to financially aid opponents of Allende's government.[26][27] On 28 September 1973, ITT's headquarters in New York City, was bombed by the Weather Underground for the alleged involvement of the company in the overthrow of Allende.[28] On 10 September 2001, a suit was filed by the family of Schneider, accusing former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger of arranging Schneider's 1970 murder because he would have opposed a military coup.[29] CIA documents indicate that while the CIA had sought his kidnapping, his killing was never intended.[20]: 360  Kissinger said he had declared the coup "hopeless" and had "turned it off".[30] However, the CIA claimed that no such "stand-down" order was ever received.[31] 1973 coup Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état On September 11, 1973, Augusto Pinochet rose to power, overthrowing the democratically elected president Salvador Allende. A subsequent September 2000 report from the CIA, using declassified documents related to the military coup, found that the CIA "probably appeared to condone" the 1973 coup, but that there was "no evidence" that the US actually participated in it.[32] This view has been challenged by some authors, who have stated that the covert support of the United States was crucial to the preparation for the coup, the coup itself, and the consolidation of the regime afterward.[20][21][33] It seemed to the CIA that, even if this coup did not come together, Allende would still have a very difficult political future.[34] This point of view has been supported by non-scholarly commentary.[35][36] According to the CIA document "CIA Activities in Chile", dated 18 September 2000, the local CIA station suggested during late summer 1973 that the US commit itself to support a military coup. In response, CIA Headquarters reaffirmed to the station that "there was to be no involvement with the military in any covert action initiative; there was no support for instigating a military coup."[37] On the issue of CIA involvement in the 1973 coup, the CIA document is equally explicit: On 10 September 1973 -- the day before the coup that ended the Allende government -- a Chilean military officer reported to a CIA officer that a coup was being planned and asked for US government assistance. He was told that the US Government would not provide any assistance because this was strictly an internal Chilean matter. The Station Officer also told him his request would be forwarded to Washington. CIA learned of the exact date of the coup shortly before it took place. During the attack on the Presidential Palace and its immediate aftermath, the Station's activities were limited to providing intelligence and situation reports.[37] The report of the Church Committee, published in 1975, stated that during the period leading up to the coup, the CIA received information about potential coup plots. The intelligence network continued to report throughout 1972 and 1973 on coup plotting activities. During 1972 the Station continued to monitor the group which might mount a successful coup, and it spent a significantly greater amount of time and effort penetrating this group than it had on previous groups. This group had originally come to the Station's attention in October 1971. By January 1972 the Station had successfully penetrated it and was in contact through an intermediary with its leader.[38] Intelligence reporting on coup plotting reached two peak periods, one in the last week of June 1973 and the other during the end of August and the first two weeks in September. It is clear the CIA received intelligence reports on the coup planning of the group which carried out the successful September 11 coup throughout the months of July, August, and September 1973.[38] The Church report also considered the allegation that the US government involved itself in the 1973 coup: Was the United States DIRECTLY involved, covertly, in the 1973 coup in Chile? The Committee has found no evidence that it was.[38] There is no hard evidence of direct U.S. assistance to the coup, despite frequent allegations of such aid. Rather the United States - by its previous actions during Track II, its existing general posture of opposition to Allende, and the nature of its contacts with the Chilean military- probably gave the impression that it would not look with disfavor on a military coup. And U.S. officials in the years before 1973 may not always have succeeded in walking the thin line between monitoring indigenous coup plotting and actually stimulating it.[38] Transcripts of a phone conversation between Kissinger and Nixon reveal that they did not have a hand in the final coup. They do take credit for creating the conditions that led to the coup. Kissinger says that "they created the conditions as great as possible." Nixon and Kissinger also discussed how they would play this event with the media and lamented the fact that, if this were the era of Eisenhower, then they would be seen as heroes.[39] There was a PDB that had a section on Chile dated 11 September 1973 that is still completely censored, as was an entire page on Chile provided to Nixon on 8 September 1973. Additionally, a cable from CIA operative Jack Devine dated 10 September 1973, confirmed to top U.S. officials that the coup would take place the following day.[40] In collaboration with the coup, a Defense Intelligence Agency summary, also dated on 8 September and classified "Top Secret Umbra", provided detailed information on an agreement among the Chilean Army, Navy, and Air Force to move against Allende on 10 September. As the CIA denies its involvement in the coup, another cable sent from the agency on 8 September classified "Secret" had information on the Chilean Navy time and date to overthrow the government of President Allende. The cable also identified key Chilean officials who were supporting the coup.[40] The cables from around this time with another one stating that the coup was postponed in order to improve tactical coordination and would attempt the coup on 11 September.[40] A CIA intelligence report 25 October 1973, concerning General Arellano Stark, noted that Arellano had ordered the deaths of 21 political prisoners. Also, the disappearances of 14 other prisoners were also believed to be on the order of Arellano. General Arellano was considered Pinochet's right-hand man after the coup.[41] Historian Peter Winn has argued that the role of the CIA was crucial to the consolidation of power that followed the coup; the CIA helped fabricate a conspiracy against the Allende government, which Pinochet was then portrayed as preventing. He states that the coup itself was possible only through a three-year covert operation mounted by the United States. He also points out that the US imposed an "invisible blockade" that was designed to disrupt the economy under Allende, and contributed to the destabilization of the regime.[33] Peter Kornbluh, director of the National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project, argues in his book The Pinochet File[21] that the US was extensively involved and actively "fomented"[21] the 1973 coup. Authors Tim Weiner, in his book, Legacy of Ashes,[20] and Christopher Hitchens, in his book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger[42] similarly argue the case that US covert actions actively destabilized Allende's government and set the stage for the 1973 coup. Joaquin Fermandois criticized Kornbluh's "black and white" and "North American centered conception of world affairs", stating that a variety of internal and external factors also played a role and that a careful reading of the documentary record reveals the CIA was largely "impotent".[43] Conservative scholar Mark Falcoff alleged that Cuba and the Soviet Union supplied several hundred thousand dollars to the socialist and Marxist factions in the government.[44] Additionally, documents transcribed and provided by KGB defector Vasili Mitrokhin detail the relationship between Allende and the KGB starting in 1953.[45] Allende's KGB file documents "systematic contact" starting in 1961.[46] KGB support for Allende's 1970 campaign included $400,000 in initial financing, with additional funding including a "personal subsidy" of $50,000 to Allende, as well as bribing a left wing Senator $18,000 to persuade him not to stand as a presidential candidate and to remain within the Unidad Popular coalition.[47] Peter Winn noted that "the Chilean revolution always kept to its peaceful road, despite counterrevolutionary plots and violence." Moreover, this strong emphasis on nonviolence was precisely to avoid revolutionary terror which had blemished the reputations of the French, Russian and Cuban revolutions.[33] Allende later committed suicide, with an article in The Atlantic stating "he committed suicide under mysterious circumstances as troops surrounded his place, ushering in more than 15 years of military dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet".[48] Former CIA agent Jack Devine, who was active in the CIA agency during the time of the coup, told The Atlantic that overthrowing Allende's government was not the CIA's decision, but rather the decision of the White House, particularly President Nixon.[48] The coup and U.S. involvement remain an important episode, as a New York Times report in October 2017 indicates.[49] Pinochet regime See also: Operation Condor Operation Condor Background histories Events Government leaders Targeted militias Principal operatives Organizations responsible Locations Laws Archives and reports Reactions vte The U.S. provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses.[50] CIA documents show that the CIA had close contact with members of the Chilean secret police, DINA, and its chief Manuel Contreras (paid asset from 1975 to 1977 according to the CIA in 2000). Some have alleged that the CIA's one-time payment to Contreras is proof that the U.S. approved of Operation Condor and military repression within Chile. The CIA's official documents state that at one time, some members of the intelligence community recommended making Contreras into a paid contact because of his closeness to Pinochet; the plan was rejected based on Contreras' poor human rights track record, but a single payment was made due to a miscommunication.[1] In the description of the CIA's activities in Chile, it is acknowledged that one of their high-level contacts was more predisposed to committing abuse: "although the CIA had information indicating that a high-level contact was a hard-liner and therefore more likely to commit abuses, contact with him was allowed to continue in absence of concrete information about human rights abuses."[51] A report dated 24 May 1977 also describes the newfound human rights abuses that may have been occurring in Chile: "reports of gross violation of human rights in Chile, which had nearly ceased earlier this year, are again on the rise...the Pinochet government is reverting to the practices that jeopardized its international standing since the 1973 coup."[52] The document also details how these human rights violations could have caused a worsening of Chile's status on the international stage. It seems that the United States was unable to plan around these violations, as is referred to with the document's mention of high-ranking officials taking parts in the abuses also. On 6 March 2001, the New York Times reported the existence of a recently declassified State Department document revealing that the United States facilitated communications for Operation Condor. The document, a 1978 cable from Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was discovered by Professor J. Patrice McSherry of Long Island University, who had published several articles on Operation Condor. She called the cable "another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor."[53] In the cable, Ambassador White relates a conversation with General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, who told him that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "keep in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which covers all of Latin America". This installation is "employed to co-ordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries." White, whose message was sent to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the deaths of the 44 year old former Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier and his American colleague Ronni Moffitt. Her husband Michael Moffit was in the car during the bombing, but was the only survivor. "It would seem advisable," he suggests, "to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in U.S. interest." Chilean leader Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1976 The document was found among 16,000 State, CIA, White House, Defense, and Justice Department records released in November 2000 on the nearly 17-year long Pinochet dictatorship in Chile, and Washington's role in the violent coup that brought his military regime to power. The release was the fourth and final batch of records released under the Clinton Administration's special Chile Declassification Project. During the Pinochet regime, four American citizens were killed: Charles Horman, Frank Teruggi, Boris Weisfeiler, and Ronni Karpen Moffit. Later on, in late August 1976, the United States Government stated in a State Department Secret Memorandum, that the United States Government did play an indirect role in the death of one of the four American citizens, Charles Horman. The Secret Memorandum states: "Based on what we have, we are persuaded that: The GOC sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution. The GOC might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG. There is some circumstantial evidence to suggest: U.S. intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best, it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC. At worst, U.S. intelligence was aware the GOC saw Horman in a rather serious light and U.S. officials did nothing to discourage the logical outcome of GOC paranoia."- Department of State, Secret Memorandum, "Charles Horman Case," 25 August 1976 (uncensored version)[54][55] On 30 June 2014, a Chilean court ruled that the United States played a key role in the murders of Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi. According to Judge Jorge Zepeda, U.S. Navy Capt. Ray E. Davis, who commanded the U.S. Military Mission in Chile, gave information to the Chilean government about Horman and Teruggi that resulted in their arrest and execution in the days following the coup. The Chilean Supreme Court sought to have Davis extradited from Florida to stand trial, but he was secretly living in Santiago and died in a nursing home in 2013.[56] In a document declassified under the Obama administration's Chilean declassification project, documents were released stating that the CIA suspected Pinochet himself of personally giving the order for the assassination of Ronni Moffitt and Orlando Letelier. Although they were unable to gather enough intelligence that proved that he gave the order, they received shocking evidence from the Chilean Major, Armando Fernandez, who they convinced to come to the capital to provide them information, that Pinochet was directly involved in covering up the incident. Another declassified copy of a CIA special intelligence assessment on Pinochet's role in the Letelier and Moffitt assassinations were presented to the Chilean President Bachelet in 2016. That document asserts the CIA believed that Pinochet, "personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder."[57] Even with the evidence that they had, the Secretary of State George Shultz did not feel that there was enough to indict Pinochet but instead used the information to try to convince Reagan to change their policy with Chile.[58] Pinochet stepped down from power in 1990 and died on 10 December 2006, without facing trial.[59] Politics in the 21st century U.S. President Bill Clinton ordered the release of numerous documents relating to U.S. policy and actions toward Chile.[60] The documents produced by various U.S. agencies were opened to the public by the U.S. State Department in October 1999. The collection of 1,100 documents dealt with the years leading up to the military coup. Regarding Pinochet's rise to power, the CIA concluded in a report issued in 2000 that: "The CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende but did not assist Pinochet to assume the Presidency."[61] However, the 2000 report also stated that: "The major CIA effort against Allende came earlier in 1970 in the failed attempt to block his election and accession to the Presidency. Nonetheless, the U.S. Administration's long-standing hostility to Allende and its past encouragement of a military coup against him were well known among Chilean coup plotters who eventually took activities of their own to oust him."[61] A White House press release in November 2000 acknowledged that "actions approved by the U.S. government during this period aggravated political polarization and affected Chile's long tradition of democratic elections"[62] In a 2003 town hall with students, high school student James Doubek asked Secretary of State Colin Powell about the United States support for the coup, to which Powell replied that "it is not a part of American history that we're proud of".[63] During U.S. President Barack Obama's visit to Chile in 2011, the center-left coalition of Chilean political parties asked Obama to apologize for past U.S. support of Pinochet. An interview with the Associated Press, Mr Piñera said his government was "categorically committed to contribute to the search for truth so that justice is done in all of these human rights cases". Obama did not respond to requests for an apology but said during a press conference that U.S. relations with Latin America had at times been "extremely rocky," and that people needed to learn from and understand history, but not be trapped by it.[64] In February 2018, in an effort to create a "lasting counterpoint", a statue honoring the slain Chilean diplomat and think tank policy analyst Orlando Letelier was erected on Massachusetts Avenue in Washington, D.C., near the location where Letelier was killed in a 1976 car bombing on the orders of Pinochet. The attack also claimed the life of Ronnie Karpen Moffitt, Letelier's 25-year-old American co-worker. Michael Moffitt, husband of Ronnie Moffitt and also in the vehicle, survived the attack. The Chilean-orchestrated assassination had brought state-sponsored terrorism by an American-backed ally to the cradle of American dominion. Three of Letelier's sons and a granddaughter whom Letelier had never been afforded the opportunity to meet attended the unveiling. The unveiling of Letelier's commemorative statue came less than two years after the Obama administration had released a "long classified CIA analysis...[that] cited 'convincing evidence that President Pinochet personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder.'" Letelier had served as Chile's ambassador to the United States under Chile's democratically elected Allende government. After Pinochet's 1973 coup, Letelier became a political prisoner and sought political asylum in the United States, where he eventually came to spearhead the economic policy mission of a D.C.-based think tank, the Institute for Policy Studies, as well as organize international condemnation of Pinochet's regime. The Institute for Policy Studies has long incorporated the advancement of human rights into the core of its mission.[65] See also Project FUBELT History of Chile Chile under Allende David H. Popper, US ambassador to Chile (1974–77) Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency) Foreign electoral intervention Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–90) - aftermath of the coup Latin America–United States relations Foreign interventions by the United States United States involvement in regime change References Joyce S. Goldberg, "Consent to Ascent The Baltimore Affair and the US Rise to World Power Status." Americas 41.1 (1984): 21-35. Theodore H. Moran, Multinational corporation and the politics of dependence: copper in Chile (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974), 6. Loveman, Brian. Chile: The legacy of Hispanic Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Vergara, Eva; Warren, Michael (31 May 2011). "Chile TV: Secret report suggests Allende murdered". Boston.com. 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September 20 "U.S. Dept. of State FOIA Electronic Reading Room – Hinchey Report (CIA Activities in Chile)". Foia.state.gov. Archived from the original on 20 October 2009. Retrieved 19 November 2011. Stout, David (30 January 2003). "Edward Korry, 81, Is Dead; Falsely Tied to Chile Coup". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Montgomery, Paul L. (29 September 1973). "I.T.T. OFFICE HERE DAMAGED BY BOMB; Caller Linked Explosion at Latin-American Section to 'Crimes in Chile' I.T.T. Latin-American Office on Madison Ave. Damaged by Bomb Fire in Rome Office Bombing on the Coast Rally the Opponents". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2010. Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, 30 April 2002, (in English) Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger & Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. Retrieved 7 February 2021. John Dinges. The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. The New Press, 2005. p. 157. ISBN 1-56584-977-9 "CIA Activities in Chile — Central Intelligence Agency". www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on 12 June 2007. Winn, Peter (2010). Grandin & Joseph, Greg & Gilbert (ed.). A Century of Revolution. Duke University Press. pp. 239–275. "The National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970-1989. Transaction. pp. 199–251. Falcoff, Mark (November 2003). "Kissinger and Chile: The Myth That Will Not Die". Commentary. CIA (19 September 2000). "CIA Activities in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. p. 13. Retrieved 21 July 2010. Frank Church; et al. (18 December 1975). "Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973". US Government Printing Office. Archived from the original on 11 September 2009. Retrieved 20 July 2010. "President/Kissinger September 16, 1973, 11:50 A.M." (PDF). www.nsarchive.gwu.edu. 16 September 1973. Retrieved 27 March 2017. "CIA's PDB release still covering up knowledge of 1973 Chile coup". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 3 April 2017. nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/20000919 Hitchens, Christopher (2001). The Trial of Henry Kissinger. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-631-5. Fermandois, Joaquin (Winter 2005). "The Persistence of a Myth: Chile in the Eye of the Cold War Hurricane: Books under Review". World Affairs. 167 (3): 101–112. doi:10.3200/WAFS.167.3.101-112. JSTOR 20672716. Falcoff, Mark (1989). Modern Chile: 1970-1989. Transaction. p. 205. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 69. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Legvold, Robert; Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2006). "The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World". Foreign Affairs. 85 (1): 72. doi:10.2307/20031879. ISSN 0015-7120. Friedman, Uri (11 September 2014). "The Other 9/11: A CIA Agent Remembers Chile's Coup". The Atlantic. Bonnefoy, Pascale (14 October 2017). "Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy's Fall and Dictator's Rise in Chile". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 April 2019. Peter Kornbluh (19 September 2000). "CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet's Repression: Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile". Chile Documentation Project. National Security Archive. Retrieved 26 November 2006. "CIA Activities in Chile". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. "Chile: Violations of Human Rights". National Security Archive. Retrieved 6 April 2017. Operation Condor: Cable suggests U.S. role, National Security Archive, 6 March 2001. Accessed online 26 November 2006. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–11, Part 2, Documents on South America, 1973–1976 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 1 November 2023. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability by Peter Kornbluh, p. 277 Court: U.S. military spies had role leading to 1973 deaths of Americans in Chile. CBS News, 1 July 2014. "CIA: "Pinochet personally ordered" Letelier bombing | National Security Archive". nsarchive.gwu.edu. Retrieved 9 May 2019. Shultz, George (6 October 1987). "Pinochet and the Letelier-Moffitt Murders: Implications for US Policy," SECRET, Memorandum for the President, 6 October 1987" (PDF). National Security Archive. Retrieved 5 June 2017. Karen DeYoung; David Montgomery; Missy Ryan; Ishaan Tharoor; Jia Lynn Yang (20 September 2016). "This was not an accident. This was a bomb". The Washington Post. "CBS News - CIA Reveals Covert Acts In Chile - September 20, 2000 16:07:32". 7 August 2004. Archived from the original on 7 August 2004. "CIA 2000 report (Summary of Responses to Questions, 2.A)". National Security Archives. White House press statement 13 November 2000 regarding "releasing newly declassified and other documents related to events in Chile from 1968-91". Accessed online 18 November 2006. "Colin Powell: U.S. "Not Proud" of 1973 Covert Action in Chile". "Chile President Pinera to ask Obama for Pinochet files". BBC News. 23 March 2011. Laris, Michael (25 February 2018). "A Chilean and American monument to Pinochet bombing victims rises in Washington". The Washington Post. Retrieved 27 May 2019. Further reading John Dinges (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-56584-977-9. Kristian Gustafson, (2007) Hostile Intent: U.S. Covert Operations in Chile, 1964–1974 (Dulles: Potomac Books) Tanya Harmer, (2011) Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011) online Jonathan Haslam (2005) Nixon Administration and the Death of Allende's Chile: A Case of Assisted Suicide (2005). Thomas Karamessines (1970). Operating guidance cable on coup plotting in Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Jeane Kirkpatrick (1979). "Dictatorships and Double Standards," Commentary, November, pp34–45. Henry Kissinger (1970). National Security Decision 93: Policy Towards Chile, Washington: National Security Council. Peter Kornbluh. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. ISBN 1-59558-912-0. James F. Petras & Morris H. Morley (1974). How Allende fell: A study in U.S.–Chilean relations, Nottingham: Spokesman Books. Lubna Z. Qureshi (2009). Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-2656-3 Zakia Shiraz, "CIA Intervention in Chile and the Fall of the Allende Government in 1973." Journal of American Studies (2011) 45#3 pp 603–613. online at JSTOR; also online free summarizes the scholarly historiography.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Herbert L. "Bart" Porter was a campaign aide to U.S. President Richard M. Nixon. Early life At University of Southern California, he was a member of Trojans for Representative Government with future Watergate scandal participants Dwight L. Chapin, Tim Elbourne, Donald Segretti, Gordon C. Strachan, and Ron Ziegler. Watergate On January 28, 1974, Porter pleaded guilty to the charge of lying to the FBI during the early stages of the Watergate investigation. The Committee for the Re-election of the President (also known as the Committee to Re-elect the President), abbreviated CRP, but often mocked by the acronym CREEP,[1] was, officially, a fundraising organization of United States President Richard Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign during the Watergate scandal. In addition to fundraising, the organization also engaged in political sabotage against Nixon's opponents, the various Democratic politicians running in the election. History Planning began in late 1970 and an office opened in the spring of 1971. Besides its re-election activities, CRP employed money laundering and slush funds, and was involved in the Watergate scandal.[2] The CRP used $500,000 in funds raised to re-elect President Nixon to pay legal expenses for the five Watergate burglars. This act helped turn the burglary into an explosive political scandal. The burglars, as well as G. Gordon Liddy, E. Howard Hunt, John N. Mitchell, and other Nixon administration figures (Watergate Seven), were indicted over the break-in and their efforts to cover it up. The acronym CREEP became popular due to the Watergate scandal.[3][4] Prominent members Charles Colson, special counsel to the President Kenneth H. Dahlberg, Midwest finance chairman; developer of the Miracle-Ear hearing aid Francis L. Dale, chairman; publisher of The Cincinnati Enquirer; owner of the Cincinnati Reds E. Howard Hunt, consultant to the White House; retired CIA operative Herbert W. Kalmbach, deputy finance chairman; President Nixon's personal attorney Fred LaRue, deputy director; aide to John Mitchell G. Gordon Liddy, finance counsel; former aide to John Ehrlichman James W. McCord, Jr., security coordinator; former director of security at the Central Intelligence Agency Jeb Stuart Magruder, deputy director Fred Malek, manager; former Deputy Undersecretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Judy Hoback Miller, bookkeeper John N. Mitchell, director; former United States Attorney General Donald Segretti, political operative DeVan L. Shumway, spokesman Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., treasurer; former aide to White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman Maurice Stans, finance chairman; former United States Secretary of Commerce Roger Stone, political operative See also Young Voters for the President White House Plumbers References Joan Hoff (2010). L. Edward Purcell (ed.). Richard Milhous Nixon. Vol. Vice Presidents: A Biographical Dictionary. Infobase Publishing. p. 351. ISBN 978-1-4381-3071-2. "Committee for the Re-Election of the President Collection: Frederic Malek Papers". Nixon Presidential Library & Museum. Archived from the original on 2010-05-31. Retrieved 2010-06-04. "Watergate scandal", Encyclopædia Britannica, by Rick Perlstein, June 10, 2019. Retrieved June 15, 2019. 100 Mistakes that Changed History: Backfires and Blunders That Collapsed Empires, Crashed Economies, and Altered the Course of Our World, by Bill Fawcett, Penguin, October 5, 2010, page 289. Retrieved June 15, 2019. vte Richard Nixon 37th President of the United States (1969–1974) 36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961) U.S. Senator from California (1950–1953) U.S. Representative for CA–12 (1947–1950) Pre-presidency Checkers speech Vice presidency Presidential transition of Dwight D. Eisenhower 1958 motorcade attack Kitchen Debate Operation 40 Presidential transition of John F. Kennedy Presidency (timeline) Transition First inauguration Second inauguration "Bring Us Together" Silent majority 1970 Lincoln Memorial visit State of the Union Address (1970 1973 1974) Wilson desk Judicial appointments Supreme Court controversies Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations Foreign policy Nixon Doctrine Vietnam War Cambodian bombing Paris Peace Accords "Peace with Honor" Vietnamization Cold War period Linkage policy Tar Baby Option 1972 visit to China Shanghai Communiqué 1973 Chilean coup d'état Détente 1972 Moscow Summit Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty SALT I Treaty Prevention of Nuclear War Agreement Threshold Test Ban Treaty Operation CHAOS Space exploration Economic policy Bank Secrecy Act Fair Credit Reporting Act National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1970 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 Nixon shock Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 Smithsonian Agreement Occupational Safety and Health Act National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health Occupational Safety and Health Administration Permissible exposure limit U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission Consumer Product Safety Act Lead-Based Paint Poisoning Prevention Act Poison Prevention Packaging Act of 1970 Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act Securities Investor Protection Act Securities Investor Protection Corporation Tax Reform Act of 1969 Alternative minimum tax Revenue Act of 1971 Agricultural Act of 1970 Farm Credit Act of 1971 Consolidated Farm and Rural Development Act of 1972 Agriculture and Consumer Protection Act of 1973 Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act Emergency Daylight Saving Time Energy Conservation Act Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act Environmental policy Council on Environmental Quality Environmental Quality Improvement Act National Environmental Policy Act Environmental Protection Agency Clean Air Amendments of 1970 Clean Water Act Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act National Ambient Air Quality Standards National Emissions Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants New Source Performance Standards Noise Control Act Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1970 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Coastal Zone Management Act Coastal Zone Management Program Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 Endangered Species Act of 1969 Endangered Species Act of 1973 Oil Pollution Act of 1973 Water Resources Development Act of 1974 Social policy Family Assistance Plan Revised Philadelphia Plan Minority Business Development Agency Native American policy Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Education Amendments of 1972 Title IX National Cancer Act of 1971 End Stage Renal Disease Program Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act Shafer Commission War on Drugs Drug Enforcement Administration Cannabis policy Federal Contested Elections Act Federal Election Campaign Act Voting Rights Act Amendments of 1970 District of Columbia Home Rule Act Watergate Timeline Operation Sandwedge Operation Gemstone Saturday Night Massacre CRP White House Plumbers Watergate Seven Enemies List list of opponents White House tapes United States v. Nixon (1974) Senate Watergate Committee impeachment process "I am not a crook" Resignation speech Pardon Life and politics Richard Nixon Foundation Presidential Library and Museum Birthplace and boyhood home "Last press conference" Florida White House "La Casa Pacifica" Nixon Center Nixon v. General Services Administration (1977) Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982) Death and state funeral Books Six Crises (1962) Bibliography Elections U.S. House of Representatives: 1946 1948 U.S. Senate: 1950 California gubernatorial election: 1962 GOP presidential primaries: 1960 1964 1968 1972 GOP national conventions: 1952 1956 1960 1968 campaign 1972 Presidential elections: 1952 1956 1960 debates 1968 1972 Popular culture "Nixon goes to China" Millhouse (1971 film) An Evening with Richard Nixon (1972 play) Richard (1972 film) Another Nice Mess (1972 film) Four More Years (1972 film) Impeach the President (1973 song) The Werewolf of Washington (1973 film) White House Madness (1975 film) All the President's Men (1976 film) The Public Burning (1977 novel) Washington: Behind Closed Doors (1977 miniseries) Secret Honor (1984 film) Nixon in China (1987 opera) The Final Days (1989 film) Nixon (1995 film) Elvis Meets Nixon (1997 film) Futurama (1999 TV series) Dick (1999 film) Nixon's China Game (2000 film) Dark Side of the Moon (2002 film) The Assassination of Richard Nixon (2004 film) Frost–Nixon interviews (2006 play, 2008 film) Black Dynamite (2009 film) "The Impossible Astronaut" (2011 TV episode) Our Nixon (2013 film) X-Men: Days of Future Past (2014 film) Crooked (2015 novel) Elvis & Nixon (2016 film) The Post (2017 film) Watergate (2019 board game) U.S. postage stamp Related Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act Presidential Townhouse Richard Nixon mask Staff Jack Brennan (aide de camp) Murray Chotiner (early campaign manager) Manolo Sanchez (valet) Rose Mary Woods (secretary) Family Thelma "Pat" Ryan Nixon (wife) Tricia Nixon Cox (daughter) Julie Nixon Eisenhower (daughter) Christopher Nixon Cox (grandson) Jennie Eisenhower (granddaughter) Francis A. Nixon (father) Hannah Milhous Nixon (mother) Donald Nixon (brother) Edward Nixon (brother) ← Lyndon B. Johnson Gerald Ford → ← Alben W. Barkley Lyndon B. Johnson →

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Arab–Israeli conflict is the intercommunal phenomenon involving political tension, military conflicts, and other disputes between various Arab countries and Israel, which escalated during the 20th century. The roots of the Arab–Israeli conflict have been attributed to the support by Arab League member countries for the Palestinians, a fellow League member, in the ongoing Israeli–Palestinian conflict; this in turn has been attributed to the simultaneous rise of Zionism and Arab nationalism towards the end of the 19th century, though the two national movements had not clashed until the 1920s. Part of the Palestine–Israel conflict arose from the conflicting claims by these movements to the land that formed the British Mandatory Palestine, which was regarded by the Jewish people as their ancestral homeland, while at the same time it was regarded by the Pan-Arab movement as historically and currently belonging to the Arab Palestinians,[8] and in the Pan-Islamic context, as Muslim lands. The sectarian conflict within the British Mandate territory between Palestinian Jews and Arabs escalated into a full-scale Palestinian civil war in 1947. Taking the side of the Palestinian Arabs, especially following the Israeli Declaration of Independence, the neighbouring Arab countries invaded the by-then former Mandate territory in May 1948, commencing the First Arab–Israeli War. Large-scale hostilities mostly ended with ceasefire agreements after the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Peace agreements were signed between Israel and Egypt in 1979, resulting in Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula and the abolition of the military governance system in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in favor of Israeli Civil Administration and consequent unilateral annexation of the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem. The nature of the conflict has shifted over the years from the large-scale, regional Arab–Israeli conflict to a more local Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which peaked during the 1982 Lebanon War when Israel intervened in the Lebanese Civil War to oust the Palestinian Liberation Organization from Lebanon. By 1983, Israel reached normalization with Christian-dominated Lebanese government, but the agreement was annulled the next year with Muslim and Druze militias' takeover of Beirut. With the decline of the 1987–1993 First Palestinian Intifada, the interim Oslo Accords led to the creation of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994, within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. The same year, Israel and Jordan reached a peace accord. In 2002, the Arab League offered recognition of Israel by Arab countries as part of the resolution of the Palestine–Israel conflict in the Arab Peace Initiative.[9] The initiative, which has been reconfirmed since, calls for normalizing relations between the Arab League and Israel, in exchange for a full withdrawal by Israel from the occupied territories (including East Jerusalem) and a "just settlement" of the Palestinian refugee problem based on UN Resolution 194. In the 1990s and early 2000s, a cease-fire had been largely maintained between Israel and Baathist Syria, while limited warfare continued in Lebanon vs Iranian proxy militias. Despite the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, the interim peace accords with the Palestinian Authority and the generally existing cease-fire, until the mid-2010s the Arab League and Israel had remained at odds with each other over many issues. Among Arab belligerents in the conflict, Iraq and Syria are the only states who have reached no formal peace accord or treaty with Israel, both however turning to support Iran. Developments in the course of the Syrian Civil War reshuffled the situation near Israel's northern border, putting the Syrian Arab Republic, Hezbollah and the Syrian opposition at odds with each other and complicating their relations with Israel, upon the emerging warfare with Iran. The conflict between Israel and Hamas-ruled Gaza, is also attributed to the Iran–Israel proxy conflict. By 2017, Israel and several Arab Sunni states led by Saudi Arabia formed a semi-official coalition to confront Iran. This move and the Israeli normalization with Gulf States was marked by some as the fading of the Arab–Israeli conflict.[10] Background Religious aspects of the conflict The Arab–Israeli conflict has a religious aspect, the beliefs of the various sides and their ideas and views of the chosen people in their policies with regard to the "Promised Land" and the "Chosen City" of Jerusalem.[11] The Land of Canaan or Eretz Yisrael (Land of Israel) was, according to the Hebrew Bible, promised by God to the Children of Israel. This is also mentioned in the Qur'an.[12] In his 1896 manifesto, The Jewish State, Theodor Herzl repeatedly refers to the Biblical Promised Land concept.[13] Likud is currently the most prominent Israeli political party to include the Biblical claim to the Land of Israel in its platform.[14] Muslims also claim rights to that land in accordance with the Quran.[15] Contrary to the Jewish claim that this land was promised only to the descendants of Abraham's grandson Jacob (Yisrael),[16] they argue that the Land of Canaan was promised to what they consider the elder son of Abraham, Ishmael, from whom Arabs claim descent.[15][17] Additionally, Muslims also revere many sites also holy for Biblical Israelites, such as the Cave of the Patriarchs and the Temple Mount. In the past 1,400 years, Muslims have constructed Islamic landmarks on these ancient Israelite sites, such as the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque on the Temple Mount, the holiest site in Judaism. This has brought the two groups into conflict over the rightful possession of Jerusalem. Muslim teaching is that Muhammad passed through Jerusalem on his first journey to heaven. Hamas, which governs the Gaza Strip, claims that all of the land of Palestine (the current Israeli and Palestinian territories) is an Islamic waqf that must be governed by Muslims.[18] Christian Zionists often support the State of Israel because of the ancestral right of the Jews to the Holy Land, as suggested, for instance, by the apostle Paul in his letter to the Romans, chapter 11, in the Bible. Christian Zionism teaches that the return of Jews to Israel is a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Christ.[19][20] National movements The roots of the modern Arab–Israeli conflict lie in the rise of Zionism and the reactionary Arab nationalism that arose in response to Zionism towards the end of the 19th century. Territory regarded by the Jewish people as their historical homeland is also regarded by the Pan-Arab movement as historically and presently belonging to the Palestinian Arabs. Before World War I, the Middle East, including Palestine (later Mandatory Palestine), had been under the control of the Ottoman Empire for nearly 400 years. During the closing years of their empire, the Ottomans began to espouse their Turkish ethnic identity, asserting the primacy of Turks within the empire, leading to discrimination against the Arabs.[21] The promise of liberation from the Ottomans led many Jews and Arabs to support the allied powers during World War I, leading to the emergence of widespread Arab nationalism. Both Arab nationalism and Zionism had their formulative beginning in Europe. The Zionist Congress was established in Basel in 1897, while the "Arab Club" was established in Paris in 1906. In the late 19th century European and Middle Eastern Jewish communities began to increasingly immigrate to Palestine and purchase land from the local Ottoman landlords. The population of the late 19th century in Palestine reached 600,000 – mostly Muslim Arabs, but also significant minorities of Jews, Christians, Druze and some Samaritans and Baháʼís. At that time, Jerusalem did not extend beyond the walled area and had a population of only a few tens of thousands. Collective farms, known as kibbutzim, were established, as was the first entirely Jewish city in modern times, Tel Aviv. During 1915–16, as World War I was underway, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon, secretly corresponded with Husayn ibn 'Ali, the patriarch of the Hashemite family and Ottoman governor of Mecca and Medina. McMahon convinced Husayn to lead an Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire, which was aligned with Germany against Britain and France in the war. McMahon promised that if the Arabs supported Britain in the war, the British government would support the establishment of an independent Arab state under Hashemite rule in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire, including Palestine. The Arab revolt, led by T. E. Lawrence ("Lawrence of Arabia") and Husayn's son Faysal, was successful in defeating the Ottomans, and Britain took control over much of this area. Sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine Main article: Sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine First mandate years and the Franco-Syrian war In 1917, Palestine was conquered by the British forces (including the Jewish Legion). The British government issued the Balfour Declaration, which stated that the government viewed favorably "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people" but "that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine". The Declaration was issued as a result of the belief of key members of the government, including Prime Minister David Lloyd George, that Jewish support was essential to winning the war; however, the declaration caused great disquiet in the Arab world.[22] After the war, the area came under British rule as the British Mandate of Palestine. The area mandated to the British in 1923 included what is today Israel, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Transjordan eventually was carved into a separate British protectorate – the Emirate of Transjordan, which gained an autonomous status in 1928 and achieved complete independence in 1946 with the approval by the United Nations of the end of the British Mandate. A major crisis among the Arab nationalists took place with the failed establishment of the Arab Kingdom of Syria in 1920. With the disastrous outcome of the Franco-Syrian War, the self-proclaimed Hashemite kingdom with its capital in Damascus was defeated and the Hashemite ruler took refuge in Mandatory Iraq. The crisis saw the first confrontation of nationalist Arab and Jewish forces, taking place in the Battle of Tel Hai in March 1920, but more importantly the collapse of the pan-Arabist kingdom led to the establishment of the local Palestinian version of Arab nationalism, with the return of Amin al-Husseini from Damascus to Jerusalem in late 1920. At this point in time Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine continued, while to some opinions a similar, but less documented, immigration also took place in the Arab sector, bringing workers from Syria and other neighbouring areas. Palestinian Arabs saw this rapid influx of Jewish immigrants as a threat to their homeland and their identity as a people. Moreover, Jewish policies of purchasing land and prohibiting the employment of Arabs in Jewish-owned industries and farms greatly angered the Palestinian Arab communities.[23][verification needed] Demonstrations were held as early as 1920, protesting what the Arabs felt were unfair preferences for the Jewish immigrants set forth by the British mandate that governed Palestine at the time. This resentment led to outbreaks of violence later that year, as the al-Husseini incited riots broke out in Jerusalem. Winston Churchill's 1922 White Paper tried to reassure the Arab population, denying that the creation of a Jewish state was the intention of the Balfour Declaration. 1929 events In 1929, after a demonstration by Vladimir Jabotinsky's political group Betar at the Western Wall, riots started in Jerusalem and expanded throughout Mandatory Palestine; Arabs murdered 67 Jews in the city of Hebron, in what became known as the Hebron massacre. During the week of the 1929 riots, at least 116 Arabs and 133 Jews[24] were killed and 339 wounded.[25][non-primary source needed] 1930s and 1940s A Jewish bus equipped with wire screens to protect against rock, glass, and grenade throwing, late 1930s By 1931, 17 percent of the population of Mandatory Palestine were Jews, an increase of six percent since 1922.[26] Jewish immigration peaked soon after the Nazis came to power in Germany, causing the Jewish population in British Palestine to double.[27] In the mid-1930s Izz ad-Din al-Qassam arrived from Syria and established the Black Hand, an anti-Zionist and anti-British militant organization. He recruited and arranged military training for peasants, and by 1935 he had enlisted between 200 and 800 men. The cells were equipped with bombs and firearms, which they used to kill Jewish settlers in the area, as well as engaging in a campaign of vandalism of Jewish settler plantations.[28] By 1936, escalating tensions led to the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine.[29] In response to Arab pressure,[30] the British Mandate authorities greatly reduced the number of Jewish immigrants to Palestine (see White Paper of 1939 and the SS Exodus). These restrictions remained in place until the end of the mandate, a period which coincided with the Nazi Holocaust and the flight of Jewish refugees from Europe. As a consequence, most Jewish entrants to Mandatory Palestine were considered illegal (see Aliyah Bet), causing further tensions in the region. Following several failed attempts to solve the problem diplomatically, the British asked the newly formed United Nations for help. On 15 May 1947, the General Assembly appointed a committee, the UNSCOP, composed of representatives from eleven states.[31] To make the committee more neutral, none of the Great Powers were represented.[32] After five weeks of in-country study, the Committee reported to the General Assembly on 3 September 1947.[33] The Report contained a majority and a minority plan. The majority proposed a Plan of Partition with Economic Union. The minority proposed The Independent State of Palestine. With only slight modifications, the Plan of Partition with Economic Union was the one the adoption and implementation of which was recommended in resolution 181(II) of 29 November 1947.[34] The Resolution was adopted by 33 votes to 13 with 10 abstentions. All six Arab states who were UN-members voted against it. On the ground, Arab and Jewish Palestinians were fighting openly to control strategic positions in the region. Several major atrocities were committed by both sides.[35] Civil war in Mandatory Palestine Main article: 1947–1948 civil war in Mandatory Palestine Map comparing the borders of the 1947 partition plan and the armistice of 1949. Boundaries defined in the 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine: Area assigned for a Jewish state Area assigned for an Arab state Planned Corpus separatum with the intention that Jerusalem would be neither Jewish nor Arab Armistice Demarcation Lines of 1949 (Green Line): Israeli controlled territory from 1949 Egyptian and Jordanian controlled territory from 1948 until 1967 In the weeks prior to the end of the mandate the Haganah launched a number of offensives in which they gained control over all the territory allocated by the UN to the Jewish State, creating a large number of refugees and capturing the towns of Tiberias, Haifa, Safad, Beisan and, in effect, Jaffa. Early in 1948 the United Kingdom announced its firm intention to terminate its mandate in Palestine on 14 May.[36] In response, US President Harry S. Truman made a statement on 25 March proposing UN trusteeship rather than partition, stating that unfortunately, it has become clear that the partition plan cannot be carried out at this time by peaceful means. ... unless emergency action is taken, there will be no public authority in Palestine on that date capable of preserving law and order. Violence and bloodshed will descend upon the Holy Land. Large-scale fighting among the people of that country will be the inevitable result.[37] History For a chronological guide, see Timeline of the Arab–Israeli conflict. 1948 Arab–Israeli War Main article: 1948 Arab–Israeli War On 14 May 1948, the day on which the British Mandate over Palestine expired, the Jewish People's Council gathered at the Tel Aviv Museum and approved a proclamation that declared the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz Israel, to be known as the State of Israel. The declaration was made by David Ben-Gurion, the Executive Head of the World Zionist Organization.[38] There were no mention of the borders of the new state other than that it was in Eretz Israel. An official cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the UN Secretary-General on 15 May 1948 stated publicly that Arab Governments found "themselves compelled to intervene for the sole purpose of restoring peace and security and establishing law and order in Palestine" (Clause 10(e)). Further in Clause 10(e): The Governments of the Arab States hereby confirm at this stage the view that had been repeatedly declared by them on previous occasions, such as the London Conference and before the United Nations mainly, the only fair and just solution to the problem of Palestine is the creation of United State of Palestine based upon the democratic principles ... That day, the armies of Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Iraq invaded what had just ceased to be the British Mandate, marking the beginning of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The nascent Israeli Defense Force repulsed the Arab nations from part of the occupied territories, thus extending its borders beyond the original UNSCOP partition.[39] By December 1948, Israel controlled most of the portion of Mandate Palestine west of the Jordan River. The remainder of the Mandate consisted of Jordan, the area that came to be called the West Bank (controlled by Jordan), and the Gaza Strip (controlled by Egypt). Prior to and during this conflict, 713,000[40] Palestinian Arabs fled their original lands to become Palestinian refugees, in part due to a promise from Arab leaders that they would be able to return when the war had been won, and also in part due to attacks on Palestinian villages and towns by Israeli forces and Jewish militant groups.[41] During the war, official Israeli documents subsequently uncovered by Benny Morris and Benjamin Kedar have revealed that Israel conducted a biological warfare campaign codenamed "Cast Thy Bread" to covertly poison Palestinian wells to prevent villagers from returning.[42][43][44] Many Palestinians fled from the areas that are now Israel as a response to massacres of Arab towns by militant Jewish organizations like the Irgun and the Lehi (group) (See Deir Yassin massacre). The War came to an end with the signing of the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and each of its Arab neighbours. The status of Jewish citizens in Arab states worsened during the 1948 Israeli-Arab war. Anti-Jewish riots erupted throughout the Arab World in December 1947, and Jewish communities were hit particularly hard in Aleppo and British-controlled Aden, with hundreds of dead and injured. In Libya, Jews were deprived of citizenship, and in Iraq, their property was seized.[needs context][45] Egypt expelled most of its foreign community, including Jews, after the Suez War 1956,[46] while Algeria denied its French citizens, including Jews, of citizenship upon its independence in 1962.[47] Over the course of twenty years, some 850,000 Jews from Arab countries immigrated to Israel and other countries.[48] 1949–1967 As a result of Israel's victory in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, any Arabs caught on the wrong side of the ceasefire line were unable to return to their homes in what became Israel. Likewise, any Jews on the West Bank or in Gaza were exiled from their property and homes to Israel. Today's Palestinian refugees are the descendants of those who left, the responsibility for their exodus being a matter of dispute between the Israeli and the Palestinian side.[49][50]: 114  Historian Benny Morris has claimed that the "decisive cause" for the abandonment by Palestinian Arabs of their settlements was predominantly related to, or caused by, actions of the Jewish forces (citing actual physical expulsions, military assaults on settlements, fear of being caught up in fighting, the fall of nearby settlements, and propaganda inciting flight), while abandonment due to orders by the Arab leadership was decisive in only six out of the 392 depopulated Arab settlements analysed by him.[50]: xiv–xviii  Over 700,000 Jews emigrated to Israel between 1948 and 1952, with approximately 285,000 of them from Arab countries.[51][52] In 1956, Egypt closed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping, and blockaded the Gulf of Aqaba, in contravention of the Constantinople Convention of 1888. Many argued that this was also a violation of the 1949 Armistice Agreements.[53][54][failed verification] On 26 July 1956, Egypt nationalized the Suez Canal Company, and closed the canal to Israeli shipping.[55] Israel responded on 29 October 1956, by invading the Sinai Peninsula with British and French military support. During the Suez Crisis, Israel captured the Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula. The United States and the United Nations soon pressured it into a ceasefire.[55][56] Israel agreed to withdraw from Egyptian territory. Egypt agreed to freedom of navigation in the region and the demilitarization of the Sinai. The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) was created and deployed to oversee the demilitarization.[57] The UNEF was only deployed on the Egyptian side of the border, as Israel refused to allow them on its territory.[58] Israel completed work on a national water carrier, a huge engineering project designed to transfer Israel's allocation of the Jordan river's waters towards the south of the country in realization of Ben-Gurion's dream of mass Jewish settlement of the Negev desert. The Arabs responded by trying to divert the headwaters of the Jordan, leading to growing conflict between Israel and Syria.[59] The PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization) was first established in 1964, under a charter including a commitment to "[t]he liberation of Palestine [which] will destroy the Zionist and imperialist presence..." (PLO Charter, Article 22, 1968). On 19 May 1967, Egypt expelled UNEF observers,[60] and deployed 100,000 soldiers in the Sinai Peninsula.[61] It again closed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping,[62][63] returning the region to the way it was in 1956 when Israel was blockaded. On 30 May 1967, Jordan signed a mutual defense pact with Egypt. Egypt mobilized Sinai units, crossing UN lines (after having expelled the UN border monitors) and mobilized and massed on Israel's southern border. On 5 June, Israel launched an attack on Egypt. The Israeli Air Force (IAF) destroyed most of the Egyptian Air Force in a surprise attack, then turned east to destroy the Jordanian, Syrian and Iraqi air forces.[64] This strike was the crucial element in Israel's victory in the Six-Day War.[61][63] At the war's end, Israel had gained control of the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), Shebaa farms, and the Golan Heights. The results of the war affect the geopolitics of the region to this day. 1967–1973 See also: Closure of the Suez Canal (1967–1975) Egyptian forces crossing the Suez Canal on 7 October 1973 At the end of August 1967, Arab leaders met in Khartoum in response to the war, to discuss the Arab position toward Israel. They reached consensus that there should be no recognition, no peace, and no negotiations with the State of Israel, the so-called "three no's",[65] which according to Abd al Azim Ramadan, left only one option – a war with Israel.[66] In 1968, American senator Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated following a speech at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, California. The assassin, Sirhan Sirhan, was a Palestinian-Jordanian Arab Christian[67][68] who cited Kennedy's support for Israel during the Six-Day War as his motive for the killing;[69] Sirhan was sentenced to life in prison. Some scholars described Kennedy's murder as the first spillover of the Arab-Israeli conflict (and in particular the Israeli–Palestinian conflict) on American soil.[70] In 1969, Egypt initiated the War of Attrition, with the goal of exhausting Israel into surrendering the Sinai Peninsula.[71] The war ended following Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. Once Sadat took over, he tried to forge positive relations with the US, hoping that they would put pressure on Israel to return the land, by expelling 15,000 Russian advisors from Egypt.[72] On 6 October 1973, Syria and Egypt staged a surprise attack on Israel on Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. The Israeli military were caught off guard and unprepared, and took about three days to fully mobilize.[73][74] This led other Arab states to send troops to reinforce the Egyptians and Syrians. In addition, these Arab countries agreed to enforce an oil embargo on industrial nations including the U.S., Japan and Western European Countries. These OPEC countries increased the price of oil fourfold, and used it as a political weapon to gain support against Israel.[75] The Yom Kippur War accommodated indirect confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union. When Israel had turned the tide of war, the USSR threatened military intervention. The United States, wary of nuclear war, secured a ceasefire on 25 October.[73][74] 1974–2000 Egypt Further information: Egypt–Israel relations Begin, Carter and Sadat at Camp David Following the Camp David Accords of the late 1970s, Israel and Egypt signed a peace treaty in March 1979. Under its terms, the Sinai Peninsula returned to Egyptian hands, and the Gaza Strip remained under Israeli control, to be included in a future Palestinian state. The agreement also provided for the free passage of Israeli ships through the Suez Canal and recognition of the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba as international waterways. Jordan Further information: Israel–Jordan relations In October 1994, Israel and Jordan signed a peace agreement, which stipulated mutual cooperation, an end of hostilities, the fixing of the Israel-Jordan border, and a resolution of other issues. The conflict between them had cost roughly 18.3 billion dollars. Its signing is also closely linked with the efforts to create peace between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) representing the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). It was signed at the southern border crossing of Arabah on 26 October 1994 and made Jordan only the second Arab country (after Egypt) to sign a peace accord with Israel. Iraq Further information: Iraq–Israel relations Israel and Iraq have been implacable foes since 1948. Iraq sent its troops to participate in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, and later backed Egypt and Syria in the 1967 Six-Day War and in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. In June 1981, Israel attacked and destroyed newly built Iraqi nuclear facilities in Operation Opera. During the Gulf War in 1991, Iraq fired 39 Scud missiles into Israel, in the hopes of uniting the Arab world against the coalition which sought to liberate Kuwait. At the behest of the United States, Israel did not respond to this attack in order to prevent a greater outbreak of war. Lebanon Main article: Israeli–Lebanese conflict Further information: Israel–Lebanon relations and Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon In 1970, following an extended civil war, King Hussein expelled the Palestine Liberation Organization from Jordan. September 1970 is known as the Black September in Arab history and sometimes is referred to as the "era of regrettable events". It was a month when Hashemite King Hussein of Jordan moved to quash the autonomy of Palestinian organisations and restore his monarchy's rule over the country.[76] The violence resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of people, the vast majority Palestinians.[77] Armed conflict lasted until July 1971 with the expulsion of the PLO and thousands of Palestinian fighters to Lebanon. The PLO resettled in Lebanon, where it began to extend a de facto autonomous rule and from which it staged raids into Israel. PLO was one of the major factors for sectarian destabilization of Lebanon and the eruption of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975. In 1978, Israel launched Operation Litani, in which it together with the Free Lebanon Army forced the PLO to retreat north of the Litani river. In 1981 another conflict between Israel and the PLO broke out, which ended with a ceasefire agreement that did not solve the core of the conflict. In June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon in alliance with Christian factions of the Lebanese government. Within two months the PLO agreed to withdraw thence. In March 1983, Israel and Lebanon signed a normalization agreement. However, Syria pressured President Amine Gemayel into nullifying the truce in March 1984, following . By 1985, Israeli forces withdrew to a 15 km wide southern strip of Lebanon, following which the conflict continued on a lower scale, with relatively low casualties on both sides. In 1993 and 1996, Israel launched major operations against the Shiite militia of Hezbollah, which had become an emergent threat. In May 2000, the newly elected government of Ehud Barak authorized a withdrawal from Southern Lebanon, fulfilling an election promise to do so well ahead of a declared deadline. The hasty withdrawal lead to the immediate collapse of the South Lebanon Army, and many members either got arrested or fled to Israel. Palestinians Further information: Israeli–Palestinian conflict The 1970s were marked by a large number of major, international terrorist attacks, including the Lod Airport massacre and the Munich Olympics Massacre in 1972, and the Entebbe Hostage Taking in 1976, with over 100 Jewish hostages of different nationalities kidnapped and held in Uganda. In December 1987, the First Intifada began. The First Intifada was a mass Palestinian uprising against Israeli rule in the Palestinian territories.[78] The rebellion began in the Jabalia refugee camp and quickly spread throughout Gaza and the West Bank. Palestinian actions ranged from civil disobedience to violence. In addition to general strikes, boycotts on Israeli products, graffiti and barricades, Palestinian demonstrations that included stone-throwing by youths against the Israel Defense Forces brought the Intifada international attention. The Israeli army's heavy handed response to the demonstrations, with live ammunition, beatings and mass arrests, brought international condemnation. The PLO, which until then had never been recognised as the leaders of the Palestinian people by Israel, was invited to peace negotiations the following year, after it recognized Israel and renounced terrorism. Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser Arafat at the Oslo Accords signing ceremony on 13 September 1993 In mid-1993, Israeli and Palestinian representatives engaged in peace talks in Oslo, Norway. As a result, in September 1993, Israel and the PLO signed the Oslo Accords, known as the Declaration of Principles or Oslo I. In side letters, Israel recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, while the PLO recognized the right of the state of Israel to exist and renounced terrorism, violence and its desire for the destruction of Israel. The Oslo II agreement was signed in 1995 and detailed the division of the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C. Area A was land under full Palestinian civilian control, and Palestinians were also responsible for internal security. The Oslo agreements remain important documents in Israeli-Palestinian relations. 2000–2005 The Al-Aqsa Intifada forced Israel to rethink its relationship and policies towards the Palestinians. Following a series of suicide bombings and attacks, the Israeli army launched Operation Defensive Shield in March 2002. It was the largest military operation conducted by Israel since the Six-Day War.[79] As violence between the Israeli army and Palestinian militants intensified, Israel expanded its security apparatus around the West Bank by re-taking many parts of land in Area A. Israel established a complicated system of roadblocks and checkpoints around major Palestinian areas to deter violence and protect Israeli settlements. However, since 2008, the IDF has slowly transferred authority to Palestinian security forces.[80][81][82] Israel's then prime minister Ariel Sharon began a policy of disengagement from the Gaza Strip in 2003. This policy was fully implemented in August 2005.[83] Sharon's announcement to disengage from Gaza came as a tremendous shock to his critics both on the left and on the right. A year previously, he had commented that the fate of the most far-flung settlements in Gaza, Netzararem and Kfar Darom, was regarded in the same light as that of Tel Aviv.[84] The formal announcements to evacuate seventeen Gaza settlements and another four in the West Bank in February 2004 represented the first reversal for the settler movement since 1968, dividing Sharon's party. It was strongly supported by Trade and Industry Minister Ehud Olmert and Tzipi Livni, the Minister for Immigration and Absorption, but Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom and Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu strongly condemned it. It was also uncertain at the time whether this was simply the beginning of further evacuation.[85] Shift to Iranian–Israeli conflict (2006–present) Further information: Iran–Israel proxy conflict Israel's conflicts with Hamas and Hezbollah In June 2006, Hamas militants infiltrated an army post near the Israeli side of the Gaza Strip and abducted Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Two IDF soldiers were killed in the attack, while Shalit was wounded after his tank was hit with an RPG. Three days later Israel launched Operation Summer Rains to secure the release of Shalit.[86] He was held hostage by Hamas, who barred the International Red Cross from seeing him, until 18 October 2011, when he was exchanged for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners.[87][88] In July 2006, Hezbollah fighters crossed the border from Lebanon into Israel, attacked and killed eight Israeli soldiers, and abducted two others as hostages, setting off the 2006 Lebanon War, which caused much destruction in Lebanon.[89] A UN-sponsored ceasefire went into effect on 14 August 2006, officially ending the conflict.[90] The conflict killed over a thousand Lebanese and over 150 Israelis,[91][92][93][94][95][96] severely damaged Lebanese civil infrastructure, and displaced approximately one million Lebanese[97] and 300,000–500,000 Israelis, although most were able to return to their homes.[98][99][100] After the ceasefire, some parts of Southern Lebanon remained uninhabitable due to Israeli unexploded cluster bomblets.[101] In the Battle of Gaza in June 2007, Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip in a violent civil war with rival Fatah. In the aftermath, Israel placed restrictions on its border with Gaza and ended economic cooperation with the Palestinian leadership based there. Israel and Egypt have imposed a blockade of the Gaza Strip since 2007. Israel maintains the blockade is necessary to limit Palestinian rocket attacks from Gaza and to prevent Hamas from smuggling advanced rockets and weapons capable of hitting its cities.[102] On 6 September 2007, in Operation Orchard, Israel bombed an eastern Syrian complex which was allegedly a nuclear reactor being built with assistance from North Korea.[103] Israel had also bombed Syria in 2003. In April 2008, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad told a Qatari newspaper that Syria and Israel had been discussing a peace treaty for a year, with Turkey as a go-between. This was confirmed in May 2008 by a spokesman for Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. As well as a peace treaty, the future of the Golan Heights was discussed. President Assad said "there would be no direct negotiations with Israel until a new US president takes office."[104] Speaking in Jerusalem on 26 August 2008, then United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice criticized Israel's increased settlement construction in the West Bank as detrimental to the peace process. Rice's comments came amid reports that Israeli construction in the disputed territory had increased by a factor of 1.8 over 2007 levels.[105] A fragile six-month truce between Hamas and Israel expired on 19 December 2008;[106] attempts at extending the truce failed amid accusations of breaches from both sides.[107][108][109][110] Following the expiration, Israel launched a raid on a tunnel suspected of being used to kidnap Israeli soldiers, which killed several Hamas fighters.[111] Following this, Hamas resumed rocket and mortar attacks on Israeli cities, most notably firing over 60 rockets on 24 December. On 27 December 2008, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead against Hamas. Numerous human rights organizations accused Israel and Hamas of committing war crimes.[112] In 2009 Israel placed a 10-month settlement freeze on the West Bank. Then United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton praised the freeze as an "unprecedented" gesture that could "help revive Middle East talks."[113][114] A raid was carried out by Israeli naval forces on six ships of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla in May 2010[115] after the ships refused to dock at Port Ashdod. On the MV Mavi Marmara, activists clashed with the Israeli boarding party. During the fighting, nine activists were killed by Israeli special forces. Widespread international condemnation of and reaction to the raid followed, Israel–Turkey relations were strained, and Israel subsequently eased its blockade on the Gaza Strip.[116][117][118][119] Several dozen other passengers and seven Israeli soldiers were injured,[117] with some of the commandos suffering from gunshot wounds.[120][121] Following the 2010-2011 round of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, 13 Palestinian militant movements led by Hamas initiated a terror campaign designed to derail and disrupt the negotiations.[122] Attacks on Israelis increased after August 2010, when 4 Israeli civilians were killed by Hamas militants. Palestinian militants also increased the frequency of rocket attacks aimed at Israelis. On 2 August 2010, Hamas militants launched seven Katyusha rockets at Eilat and Aqaba, killing one Jordanian civilian and wounding 4 others.[123] Israel and Palestine Recognition of only Israel Recognition of Israel, with some relations to Palestine Recognition of both Israel and Palestine Recognition of Palestine, with some relations to Israel Recognition of only Palestine No data Intermittent fighting continued since then, including 680 rocket attacks on Israel in 2011.[124] On 14 November 2012, Israel killed Ahmed Jabari, a leader of Hamas's military wing, launching Operation Pillar of Cloud.[125] Hamas and Israel agreed to an Egyptian-mediated ceasefire on 21 November.[126] The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights said that 158 Palestinians were killed during the operation, of which: 102 were civilians, 55 were militants and one was a policeman; 30 were children and 13 were women.[127][128] B'Tselem stated that according to its initial findings, which covered only the period between 14 and 19 November 102 Palestinians were killed in the Gaza Strip, 40 of them civilians. According to Israeli figures, 120 combatants and 57 civilians were killed.[129] International outcry ensued, with many criticizing Israel for what much of the international community perceived as a disproportionately violent response.[130] However, the governments of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, France, Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic and Netherlands expressed support for Israel's right to defend itself, and/or condemned the Hamas rocket attacks on Israel.[131][132][133][134][135][136][137][138][139][140][141] Following an escalation of rocket attacks by Hamas, Israel started an operation in the Gaza Strip on 8 July 2014.[142] In May 2021, another round of fighting took place in Gaza, lasting eleven days.[143] During Syrian Civil War Main articles: Iran–Israel conflict during the Syrian civil war and Israeli–Syrian ceasefire line incidents during the Syrian civil war Israel's military role in the Syrian Civil War has been limited to missile strikes,[144][145] which until 2017 were not officially acknowledged. While the Israeli official position is neutrality in the conflict, Israel is opposed to Iran's presence in Syria. Israel has provided humanitarian aid to Syrian war victims, an effort that was drastically geared up since June 2016 when the Operation Good Neighbour was launched by the Israeli military. There are many different national interests playing a role in the war. One of them is Iran, which Israel is concerned could gain too much regional influence. Iranian proxies such as Hezbollah are suspected of carrying out attacks against Israeli positions on the borders to Syria and Lebanon, and Israel is suspected of carrying out air strikes against convoys transporting weapons to such organisations. On 9 December 2017, US president Donald Trump announced the United States recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, prompting condemnation by other world leaders as well as the 2018 Gaza border protests. The new United States Embassy opened in Jerusalem on 14 May 2018. Israeli normalization with Gulf states and Sudan Main articles: Arab–Israeli alliance against Iran and Abraham Accords The Arab–Israeli alliance against Iran emerged by November 2017,[146] upon warming ties between Israel and the Gulf States and received broad media attention in light of the February 2019 Warsaw Conference. The coordination took place in light of the mutual regional security interests of Israel and Sunni Arab States led by Saudi Arabia,[147] and their standoff against Iranian interests across the Middle East - the Iran–Israel proxy conflict and the Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict. The Arab states participating in the coordination group are the core of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Those include Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Oman.[148] In 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu led a delegation to Oman and met with Sultan Qaboos and other senior Omani officials.[149] In February 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Chairman of the Sovereignty Council of Sudan, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, met in Uganda, where they both agreed to normalize the ties between the two countries.[150] Later that month, Israeli planes were allowed to fly over Sudan.[151] This was followed by the Abraham Accords[152] which were agreed to by Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on 13 August 2020, and Bahrain shortly thereafter. The treaty was intended to settle relations between the two countries. Concurrently, Israel agreed to suspend plans for the annexation of the Jordan Valley.[153] During the 2023 Hamas-Israel War, the Arab League countries regrained from officially interfering in the conflict initiated by the Iranian proxy Hamas. According to Foreign Affairs, the Hamas War has fractured the Arab World,[154] and Hamas failed to raise support across the Middle East,[155] except among Iranian-affiliated organizations and regimes. While Arab leaders at the Cairo summit on October 21st 2023 condemned Israeli bombardment of Gaza,[156] Egypt said it had hoped participants would call for peace and resume efforts to resolve the decades-long Palestinian quest for statehood and there was no joint summit statement.[157] Notable wars and violent events Time Name Deaths[7] Result 1948–1949 First Arab–Israeli War 6,373 Israelis 10,000 Arabs Israeli victory, independence confirmed 1951–1955 Palestinian Fedayeen insurgency 967 Israelis 5,000 Palestinians Israeli victory 1956 Suez War 231 Israelis 3,000 Egyptians Israeli military victory, Egyptian political victory Israeli occupation of the Sinai Peninsula until March 1957 1967 The Six-Day War 776 Israelis 18,300 Arabs Israeli victory Israel captures and occupies the Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria 1967–1970 War of Attrition 1,424 Israelis 5,000 Egyptians Both sides claim victory, continued Israeli control of Sinai 1971–1982 Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon Israeli victory 1973 Yom Kippur War 2,688 Israelis 19,000 Arabs Israeli victory, Arab offensives repulsed Camp David Accords followed by Egypt–Israel peace treaty; Israel returns Sinai Peninsula in exchange for mutual recognition 1978 First South Lebanon conflict Israeli victory, PLO expelled from southern Lebanon 1982 First Lebanon War 1,216 Israelis 20,825 Arabs Israeli tactical victory but strategic failure Syrian political advantage PLO expelled from Lebanon 1985–2000 South Lebanon conflict 559 Israelis 621 soldiers of the South Lebanon Army 1,276 Hezbollah soldiers Hezbollah victory Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon 1987–1993 First Palestinian Intifada 200 Israelis 1,162 Palestinians Israeli victory, uprising suppressed 1991 Iraqi rocket attacks on Israel At least 13 Israelis Iraqi strategic failure, Iraq fails to provoke Israeli retaliation 2000–2004 Al-Aqsa Intifada 1,100 Israelis 4,907 Palestinians Israeli victory, uprising suppressed 2006 Second Lebanon War 121 Israeli soldiers, 44 civilians At least 600 Hezbollah and various other militias 43 Lebanese soldiers, 1,191 civilians Inconclusive 2023 Israel-Hamas War (As of Nov 3, 2023) At least 1439 Israelis At least 10,000 Palestinians 68 Lebanese 16 Syrians Ongoing Cost of conflict See also: Arab League boycott of Israel A report by the Strategic Foresight Group estimated the opportunity cost of conflict for the Middle East from 1991 to 2010 at $12 trillion. The report's opportunity cost calculates the peace GDP of countries in the Middle East by comparing the current GDP to the potential GDP in times of peace. Israel's share is almost $1 trillion, with Iraq and Saudi Arabia having approximately $2.2 and $4.5 trillion, respectively. For example, had there been peace and cooperation between Israel and Arab League nations since 1991, the average Israeli citizen would be earning over $44,000 instead of $23,000 in 2010.[158] In terms of the human cost, it is estimated that the conflict has taken 92,000 lives (74,000 military and 18,000 civilian from 1945 to 1995).[159][page needed] See also One-state solution Two-state solution International law and the Arab–Israeli conflict Media coverage of the Arab–Israeli conflict Arab League and the Arab–Israeli conflict Soviet Union and the Arab–Israeli conflict Foreign relations of Israel Iran–Israel proxy conflict Israel–European Union relations Timeline of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict Occupation of the Gaza Strip by Egypt Jordanian annexation of the West Bank Policide Egypt–Israel relations Israel–Turkey relations Jewish-Islamic conflict in the days of Muhammad Conflict: Middle East Political Simulator Civil defense in Israel List of wars involving Israel Israeli casualties of war Palestinian casualties of war Palestinian political violence Sykes–Picot Agreement Zionist political violence List of wars by death toll History of the Israel Defense Forces List of modern conflicts in the Middle East Notes References Morris, Benny (2008), 1948: The First Arab-Israeli War, Yale University Press, p.205, New Haven, ISBN 978-0-300-12696-9. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Police misconduct is inappropriate conduct and illegal actions taken by police officers in connection with their official duties. Types of misconduct include among others: sexual offences, coerced false confession, intimidation, false arrest, false imprisonment, falsification of evidence, spoliation of evidence, police perjury, witness tampering, police brutality, police corruption, racial profiling, unwarranted surveillance, unwarranted searches, and unwarranted seizure of property. Types of police misconduct Types of police misconduct include: Bribing or lobbying legislators to pass or maintain laws that give police excessive power or status Similarly, bribing or lobbying city council members to pass or maintain municipal laws that make victimless acts ticket-able (e.g. bicycling on the sidewalk), so as to get more money Selective enforcement ("throwing the book at" people who one dislikes; this is often related to racial discrimination) Sexual misconduct[1] Off-duty misconduct[2] Killing of dogs unjustly[3] Noble cause corruption, where the officer believes the good outcomes justify bad behavior[4] Using badge or other ID to gain entry into concerts, to get discounts, etc.[how?] Influence of drugs or alcohol while on duty Violations by officers of police procedural policies Abusive police procedures Police officers often share what is known in the United States as a "blue code of silence" which means that they do not turn each other in for misconduct. While some officers have called this code a myth,[5] a 2005 survey found evidence that it exists.[6] A 2019 study in the journal Nature found that misconduct by one police officer substantially increased the likelihood that peer officers would also engage in misconduct.[7][8] In addition to the blue code of silence, police misconduct also can lead to a miscarriage of justice and sometimes the obstruction of justice. At least 85,000 officers in the US have been investigated for misconduct, and some are constantly under investigation; nearly 2,500 have been investigated on 10 or more charges.[9] In an effort to control police misconduct, there is an accelerating trend for civilian agencies to engage directly in investigations and to have greater inputs into disciplinary decisions. Additionally, individuals and groups are now filming police activities in an effort to make them accountable for their actions. With the proliferation of smart devices capable of high-quality video recording, instances of police misconduct and abuse are gaining attention on social media platforms and video-hosting sites such as YouTube. To protect their interests, some officers have resorted to verbal intimidation as well as physical violence against civilians attempting to record their misdeeds. In other circumstances, police will illegally seize, destroy or delete evidence recorded by civilians, in spite of laws that make it a crime to destroy evidence of a crime being committed.[10][11] Contributors and prediction Police misconduct is sometimes associated with conscious or unconscious discrimination. Misconduct has been shown to be related to personality and correlated to education, but it can also be significantly affected by the culture of the police agency.[12] Education is negatively correlated to misconduct, with better-educated officers receiving fewer complaints on average.[13] Some analyses have found that changes in structural disadvantage, population mobility, and immigrant population have been associated with changes in police misconduct. Social disorganization may create a context for police misconduct because residents may not have in place the social networks necessary to organize against police malpractice.[14] The fact that most police officers enjoy broad discretion and minimal supervision has been cited as increasing opportunities for police misconduct.[15] Video and audio recording Many police cars are now equipped with recording systems, which can deter, document or rebut police misconduct during traffic stops. Usually, the recordings have rebutted claims of police misconduct according to a 2004 study by the International Association of Chiefs of Police and Community Oriented Policing Service;[16] future innovations in recording equipment could allow an officer's entire workday to be recorded.[16] Some transparency advocates believe that such cameras should be installed in all police cruisers to ensure accountability.[17] Some police departments have experimented with Taser cameras that automatically begin recording when the Taser is deployed.[18] The Cato Institute recommends that police record all no-knock raids.[19] In recent times, police departments have been trying to implement the body camera as a step to fixing misconduct. The police departments in Pittsburgh have been trying body cameras on their officers to see both the positive and negative aspects of using body cameras.[20] Recording by witnesses has made a significant impact on the notability and handling of police incidence[according to whom?], such as the Rodney King beating. Advantages and Disadvantages of Body Worn Cameras - Police Misconduct Although body worn cameras(BWCs) can record several situations involving law enforcement misbehavior, the key question is whether they're able to also prevent it. In an effort to enhance interactions between the police and the community, several police departments are beginning to use BWCs. Which agencies are implementing them and which police agencies are not? In this article, the authors highlight how not all police departments around the nation are utilizing video recording technology. Law enforcement agencies who do not believe the new technology is necessary, who indicate a lack of support for BWC adoption from the agency's leadership and from patrol personnel, and who have privacy and cost-related concerns, report resistance to the use of BWCs. Police departments that registered a higher percentage of complaints for the excessive use of physical force are significantly more likely to be against the adoption of BWCs, even though the authors' discussion of the perceived lack of public support for the adoption of BWCs does not distinguish between agencies that intend to acquire BWCs and agencies that do not. Police agencies who have already purchased other types of recording technology have a substantially higher level of support for the use of BWCs. Results showed that law enforcement agencies located in US states with strong police unions are more likely to show resistance to the adoption of BWCs soon, even though recent state level legislative changes related to BWCs do not have a significant impact on BWC adoption decisions at the organization level.[21] Studies on BWC toward police misconduct Some studies suggest that body-worn cameras may offer benefits while others show either no impact or possible negative effects when it comes to police misbehavior and many police agencies choosing whether to use BWCs in hopes of reducing police misconduct or strengthen the police and community ties.[22] As an example, some studies have examined the claimed benefits of BWCs, including the ability to reduce citizen complaints and police use of force.[23] Early research claimed that using BWCs lowered both outcomes significantly, but several subsequent investigations have failed to find similar results.[24] for example, one study based on data from a randomized controlled trial conducted by the Spokane (WA) Police Department in which BWCs were issued to about 82 patrol officers in May and the remaining officers in November of the same year. This research evaluates the influence of BWCs on use of force, complaints against police, and officer injuries using more than three years' worth of official department data, both before and after the deployment of BWCs.[25] Another study examines how BWCs are marketed as a technological improvement that will result in more pleasant interactions between police and residents.[26] There have been attempts to explain how BWCs impact various policing outcomes, but little research has been done on how BWCs influence assaults on police. In this current study is limited to a few jurisdictions and has minimal relevance to a broader spectrum of police organizations. This study explores the relationship between BWCs and police victimization by focusing on total assaults and attacks with guns against police officers using data from a sample of 516 police organizations. The data show that BWC usage is negatively associated with police victimization.[26] The study concludes that BWCs can help prevent the occurrence of both moderate and severe violence against police in a variety of circumstances and among a wide spectrum of law enforcement organizations.[26] Although there are many studies on why implementing BWCs in the hope of reducing police misconduct and the use of force by law enforcement toward citizens, there are many studies that also show the challenges that come with implementing BWCs. Techno-fixes by themselves will not resolve underlying issues of fractured community–police relations, including ongoing issues of racial and ethnic antagonism and colonialism, and may even exacerbate these tensions.[27] True reform requires establishing bonds of trust between communities and police that acknowledge the importance of procedural treatment, which may be supported by but are not dependent on BWCs.[28] Mobile devices As digital recording technology usage has increased, especially using cell phones, there have been more cases of civilians capturing video of alleged police misconduct.[10][29] In response, members of law enforcement have begun using eavesdropping and wiretapping laws to charge civilians who record police without their knowledge. Some police organizations such as the Fraternal Order of Police support the prosecutions.[30] In Illinois, from 1994 to 2014, recording police without consent was a class 1 felony that could carry a prison term of 15 years.[31] In a May 2012 ruling, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled 2-1 that the statute "likely violates the First Amendment's free-speech and free-press guarantees".[32] On 30 December 2014, then-Governor Pat Quinn signed into law an amendment to the Statute, PA 98–1142, which decriminalized the recording of law enforcement officers in the performance of their duties in public places or in circumstances in which the officers have no reasonable expectation of privacy.[33] Most charges involving recording police are dropped or dismissed as courts have ruled on-duty police officers in public have no reasonable expectation of privacy.[10] However, police "can use vaguer charges, such as interfering with a police officer, refusing to obey a lawful order, obstructing an arrest or police action, or disorderly conduct". Perjury put along with this is lying under oath and giving false charges.[30] Arrests for these charges are more common, as are incidents of police illegally confiscating cameras, deleting evidence or misinforming citizens they cannot film. This video evidence has played a key role in raising public awareness of police misconduct during and after an incident such as the BART Police shooting of Oscar Grant, Death of Ian Tomlinson, Robert Dziekański death.[34] Noted cases Mexico City's Police Chief, Arturo Durazo Moreno, was arrested in 1984. Australia In 1987, the Fitzgerald Inquiry was launched in response to allegations of misconduct within the Queensland Police Service, before later being expanded to investigate allegations of corruption within the Queensland Government. At the conclusion of the inquiry, several senior police figures and government ministers were charged and jailed for various corruption offences. The inquiry led to the resignation of then Queensland Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen, who was later charged with perjury before the case was abandoned due to a hung jury.[35] In the mid-1990s, a Royal Commission was established to investigate allegations of corruption and misconduct within the New South Wales Police Service (later changed to New South Wales Police Force). The commission found that there was “systematic and entrenched” corruption within the organization, with adverse findings being made against 284 officers, seven of whom were jailed for various offences.[36] In 2001, New South Wales Police were given the power to deploy drug detection dogs at certain public locations across the state – namely at major events, train stations and licensed venues.[37] More recently, the practice has been criticized due to reports of officers routinely using indications from drug detection dogs as a justification for conducting strip searches, particularly at major public events such as music festivals (see New South Wales Police Force Strip Search Scandal).[38][39] In 2018, an inquiry was launched by the state’s police watchdog, who found that in several cases, officers had acted unlawfully.[40] In 2022, a class action pertaining to strip searches conducted at music festivals from July 2016 onward was filed in the state’s Supreme Court.[41] Bahrain During Bahraini uprising of 2011, the police forces of Bahrain were known for their heavy handedness. Many protesters and even medical staff who attended to the injured, were arrested.[42] Brazil For broader coverage of this topic, see Law enforcement in Brazil § Misconduct. Further information: Human rights in Brazil Brazil has a historical problem and police violence incluing summary executions. Around 6,175 people were killed by police in 2018 and 6,416 in 2020, totaling 37,029 deaths since 2013.[43][44] Police approach civil population in the brazilian Federal District. Police violence is one of the most internationally recognized human rights abuses in Brazil. The problem of urban violence focuses on the perpetual struggle between police and residents of high crime favelas such as the areas portrayed in the film City of God and mainly Elite Squad. Police response in many parts of Brazil is extremely violent, including summary execution and torture of suspects. According to Global Justice, in 2003, the police killed 1,195 people in the State of Rio de Janeiro alone. In the same year 45 police officers were killed. It is often reacted to by local communities and trafficking groups with demonstrations and violent resistance, causing escalation and multiplying victims.[citation needed] Unofficial estimates show there are over 3,000 deaths annually from police violence in Brazil, according to Human Rights Watch. There are constant complaints of racism, abuses, torture, executions and disappearances. Not all states record police killings or keep accurate statistics.[citation needed] Reports of killings by Rio de Janeiro police decreased during the year under a new state security strategy. Statistics released by the Rio de Janeiro State Secretariat for Public Security showed 911 persons killed as a result of police confrontations from January through September, a 12 percent decrease over the same period in 2007. The Rio de Janeiro Institute for Public Security reported that police killed an average of four persons per day during 2007. According to a UN report released in September, police clashes resulted in 1,260 civilian deaths in Rio de Janeiro State in 2007. Most of these killings occurred during "acts of resistance," the UN report commented. The São Paulo State Secretariat for Public Security reported that São Paulo state police (civil and military) killed 340 civilians in the state from January to September, compared with 315 during the same period in 2007. Cases involving extrajudicial executions were either under police investigation or before the state courts; observers believed that it could take years to resolve such cases.[citation needed] There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances. However, the Center of Studies of Security and Citizenship estimated that in 2006 approximately 1,940 persons "disappeared"; the center believed many were killed by police. There were no developments in the disappearance cases that occurred during the 1964-85 military dictatorship, and 400 cases remained for the Amnesty Commission to analyze. There were also no developments regarding the 2007 Chamber of Deputies' Human Rights Committee request that the government seize documents to determine the circumstances of military regime political prisoner deaths and the locations of their remains.[45] Canada In October 2007, there was an incident at Vancouver International Airport involving new Polish immigrant Robert Dziekański. Dziekański was tasered five times during the arrest, became unresponsive and died.[46] The incident was video recorded by a civilian who turned it over to police, then sued to get it back for release to news outlets.[11] The official inquiry found the RCMP were not justified deploying the taser and that the officers deliberately misrepresented their actions to investigators.[47] The incident affected taser use in Canada and relations with Poland.[48][49] During the 2010 G-20 Toronto summit protests, police enacted regulations the Ombudsman found contributed to "massive violations of civil rights".[50] One regulation made the security zone public works and police interpreted this to permit them to arrest anyone not providing identification within five-metres of the temporary fence.[51] There were 1,118 arrests with 800 released without charge,[52][53] Police Chief Blair conceded later no five-metre rule existed in law[54] and Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty was criticized for allowing this misinterpretation.[55] In September 2011, officers who removed their name tags during the G-20 protests were refused promotion.[56] Security officers in Metrotown, Burnaby mall demanded pictures taken of an arrest be deleted from a teen's camera. This led to a verbal confrontation and the RCMP handcuffing the teen and cutting off his backpack to search it. While the mall supports its officers actions according to the teen's lawyer: "private mall security guards and police have no right to try to seize someone's camera or demand that photos be deleted – even on private property."[57] China The collusion between local gangs and police officers is a serious problem in many Chinese cities.[58] Local gang bosses make use of personal networks to bribe police officers, and police officers seek corrupt benefits by safeguarding their illegal businesses.[59][60] A widely publicized case is the Wen Qiang Case.[61] Wen Qiang a deputy police chief, along with family members, were arrested as part of a massive crackdown on corruption of the People's Armed Police and organized crime in Chongqing in late 2009. His crimes included bribes, rape and failing to account for assets. Wen was executed in July 2010.[62] The trials highlighted the continued use of torture by police to obtain confessions,[63] despite laws implemented in June 2010 excluding tortured confessions from being used in trials.[64] Egypt A high profile rape case was reported in Egypt by a woman in 2014, who as of 8 February 2021 still seeks justice. In addition, the key witness who offered to help his friend, Seif Bedour, was subjected to torture while in pretrial custody. Bedour has been put through extreme forms of police misconduct and reportedly subjected to virginity tests via forced anal examination and drug tests. His family has been subjected to public humiliation and trauma following his misconduct in the custody. Meanwhile, the lack of adequate investigation into the 2014 Fairmont Hotel rape case has caused an unusual delay in serving justice to the victim.[65][66] France Recent social movements ("Gilets jaunes", 2019-2020 strikes against the pension system reform[67]) brought to light a certain culture of violence ingrained within French police, particularly CRS.[68][69] Although French President Emmanuel Macron denied police brutality and the use of this term,[70] he acknowledged that there have been some "individual errors" that shouldn't tarnish the police corps as a whole. A French newspaper has tracked various serious injuries that occurred during the yellow vests movement.[71] The death of a French deliveryman from a heart attack in January 2020 in Paris, after police restraining him in a prone position following a traffic stop, prompted a debate in France over controversial restraint techniques used by police.[72] Police interventions are mostly to prevent violent actions from members of radical and anarchists groups ("black blocs"),[73] but an important number of bystanders, journalists,[74] and firefighters[75] have also been targeted by the police. United Nations High Commissioner on Human rights Michelle Bachelet compared the use of force in France to that seen in protests in Sudan and Haiti; in March 2019, the UN opened a formal inquiry into the use of police violence against France.[76][77] The right to film police was made known when the "Sécurité Globale" (Global security) law was put under review by the French Parliament. Hong Kong For broader coverage of this topic, see Controversies of the Hong Kong Police Force. Further information: Police misconduct allegations during the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests India It is believed[by whom?] that corruption among the Indian Police Service is pervasive and goes up to the top brass.[78] Reform has been made difficult with honest officers pressured by powerful local officials and suffer punitive transfers and threats while corrupt officers receive promotions. An example is the transfer of Kiran Bedi for giving a parking ticket to the Prime Ministers car.[79] A number of officers face charges in Central Bureau of Investigation cases and disciplinary proceedings but it is alleged[by whom?] that no notable action under the penal provisions is taken. With citizens who are not aware of laws of India, police of Andhra pradesh can shout, swear and be verbally abusive. They are also corrupted by organized crime groups called "factionalists" in Rayalaseema.[citation needed][80] Some of the past scandals include murder,[81] sexual harassment,[82] sex-on-tape scandal,[83] dowry harassment,[84] fraud[85] and fake killing encounter.[86] Iran After the 1979 revolution, the police have become more corrupt. A British-Australian doctor, Dr Kylie Moore-Gilbert endured months of torture after she was arrested by Iranian police. [87] Norway Police misconduct has become an issue of high media attention in Norway. The death of Eugene Ejike Obiora, a naturalized Norwegian of Nigerian origin in September 2006 stirred an uproar that as of September 2007 has caused the authorities to announce significant changes to the way charges of police brutality and other forms of police misconduct, including corruption, involving the Norwegian police will be handled in the future. As a consequence of the Obiora case, training at the Norwegian Police Academy has undergone changes and national police director Ingelin Killengreen has instigated a thorough review of police methods in general.[88] One officer employed in Oslo Police District was sentenced in 2006 to two years in prison for human trafficking, embezzlement of money and weapons, as well as theft of emergency passports.[89] Two cases were from Follo Police District.[90] One officer was accused of having felt up a number of women during interrogations. He was acquitted on almost all charges by the regional court. Another officer had been accused of abuse of power during an arrest. The Supreme Court of Norway ordered the case to be retried in the regional court after the acquittal was appealed. Another case involves a female officer from Telemark Police District who was issued a fine of 10.000 kroner and the loss of her employment for a period of five years for embezzlement and breach of confidentiality, among other issues.[91] A prominent case of intentional[according to whom?] miscarriage of justice was against Fritz Moen.[92] In the case, several officers appear to have manipulated timelines, threatened the accused and witnesses, and made false statements to close the case.[citation needed] According to a 2012 official report, 18 police officers have lost their jobs as result of misconduct since 2005.[93] On May 21, 2013, the owner of Circus Bazaar Magazine recorded on video [94] two Norwegian plain-clothed police hold a handcuffed African migrant man on the ground and force multiple police batons his mouth under suspicion of concealing drugs.[95] The man was then driven a significant distance outside the capital city of Oslo and left in an unknown location.[96] The recording of the initial incident resulted in extensive investigations by multiple authorities in Norway, including Police internal affairs and the Norwegian Anti Discrimination Ombud.[97] Although the police officers concerned were not charged, the investigations led to Oslo Police District being fined 80,000 Norwegian Kroner and receiving an organizational charge of "Gross misconduct".[98] The event also resulted in significant media attention, with the Director of the Department of Public and International Law at the University of Oslo, Aslak Syse stating that "It may appear as if both the law against degrading and inhumane treatment (UCHR art. 3), and the law against the violation of a person's privacy, have been violated."[94] A Norwegian news agency also attracted significant attention by controversially running the headline "Even shit-bags should be treated decently by police". The headline was derived from a quote on the incident by the former head of Norwegian Police Security Service (PST) Ellen Holager Andenæs.[99] The incident also led to the production of the documentary film The Serpent in Paradise.[100] Poland The Ministry of Public Security (MBP) was a Polish communist secret police service operating from 1945 to 1954 under Jakub Berman. The MBP carried out brutal pacification of civilians, mass arrests, makeshift executions such as the Mokotów Prison murder and 1946 public execution in Dębica, and secret assassinations.[101] Individual law enforcement officers noted for torture and terror include Anatol Fejgin (1909–2002) and his deputy Józef Światło (1915–1994), in charge of the MBP's notorious Special Bureau; Salomon Morel (1919–2007), commander of the Zgoda labour camp; Stanisław Radkiewicz (1903–1987), head of the MBP's Department of Security (UB) 1944–1954; and Józef Różański (1907–1981), colonel in the MBP. After the fall of communism the instances of police brutality are still noted in relation to policing sports matches, mostly football; the 1998 Słupsk riots and 2015 Knurów riots were the result of the killing a fan by the police each time. Russia Police corruption and brutality is rampant in Russia as it is common for officers to be hired as private security on the side by businessmen and Russian mafia.[102] This leads to conflicts of interest as business and political rivals are jailed with selective enforcement of laws and trumped-up charges, or kidnapped for ransom. These tactics are believed to have been used against billionaire Mikhail Khodorkovsky to "weaken an outspoken political opponent, to intimidate other wealthy individuals and to regain control of strategic economic assets".[103] Meanwhile, bureaucrats who are found guilty of significant crimes get away with light sentences.[102] Intimidation and violence against journalists and whistle blowers is high as Russia remains one of the worst countries at solving their murders.[104] It is widely believed the Federal Security Service (successor to the KGB) remain in control using the police as foot soldiers, and are unaccountable with connections to organized crime and the Russian leadership.[102] South Africa At least 25 people were killed after South African police opened fire on a crowd of about 3,000 striking miners, in Rustenburg, 100 km northwest of Johannesburg, on 16 August 2012. The police were armed with automatic rifles and pistols. Workers at a platinum mine were asking for better wages.[105][106] Saudi Arabia Jamal Khashoggi was a critic of Saudi Arabia who was tortured and murdered by Saudi law enforcement officials. He was invited to the Saudi embassy in Turkey and was kidnapped there.[107] In 2011, Saudi Arabia also sent law enforcement to next door Bahrain to put down protesters.[42] United Arab Emirates Police in the UAE have abused those in their custody and sometimes this abuse has led to death. The Abu Dhabi Police allegedly assisted Sheikh Issa bin Zayed Al Nahyan in a 2009 torture incident.[108] The Police are also alleged to have used excessive force on critics and protesters.[109] United Kingdom Police misconduct/negligence in the UK has been altered numerous times due to the influx in claims in negligence against the police. The case of Hill v Chief Constable of West Yorkshire initially provided that police could not be liable in negligence since when investigating crime, the police owe no duty of care in tort to individual citizens. This was widely adopted by the courts, but there was backlash since it granted the police 'blanket immunity' essentially meaning they could not be liable in claims of negligence.[110] This was demonstrated in the cases of Hill v Chief Constable of West Yorkshire, Van Colle v Chief Constable of Hertfordshire and Smith v Chief Constable of South Wales Police. This was later overruled in the case of Robinson v Chief constable of West Yorkshire in which the courts held the police could be liable for harm caused to a claimant as a result of their direct actions. It was still acknowledged that similar to the general public, they do not have a duty of care to warn, protect or rescue an individual from harm caused by a third party of external factor.[110] United States Further information: Police brutality in the United States, Police riots in the United States, and Henry A. Wallace Police Crime Public Database See also: New York City Police Department corruption and misconduct and Misconduct in the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department The Chicago Police Department in August 1968 initiated a "police riot" according to the Walker Report which gathered testimony on the violence surrounding the 1968 Democratic National Convention and Anti-Vietnam War protests.[111] Years later, the Chicago Police Department would deal with even more scandal involving the now infamous crooked cop Lt. Jon Burge and the torture cases that came out of his district. The New York Police Department (NYPD) had a prominent case of two detectives working for the Mafia during the 1980s. The Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) in the late 1990s had a large incident of misconduct with the Rampart scandal implicating 70 officers of an anti-gang unit called C.R.A.S.H. This resulted in a US$70 million in lawsuit settlement payouts, dissolving of the unit and the LAPD entering into a consent decree with the U.S. Department of Justice on comprehensive reforms.[112][113][114] During the 1990s the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) also came under the scrutiny of the Justice Department when a series of crimes, including murders, by officers prompted attempts at reform by then Police Chief Richard Pennington. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina there was a spike in allegations of misconduct and in March 2011 the Justice Department published a 158-page report that found "systemic violations of civil rights" by a NOPD that routinely failed to discipline officers involved.[115] Six cases stemming from Katrina have been investigated and followed closely by ProPublica,[116] one being the Danziger Bridge shootings that resulted in two civilian deaths and four wounded. In August 2011, four officers were convicted of unlawfully firing on citizens then trying to cover it up with the assistance of a fifth investigating officer.[117] In a number of jurisdictions, police officers have been accused of ticket fixing.[118] Police lying under oath, particularly in drug crimes, is allegedly commonplace in certain areas; some federal grant programs such as Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program are tied to numbers, and police officers may also feel pressured to prove their productivity.[119] The New York State Police Troop C scandal involved the fabrication of evidence used to convict suspects in New York by the New York State Police.[120] Police Misconduct in Chicago's Police Department (CPD) Investigations have found that there is little to no accountability within the CPD. The department has neglected to investigate a majority of case complaints regarding police brutality. Investigations that were made were carried out poorly. Civilian and officer witnesses are often not interviewed, investigators ignored the potential for witness coaching and inappropriate coordination of testimony. Questioning of officers often aim to elicit favorable statements from them, often ignoring inconsistencies and unreasonable explanations when recounting events.[121] Cost of police misconduct United States Misconduct Payouts by the 10 U.S. Cities with the Largest Police Departments The United States has lost millions to police misconduct: City Years of Cost Total Cost Baltimore 2010-2014 $12 million[122] Boston 2005-2015 $36 million[123] Chicago 2004-2014 $521 million[124] Cleveland 2004-2014 $8.2 million[123] Dallas 2011-2014 $6.5 million[123] Minneapolis 2011-2014 $9.3 million[123] New York City 2006-2011 $348 million[124] Phoenix 2010-2014 $5.6 million[123] Philadelphia 2010-2014 $54.3 million[123] Los Angeles 2002-2011 $101 million[124] Oakland 1990-2014 $74 million[124] Washington, D.C. 2010-2014 $30.5 million[123] In 2015, the Wall Street Journal reported that during a five-year period the 10 United States cities with the largest police departments had spent over $1.4 billion on police misconduct settlements.[125] In between the years of 2010 and 2014 the total annual cost of police misconduct settlements increased, declining only in 2012, and then followed by the highest total in 2014 of $248.7 million.[125] Largest police misconduct settlements With the rise of body worn cameras by police departments, settlements have also increased in both the size of the settlement and frequency of settlements. In 2015, Eric Garner's family settled with New York City, and was awarded $5.9 million in a wrongful death suit at the hands of a New York City Police Department (NYPD) officer.[126] While Garner's case was more recent, and perhaps more known to the general public, it was not New York City's most expensive individual settlement due to police misconduct. Abner Louima was abused by NYPD personnel while in custody in 1997 and settled in 2001 with the city of New York for $8.75 million.[127] Perhaps the most costly individual settlement ever due to police misconduct occurred in Chicago when Christina Eilman suffered from a bipolar episode at Midway Airport and was arrested. Eilman was then released in a high-crime neighborhood at night in Chicago without any assistance or follow-up on her well-being. Eilman fell from a 7th-story window after being raped and suffered permanent brain damage. Eilman received $22.5 million in a settlement with the city of Chicago.[127] The most expensive group police misconduct settlement case in New York, and possibly the most expensive group police misconduct settlement case ever, was awarded to the Central Park Five. These five men were victims to police torture that eventually resulted in false confessions and convictions. These men settled for $41 million.[127] Other notable police misconduct settlements Jon Burge, a former Chicago Police Department Commander is estimated to have cost Chicago, the state of Illinois, and the county of Cook $132 million in over 20 different cases.[128] Burge was known to torture, beat, electrically shock, suffocate, and play games of Russian roulette to force confessions.[128] As part of a reparations package to victims of Burge and his team, Chicago opened the Chicago Torture Justice Center in Englewood to provide services such as counseling to those who have been victim of police misconduct.[129] In 2000, Prince Jones, a student at Howard University, was followed by an unmarked police car; fearing for his safety he exited the car to confront the man following him who proceeded to flash a gun. Jones entered his car and put his truck into reverse, hitting the officer twice. The officer fired 16 shots into Jones' car, killing him.[130] This incident received national news coverage and was featured in Ta-Nehisi Coates' book Between the World and Me.[131] Jones' family received a settlement from Prince Georges county of $3.7 million.[132] Settling for Misconduct The Chicago Reporter created a database titled "Settling for Misconduct" to track civil suits against the Chicago Police Department (CPD) with the intent of bringing awareness to the fact that a lawsuit against CPD is settled, on average, every other day.[133] The website lists cases such as the murder of Laquan McDonald by Jason Van Dyke which gained national attention and resulted in a $5 million settlement for McDonald's family.[134] The database also shows less-known cases such as an older settlement for $100,000 in which Jason Van Dyke was named for excessive force.[135] The database even includes a false arrest settlement for $1.00 against CPD officer Luis Luarenzana.[136] Canada Canada has also lost millions of dollars to police misconduct settlements. Toronto, in particular, has paid $27 million in settlements for actions of police dogs, use of force, false arrests, and car chases.[137] The biggest settlement was for $2 million when a taxi driver, Ali Adaba Ghomi, was hit by a car fleeing from police and was taken to the hospital in critical condition.[137] In October 2007 members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) tased Robert Dziekanski, ultimately killing him.[138] The settlement in Dziekanski's case was confidential, although it was revealed that the RCMP in addition to the cost of the settlement also donated $20,000 for a scholarship.[138] South Africa In 2011, Nathi Mthethwa, the South African Police Minister disclosed that across the country more than R106m ($7,153,276) was paid in police misconduct settlements due to actions of the South African Police Service (SAPS) in the 2010-2011 fiscal year.[139] According to financial statements of SAPS, the financial balance of civil claims against the South African Police at the conclusion of the 2012 fiscal year totaled R14.8 billion ($998,651,608).[140] In one of the more notable cases, Mido Macia was dragged by a police van, and assaulted by police in 2013 in Daveyton, South Africa, the event was caught on camera, and Macia later died while in the custody of police. On 21 November 2018, his family received R6.5m ($439,110.75) in a lawsuit settlement.[141] Russia The cost of police misconduct in Russia comes in the form of bribery. In 2015, Russia Police reported the average amount per bribe had reached 654,000 rubles (US$9,105.18).[142] Russia has attempted to crack down on the situation, in 2015, between January and September, Russian President Vladimir Putin reported that 8,800 people were convicted of corruption.[142] On a 5,000 kilometer route, truck drivers can expect to pay anywhere from 50,000 ($786) to 70,000 rubles ($1,101.45) on bribes to police officers.[142] Oversight Hong Kong and New York City The Hong Kong and New York City police departments, both of which have had issues with police misconduct and corruption, have approached the problem in different ways. For corruption, Hong Kong created an external agency which investigates corruption, while New York reviews corruption through an internal department, although the information is reported to a monitoring commission. New York also uses "integrity checks" in which an officer's integrity is tested through an opportunity for corruption. For misconduct, Hong Kong reviews complaints internally with a monitoring commission while New York has created the New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board (NYCCCRB) which investigates and makes a formal recommendation to the commissioner.[143] The disciplinary records of police in New York State are confidential. Norway The Special Unit for Police Affairs (SUPA) was established on 1 January 2005. In 2006 the unit received 904 complaints, of which 101 led to indictment. Of these 26 ended with the issuance of a fine, 8 cases criminal charges were brought, 64 went to trial, and 3 cases were given "påtaleunnlatelse" (no charges despite misconduct likely took place). Four police officers alone were responsible for 63 of the 101 cases. In September 2007, Jan Egil Presthus, Director of SUPA, stated to the Oslo newspaper Dagsavisen that investigations of police conduct involving death are going to be posted on the Internet. He states that total openness will strengthen the publics confidence in the unit's integrity and impartiality.[citation needed] This came following Dagsavisen in June 2007 publishing an overview of police cases with a deadly outcome. The article showed that in the ten most serious cases after the establishment of the SUPA all charges against the police were eventually dropped.[citation needed] A media discourse focusing on deaths incurred during police arrests and transports continued in Norway throughout 2007, and Presthus counts this as one factor triggering the initiative to publish ongoing investigations on the Internet.[citation needed] The cases will be presented on the web pages of SUPA, in a way that preserves the anonymity of officers and other parties involved where deemed necessary.[144] United States See also: Police brutality in the United States, Police riots in the United States, and Henry A. Wallace Police Crime Public Database In the United States, access to police disciplinary records vary from state to state.[145] The Murder of George Floyd encouraged some US states to make police disciplinary records public.[146] The U.S. government does not regularly collect data on police misconduct. One attempt to track misconduct is the Cato Institute's National Police Misconduct Reporting Project, which estimates misconduct rates using newspaper reports.[147] The project's data suggest that police are more likely than the average person to commit a number of crimes including assault, sexual assault, and murder, but less likely to commit robbery.[148] The NPMSRP projects that roughly 1 in 4.7 officers will be implicated in an act of misconduct during the course of their career.[149] In the United States, the exclusionary rule means that evidence gathered through misconduct is sometimes inadmissible in court. The Black Panther Party sought to oppose police brutality through neighborhood patrols. Police officers were often followed by armed Black Panthers, who at times came to aid African-Americans who were victims of brutality and racial prejudice. Groups like Copwatch continue to use the patrol method in communities, often using video cameras to document them.[150] In a 2004 United States survey of the public's opinions on accountability in reforming police, most members of the public wanted an "early warning system" that flags officers who have received many complaints, video cameras on police cars, detailed records of police stops, and citizen review boards.[151] Citizen review of police has been an issue, with law enforcement concerned that citizens reviewing their actions do not understand the procedures they operate by and the citizen review board advocates arguing that the law enforcement "code of silence" requires that they have input into the disciplinary action. As of 2003, three-fourths of the United States' largest cities had citizen review boards.[152] Early warning systems are procedures designed to identify and address issues of problem officers, as around 10% of officers are theorized to cause 90% of the problems. Early warning systems were recommended by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in 1981, and by 1999 an estimated 27% of police agencies serving populations of over 50,000 people had implemented these programs. The systems collect data such as complaints, which triggers an intervention at a certain point. After the intervention, the officer is monitored as a follow-up.[12] It had been argued that civil liability could create new deterrents to police misconduct.[153] Following major liability settlements in the Breonna Taylor and George Floyd cases insurance companies began to significantly raise rates for liability insurance. Insurance companies also began to inquire about the practices of the law enforcement agencies requesting insurance and requiring modification of their practices as a condition of obtaining coverage.[154] Police commissioners and citizen review boards have been cited as institutions that can help reduce police misconduct.[155] There is some variation as to how much access the civilian reviewers are given to internal police documents and personnel files.[156] Decertification of police has been cited as another possible remedy.[157] Surveys suggest that officers are aware of the detrimental impacts of police misconduct and hold strong opinions as to what strategies are preferable.[158] The exclusionary rule has been one classic deterrent to obtaining evidence through police misconduct, but it is proposed that it be replaced with restitution to victims of misconduct.[159] United Kingdom England and Wales The Police Complaints Board was founded in 1977 to oversee the handling of complaints. This was succeeded by the Police Complaints Authority and the Independent Police Complaints Commission. The current police misconduct authority is the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC), which was created in 2018. The IOPC investigate only the most serious matters, with the majority of complaints and misconduct cases handled internally by the respective force.[160] In the 2018/19 financial year, 31,097 complaint cases were recorded by police forces in England and Wales.[161] Northern Ireland Complaints about the Police Service of Northern Ireland are handled by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland.[162] Scotland The Scottish Police Investigations and Review Commissioner oversees complaints about Police Scotland.[163] See also Contempt of cop Gypsy cop Lists of killings by law enforcement officers Mass arrest as a war crime Photography Is Not a Crime (weblog) Presumption of guilt Prisoner abuse Professional courtesy in law enforcement Individuals H. 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