The Memory Hole

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In this riveting interview captured in December 1985, viewers are granted unprecedented access into the clandestine operations of the CIA in Vietnam during the war's twilight. Led by former CIA official John Stockwell, the program unravels a web of corruption, inefficiency, and moral dilemmas within the covert corridors of power. Stockwell exposes the shocking reality of the South Vietnamese army's rampant corruption, rendering it powerless in the face of conflict. Astonishingly, reports detailing these critical issues were suppressed by higher-ranking bureaucrats, revealing a systemic failure to address crucial problems on the ground. Moreover, the program sheds light on a staggering revelation: a high-ranking American official consistently leaked sensitive, classified information to the North Vietnamese, resulting in devastating consequences for American efforts. Stockwell courageously discloses this betrayal of trust and its profound impact on the war's outcome. The documentary also delves into Stockwell's personal struggles to evacuate Vietnamese personnel, facing relentless obstruction from his superiors. His accounts of navigating bureaucratic barriers to save lives highlight the human cost amidst political agendas and power plays. Through Stockwell's candid testimonies, "Step Behind the Green Door" offers a sobering and eye-opening exploration of the moral complexities, contradictions, and ultimate shortcomings of U.S. operations in Vietnam's final days. The fall of Saigon,[3][4] also called the liberation of Saigon[5] or liberation of the South[6][7] by the Vietnamese government, and Black April[8] by anti-communist overseas Vietnamese who fled from South Vietnam following reunification, was the capture of Saigon, the capital of South Vietnam, by the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (Viet Cong) on 30 April 1975. The event marked the end of the Vietnam War and the collapse of the non-communist South Vietnamese regime as well as the start of a transition period from the formal reunification of Vietnam into the Socialist Republic of Vietnam under communist rule.[9] The PAVN, under the command of General Văn Tiến Dũng, began their final attack on Saigon on 29 April 1975, with the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) forces commanded by General Nguyễn Văn Toàn suffering a heavy artillery bombardment. By the afternoon of the next day, the PAVN and the Viet Cong had occupied the important points of the city and raised their flag over the South Vietnamese presidential palace. The capture of the city was preceded by Operation Frequent Wind, the evacuation of almost all American civilian and military personnel in Saigon, along with tens of thousands of South Vietnamese civilians who had been associated with the Republic of Vietnam regime. A few Americans chose not to be evacuated. United States ground combat units had left South Vietnam more than two years prior to the fall of Saigon and were not available to assist with either the defense of Saigon or the evacuation.[10] The evacuation was the largest helicopter evacuation in history.[11]: 202  In addition to the flight of refugees, the end of the war and the institution of new rules by the communist government contributed to a decline[12] in the city's population until 1979, after which the population increased again.[13] On 3 July 1976, the National Assembly of the unified Vietnam renamed Saigon in honor of Hồ Chí Minh, the late Chairman of the Workers' Party of Vietnam and founder of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam).[14] Names Various names have been applied to these events. The Vietnamese government officially calls it the "Day of liberating the South for national reunification" (Vietnamese: Giải phóng miền Nam, thống nhất đất nước) or "Liberation Day" (Ngày Giải Phóng), but the term "fall of Saigon" is commonly used in Western accounts. It is called the "Ngày mất nước" (Day we Lost the Country), "Tháng Tư Đen" (Black April),[15][16][17][18][19][20] "National Day of Shame" (Ngày Quốc Nhục) or "National Day of Resentment" (Ngày Quốc Hận)[16][21][22][23][24] by many Overseas Vietnamese who were refugees from the former South Vietnam. In Vietnamese, it is also known by the neutral name "April 30, 1975 incident" (Sự kiện 30 tháng 4 năm 1975) or simply "April 30" (30 tháng 4). North Vietnamese advance See also: 1975 Spring Offensive Situation of South Vietnam before the capture of Saigon (lower right) on 30 April 1975 The rapidity with which the South Vietnamese position collapsed in 1975 was surprising to most American and South Vietnamese observers, and probably to the North Vietnamese and their allies as well. For instance, a memo prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and U.S. Army Intelligence, published on 5 March, indicated that South Vietnam could hold out through the current dry season—i.e., at least until 1976.[25] These predictions proved to be grievously in error. Even as that memo was being released, General Dũng was preparing a major offensive in the Central Highlands of Vietnam, which began on 10 March and led to the capture of Buôn Ma Thuột. The ARVN began a disorderly and costly retreat, hoping to redeploy its forces and hold the southern part of South Vietnam, south of the 13th parallel.[26] Supported by artillery and armor, the PAVN continued to march towards Saigon, capturing the major cities of northern South Vietnam at the end of March—Huế on the 25th and Đà Nẵng on the 28th. Along the way, disorderly South Vietnamese retreats and the flight of refugees—there were more than 300,000 in Đà Nẵng[27]—damaged South Vietnamese prospects for a turnaround. After the loss of Đà Nẵng, those prospects had already been dismissed as nonexistent by American CIA officers in Vietnam, who believed that nothing short of B-52 strikes against Hanoi could possibly stop the North Vietnamese.[28] By 8 April, the North Vietnamese Politburo, which in March had recommended caution to Dũng, cabled him to demand "unremitting vigor in the attack all the way to the heart of Saigon."[29] On 14 April, they renamed the campaign the "Hồ Chí Minh campaign", after revolutionary leader Hồ Chí Minh, in hopes of wrapping it up before his birthday on 19 May.[30] Meanwhile, South Vietnam failed to garner any significant increase in military aid from the United States, snuffing out President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu's hopes for renewed American support. On 9 April, PAVN forces reached Xuân Lộc, the last line of defense before Saigon, where the ARVN 18th Division made a last stand and held the city through fierce fighting for 11 days. The ARVN finally withdrew from Xuân Lộc on 20 April having inflicted heavy losses on the PAVN, and President Thiệu resigned on 21 April in a tearful televised announcement in which he denounced the United States for failing to come to the aid of the South.[31] The North Vietnamese front line was now just 26 mi (42 km) from downtown Saigon.[32] The victory at Xuân Lộc, which had drawn many South Vietnamese troops away from the Mekong Delta area,[32] opened the way for PAVN to encircle Saigon, and they soon did so, moving 100,000 troops in position around the city by 27 April. With the ARVN having few defenders, the fate of the city was effectively sealed. The ARVN III Corps commander, General Toàn, had organized five centers of resistance to defend the city. These fronts were so connected as to form an arc enveloping the entire area west, north, and east of the capital. The Cu Chi front, to the northwest, was defended by the 25th Division; the Binh Duong front, to the north, was the responsibility of the 5th Division; the Bien Hoa front, to the northeast, was defended by the 18th Division; the Vung Tau and 15 Route front, to the southeast, were held by the 1st Airborne Brigade and one battalion of the 3rd Division; and the Long An front, for which the Capital Military District Command was responsible, was defended by elements of the re-formed 22nd Division. South Vietnamese defensive forces around Saigon totalled approximately 60,000 troops.[33] However, as the exodus made it into Saigon, along with them were many ARVN soldiers, which swelled the "men under arms" in the city to over 250,000. These units were mostly battered and leaderless, which threw the city into further anarchy.[citation needed] Evacuation The rapid PAVN advances of March and early April led to increased concern in Saigon that the city, which had been fairly peaceful throughout the war and whose people had endured relatively little suffering, was soon to come under direct attack.[34] Many feared that once the communists took control of the city, a bloodbath of reprisals would take place. In 1968, PAVN and VC forces had occupied Huế for close to a month. After the communists were repelled, American and ARVN forces had found mass graves. A study indicated that the VC had targeted ARVN officers, Roman Catholics, intellectuals, businessmen, and other suspected counterrevolutionaries.[35] More recently, eight Americans captured in Buôn Ma Thuột had vanished and reports of beheadings and other executions were filtering through from Huế and Đà Nẵng, mostly spurred on by government propaganda.[36] Most Americans and citizens of other countries allied to the United States wanted to evacuate the city before it fell, and many South Vietnamese, especially those associated with the United States or South Vietnamese government, wanted to leave as well. As early as the end of March, some Americans were leaving the city.[37] Flights out of Saigon, lightly booked under ordinary circumstances, were full.[38] Throughout April the speed of the evacuation increased, as the Defense Attaché Office (DAO) began to fly out nonessential personnel. Many Americans attached to the DAO refused to leave without their Vietnamese friends and dependents, who included common-law wives and children. It was illegal for the DAO to move these people to American soil, and this initially slowed down the rate of departure, but eventually the DAO began illegally flying undocumented Vietnamese to Clark Air Base in the Philippines.[39] On 3 April, President Gerald Ford announced "Operation Babylift", which would evacuate about 2,000 orphans from the country. One of the Lockheed C-5 Galaxy planes involved in the operation crashed, killing 155 passengers and crew and seriously reducing the morale of the American staff.[11]: 157 [40] In addition to the over 2,500 orphans evacuated by Babylift, Operation New Life resulted in the evacuation of over 110,000 Vietnamese refugees. The final evacuation was Operation Frequent Wind which resulted in 7,000 people being evacuated from Saigon by helicopter. American administration plans for final evacuation By this time the Ford administration had also begun planning a complete evacuation of the American presence. The planning was complicated by practical, legal, and strategic concerns. The administration was divided on how swift the evacuations should be. The Pentagon sought to evacuate as fast as possible, to avoid the risk of casualties or other accidents. The U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam, Graham Martin, was technically the field commander for any evacuation since evacuations are part of the purview of the State Department. Martin drew the ire of many in the Pentagon by wishing to keep the evacuation process as quiet and orderly as possible. His desire for this was to prevent total chaos and to deflect the real possibility of South Vietnamese turning against Americans and to keep all-out bloodshed from occurring.[citation needed] Ford approved a plan between the extremes in which all but 1,250 Americans—few enough to be removed in a single day's helicopter airlift—would be evacuated quickly; the remaining 1,250 would leave only when the airport was threatened. In between, as many Vietnamese refugees as possible would be flown out.[41] American evacuation planning was set against other administration policies. Ford still hoped to gain additional military aid for South Vietnam. Throughout April, he attempted to get Congress behind a proposed appropriation of $722 million, which might allow for the reconstitution of some of the South Vietnamese forces that had been destroyed. National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger was opposed to a full-scale evacuation as long as the aid option remained on the table because the removal of American forces would signal a loss of faith in Thiệu and severely weaken him.[42] There was also a concern in the administration over whether the use of military forces to support and carry out the evacuation was permitted under the newly-passed War Powers Act. Eventually White House lawyers determined that the use of American forces to rescue citizens in an emergency was unlikely to run afoul of the law, but the legality of using military assets to withdraw refugees was unknown.[43] Refugees While American citizens were generally assured of a simple way to leave the country just by showing up to an evacuation point, South Vietnamese who wanted to leave Saigon before it fell often resorted to independent arrangements. The under-the-table payments required to gain a passport and exit visa jumped sixfold, and the price of seagoing vessels tripled.[44] Those who owned property in the city were often forced to sell it at a substantial loss or abandon it altogether; the asking price of one particularly impressive house was cut 75 percent within a two-week period.[45] American visas were of enormous value, and Vietnamese seeking American sponsors posted advertisements in newspapers. One such ad read: "Seeking adoptive parents. Poor diligent students" followed by names, birthdates, and identity card numbers.[46] A disproportionate fraction of Vietnamese in the 1975 wave of emigration who later achieved refugee status in the United States were former members of the South Vietnamese government and military. Though most expected to find political and personal freedom in the United States on account of their anti-Communist bonafides, many were placed in U.S. military detention centers for weeks to months.[47] Political movements and attempts at a negotiated solution As the North Vietnamese chipped away more and more at South Vietnam, internal opposition to President Thiệu continued to accumulate. For instance, in early April, the Senate unanimously voted through a call for new leadership, and some top military commanders were pressing for a coup. In response to this pressure, Thiệu made some changes to his cabinet, and Prime Minister Trần Thiện Khiêm resigned.[48] This did little to reduce the opposition to Thiệu. On 8 April, a South Vietnamese pilot and communist, Nguyễn Thành Trung, bombed the Independence Palace and then flew to a PAVN-controlled airstrip; Thiệu was not hurt.[49] Many in the American mission—Martin in particular—along with some key figures in Washington, believed that negotiations with the communists were still possible, especially if Saigon could stabilize the military situation. Ambassador Martin's hope was that North Vietnam's leaders would be willing to allow a "phased withdrawal" whereby a gradual departure might be achieved in order to allow helpful locals and all Americans to leave (along with full military withdrawal) over a period of months.[citation needed] Opinions were divided on whether any government headed by Thiệu could effect such a political solution.[50] The foreign minister of the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) had indicated, on 2 April, that the PRG might negotiate with a Saigon government that did not include Thiệu. Thus, even among Thiệu's supporters, pressure was growing for his ouster.[51] President Thiệu resigned on 21 April. His remarks were particularly hard on the Americans, first for forcing South Vietnam to accede to the Paris Peace Accords, second for failing to support South Vietnam afterwards, and all the while asking South Vietnam "to do an impossible thing, like filling up the oceans with stones."[52] The presidency was turned over to Vice President Trần Văn Hương. The view of the North Vietnamese government, broadcast by Radio Hanoi, was that the new regime was merely "another puppet regime."[53] Last days All times given are Saigon time. PAVN encirclement Map showing PAVN encirclement of Saigon On 27 April, Saigon was hit by PAVN rockets—the first in more than 40 months.[32] With his overtures to the North rebuffed out of hand, Tran resigned on 28 April and was succeeded by General Duong Van Minh. Minh took over a regime that was by this time in a state of utter collapse. He had longstanding ties with the Communists, and it was hoped he could negotiate a ceasefire; however, Hanoi was in no mood to negotiate. On 28 April, PAVN forces fought their way into the outskirts of the city. At the Newport Bridge (Cầu Tân Cảng), about five kilometres (three miles) from the city centre, the VC seized the Thảo Điền area at the eastern end of the bridge and attempted to seize the bridge but were repulsed by the ARVN 12th Airborne Battalion.[54][55] As Bien Hoa was falling, General Toan fled to Saigon, informing the government that most of the top ARVN leadership had virtually resigned themselves to defeat.[56] At 18:06 on 28 April, as President Minh finished his acceptance speech three A-37 Dragonflies piloted by former Republic of Vietnam Air Force (RVNAF) pilots, who had defected to the Vietnamese People's Air Force at the fall of Da Nang, dropped six Mk81 250 lb bombs on Tan Son Nhut Air Base damaging aircraft. RVNAF F-5s took off in pursuit, but they were unable to intercept the A-37s.[57]: 70  C-130s leaving Tan Son Nhut reported receiving PAVN .51 cal and 37 mm anti-aircraft (AAA) fire while sporadic PAVN rocket and artillery attacks also started to hit the airport and air base.[57]: 71–72  C-130 flights were stopped temporarily after the air attack but resumed at 20:00 on 28 April.[57]: 72  At 03:58 on 29 April, C-130E, #72-1297, flown by a crew from the 776th Tactical Airlift Squadron, was destroyed by a 122 mm rocket while taxiing to pick up refugees after offloading a BLU-82 at the base. The crew evacuated the burning aircraft on the taxiway and departed the airfield on another C-130 that had previously landed.[11]: 182  This was the last USAF fixed-wing aircraft to leave Tan Son Nhat.[57]: 79  At dawn on 29 April the RVNAF began to haphazardly depart Tan Son Nhut Air Base as A-37s, F-5s, C-7s, C-119s and C-130s departed for Thailand while UH-1s took off in search of the ships of Task Force 76.[57]: 81  Some RVNAF aircraft stayed to continue to fight the advancing PAVN. One AC-119 gunship had spent the night of 28/29 April dropping flares and firing on the approaching PAVN. At dawn on 29 April, two A-1 Skyraiders began patrolling the perimeter of Tan Son Nhut at 2,500 ft (760 m) until one was shot down, presumably by an SA-7 missile. At 07:00 the AC-119 was firing on PAVN to the east of Tan Son Nhut when it too was hit by an SA-7 and fell in flames to the ground.[57]: 82  At 06:00 on 29 April, General Dũng was ordered by the Politburo to "strike with the greatest determination straight into the enemy's final lair."[58] After one day of bombardment and general offensive, the PAVN were ready to make their final push into the city. At 08:00 on 29 April Lieutenant General Trần Văn Minh, commander of the RVNAF and 30 of his staff arrived at the DAO Compound demanding evacuation, signifying the complete loss of RVNAF command and control.[57]: 85–87  Operation Frequent Wind Main article: Operation Frequent Wind A U.S. Marine provides security as American helicopters land at the DAO compound South Vietnamese refugees arrive on a U.S. Navy vessel during Operation Frequent Wind The continuing rocket fire and debris on the runways at Tan Son Nhut caused General Homer D. Smith, the U.S. defense attaché in Saigon, to advise Ambassador Martin that the runways were unfit for use and that the emergency evacuation of Saigon would need to be completed by helicopter.[59] Originally, Ambassador Martin had intended to affect the evacuation by use of fixed-wing aircraft from the base. This plan was altered at a critical time when a South Vietnamese pilot decided to defect, and jettisoned his ordnance along the only runways still in use (which had not yet been destroyed by shelling). Under pressure from Kissinger, Martin forced Marine guards to take him to Tan Son Nhat in the midst of continued shelling, so he might personally assess the situation. After seeing that fixed-wing departures were not an option (a decision Martin did not want to make without firsthand knowledge of the situation on the ground, in case the helicopter lift failed), Martin gave the green light for the helicopter evacuation to begin in earnest.[citation needed] Reports came in from the outskirts of the city that the PAVN were closing in.[60] At 10:48, Martin relayed to Kissinger his desire to activate Operation Frequent Wind, the helicopter evacuation of U.S. personnel and at-risk Vietnamese. At 10:51 on 29 April, the order was given by CINCPAC to commence Operation Frequent Wind.[11]: 183  The American radio station began regular play of Irving Berlin's "White Christmas", the signal for American personnel to move immediately to the evacuation points.[61][62] Under this plan, CH-53 and CH-46 helicopters were used to evacuate Americans and friendly Vietnamese to ships, including the Seventh Fleet, in the South China Sea. The main evacuation point was the DAO Compound at Tan Son Nhat; buses moved through the city picking up passengers and driving them out to the airport, with the first buses arriving at Tan Son Nhat shortly after noon. The first CH-53 landed at the DAO compound in the afternoon, and by the evening, 395 Americans and more than 4,000 Vietnamese had been evacuated. By 23:00 the U.S. Marines who were providing security were withdrawing and arranging the demolition of the DAO office, American equipment, files, and cash. Air America UH-1s also participated in the evacuation.[63] The original evacuation plans had not called for a large-scale helicopter operation at the United States Embassy, Saigon. Helicopters and buses were to shuttle people from the embassy to the DAO Compound. However, in the course of the evacuation it turned out that a few thousand people were stranded at the embassy, including many Vietnamese. Additional Vietnamese civilians gathered outside the embassy and scaled the walls, hoping to claim refugee status. Thunderstorms increased the difficulty of helicopter operations. Nevertheless, the evacuation from the embassy continued more or less unbroken throughout the evening and night. At 03:45 on the morning of 30 April, Kissinger and Ford ordered Martin to evacuate only Americans from that point forward. Reluctantly, Martin announced that only Americans were to be flown out, due to worries that the North Vietnamese would soon take the city and the Ford administration's desire to announce the completion of the American evacuation.[64] Ambassador Martin was ordered by President Ford to board the evacuation helicopter. The call sign of that helicopter was "Lady Ace 09", and the pilot carried direct orders from President Ford for Ambassador Martin to be on board. The pilot, Gerry Berry, had the orders written in grease-pencil on his kneepads. Ambassador Martin's wife, Dorothy, had already been evacuated by previous flights, and left behind her suitcase so a South Vietnamese woman might be able to squeeze on board with her. "Lady Ace 09" from HMM-165 and piloted by Berry, took off at 04:58—had Martin refused to leave, the Marines had a reserve order to arrest him and carry him away to ensure his safety.[65] The embassy evacuation had flown out 978 Americans and about 1,100 Vietnamese. The Marines who had been securing the embassy followed at dawn, with the last aircraft leaving at 07:53. 420 Vietnamese and South Koreans were left behind in the embassy compound, with an additional crowd gathered outside the walls. The Americans and the refugees they flew out were generally allowed to leave without intervention from either the North or South Vietnamese. Pilots of helicopters heading to Tan Son Nhat were aware that PAVN anti-aircraft guns were tracking them, but they refrained from firing. The Hanoi leadership, reckoning that completion of the evacuation would lessen the risk of American intervention, had instructed Dũng not to target the airlift itself.[66] Meanwhile, members of the police in Saigon had been promised evacuation in exchange for protecting the American evacuation buses and control of the crowds in the city during the evacuation.[67] Although this was the end of the American military operation, Vietnamese continued to leave the country by boat and, where possible, by aircraft. RVNAF pilots who had access to helicopters flew them offshore to the American fleet, where they were able to land. Many RVNAF helicopters were dumped into the ocean to make room on the decks for more aircraft.[67] RVNAF fighters and other planes also sought refuge in Thailand while two O-1s landed on USS Midway.[68] Ambassador Martin was flown out to the USS Blue Ridge, where he pleaded for helicopters to return to the embassy compound to pick up the few hundred remaining hopefuls waiting to be evacuated. Although his pleas were overruled by President Ford, Martin was able to convince the Seventh Fleet to remain on station for several days so any locals who could make their way to sea via boat or aircraft might be rescued by the waiting Americans.[citation needed] Many Vietnamese nationals who were evacuated were allowed to enter the United States under the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act. Decades later, when the U.S. government reestablished diplomatic relations with Vietnam, the former embassy building was returned to the United States. The historic staircase that led to the rooftop helicopter pad in the nearby apartment building used by the CIA and other U.S. government employees was salvaged and is on permanent display at the Gerald R. Ford Museum in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Final assault In the early hours of 30 April, Dũng received orders from the Politburo to attack. He then ordered his field commanders to advance directly to key facilities and strategic points in the city.[69] The first PAVN unit to enter the city was the 324th Division.[70] By now, the government had not made any sort of appeals to the people for donations of blood, food, etc.[71][72] On the morning of 30 April, PAVN sappers attempted to seize the Newport Bridge but were repulsed by the ARVN Airborne. At 09:00 the PAVN tank column approached the bridge and came under fire from ARVN tanks which destroyed the lead T-54, killing the PAVN Battalion commander. The ARVN 3rd Task Force, 81st Ranger Group commanded by Major Pham Chau Tai defended Tan Son Nhut and they were joined by the remnants of the Loi Ho unit. At 07:15 on 30 April, the PAVN 24th Regiment approached the Bay Hien intersection (10.793°N 106.653°E) 1.5 km from the main gate of Tan Son Nhat Air Base. The lead T-54 was hit by M67 recoilless rifle and then the next T-54 was hit by a shell from an M48 tank. The PAVN infantry moved forward and engaged the ARVN in house to house fighting forcing them to withdraw to the base by 08:45. The PAVN then sent three tanks and an infantry battalion to assault the main gate and they were met by intensive anti-tank and machine gun fire knocking out the three tanks and killing at least twenty PAVN soldiers. The PAVN tried to bring forward an 85mm antiaircraft gun but the ARVN knocked it out before it could start firing. The PAVN 10th Division ordered eight more tanks and another infantry battalion to join the attack, but as they approached the Bay Hien intersection they were hit by an airstrike from RVNAF jets operating from Binh Thuy Air Base which destroyed two T-54s. The six surviving tanks arrived at the main gate at 10:00 and began their attack, with two being knocked out by antitank fire in front of the gate and another destroyed as it attempted a flanking manoeuvre.[73] At 10:24, Minh announced an unconditional surrender. He ordered all ARVN troops "to cease hostilities in calm and to stay where they are", while inviting the Provisional Revolutionary Government to engage in "a ceremony of orderly transfer of power so as to avoid any unnecessary bloodshed in the population".[74][75] At approximately 10:30 Major Pham at Tan Son Nhut Air Base heard of the surrender broadcast of President Minh and went to the ARVN Joint General Staff Compound to seek instructions. He called General Minh who told him to prepare to surrender. Pham reportedly told Minh, "If Viet Cong tanks are entering Independence Palace we will come down there to rescue you, sir." Minh refused Pham's suggestion and Pham then told his men to withdraw from the base gates. At 11:30 the PAVN entered the base.[73]: 490–91  At Newport Bridge the ARVN and PAVN continued to exchange tank and artillery fire until the ARVN commander received President Minh's capitulation order over the radio. While the bridge was rigged with approximately 4000lbs of demolition charges, the ARVN stood down and at 10:30 the PAVN column crossed the bridge.[73]: 492  Capitulation and final surrender announcement The photo of Françoise Demulder showed the two tanks at the gates while Tank 390 technically entered first and Lieutenant Bui Quang Than was running with the VC flag in his hand PAVN 203rd Tank Brigade (from 2nd Corps of Major general Nguyễn Hữu An[76]) under the command of Commander Nguyễn Tất Tài and Political Commissar Bùi Văn Tùng[77] was the first unit to burst through the gates of the Independence Palace around noon. Tank 843 (a Soviet T-54 tank) was the first to directly hit and struck the side gate of the Palace. This historic moment was recorded by the Australian cameraman Neil Davis.[78] Tank 390 (a Chinese T-59 tank) then crashed through the main gate in the middle to enter the front yard. For many years, the official record of Vietnamese government and international historical sources maintained that Tank 843 was the first one to enter the Presidential Palace.[79][80] However, in 1995, French war photographer Françoise Demulder published her photo showed that Tank 360 entered the main gate while Tank 843 was still behind the steel columns of the smaller gate on the right hand side (view from inside) and Tank 843's commander Bui Quang Than was running with the NLF flag on his hand.[79] Both tanks were declared national treasures in 2012 and each was displayed in a different museum in Hanoi.[80][81] Lieutenant Bui Quang Than pulled down the Republic of Vietnam's flag on top of the Palace and raised the Viet Cong flag at 11:30 AM on 30 April 1975.[82][83] The Tank Brigade 203 soldiers entered the Palace and found Minh and all members of his cabinet sitting and waiting for them. The political commissar Lieutenant colonel Bui Van Tung arrived at the Palace 10 minutes after the first tanks.[76]: 95  Minh realised this was the highest ranking officer around then said: "We are waiting to hand over the cabinet", Tung replied immediately: "You have nothing to hand over but your unconditional surrender to us".[84][85] Tung then wrote a speech announcing the surrender and dissolution of what remained of the South Vietnamese government. He then escorted Minh to the Radio Saigon to read it in order to avoid further needless bloodshed. The surrender announcement was recorded by German journalist Börries Gallasch's tape recorder.[85][86] Colonel Bùi Tín, a military journalist was at the Palace around noon to witness the events. In his memoir, he confirmed that Lt.-Col Bui Van Tung was the one accepted the surrender and wrote the statement for Minh.[85] However, in an interview with WGBH Educational Foundation in 1981, he falsely claimed that he was the first high officer met Minh and accepted the surrender (with Tung's words).[87] This claim was repeated after his defection from Vietnam and sometimes cited mistakenly by foreign correspondents and historians.[75][88][89] At 2:30 Minh announced the formal surrender of South Vietnam: I, General Duong Van Minh, president of the Saigon administration, appeal to the armed forces of the Republic of Vietnam to laydown their arms and surrender unconditionally to the forces of the Liberation Army of South Vietnam. Furthermore, I declare that the Saigon government is completely dissolved at all levels. From the Central government to the local governments must be handed over to the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam. — Duong Van Minh on the transcript written by Bui Van Tung[75][90][76]: 96  Lieutenant colonel Bui Van Tung then took the microphone and announced, "We, the representatives for the forces of the Liberation Army of South Vietnam, solemnly declare that the City of Saigon was completely liberated. We accepted the unconditional surrender of General Dương Văn Minh, the president of the Saigon administration".[90] This announcement marked the end of the Vietnam War.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ John Wesley Dean III (born October 14, 1938) is an American attorney who served as White House Counsel for U.S. President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973. Dean is known for his role in the cover-up of the Watergate scandal and his subsequent testimony to Congress as a witness. His guilty plea to a single felony in exchange for becoming a key witness for the prosecution ultimately resulted in a reduced sentence, which he served at Fort Holabird outside Baltimore, Maryland. After his plea, he was disbarred. Shortly after the Watergate hearings, Dean wrote about his experiences in a series of books and toured the United States to lecture. He later became a commentator on contemporary politics, a book author, and a columnist for FindLaw's Writ. Dean had originally been a proponent of Goldwater conservatism, but he later became a critic of the Republican Party. Dean has been particularly critical of the party's support of Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump, and of neoconservatism, strong executive power, mass surveillance, and the Iraq War. Charles Wendell Colson (October 16, 1931 – April 21, 2012), generally referred to as Chuck Colson, was an American attorney and political advisor who served as Special Counsel to President Richard Nixon from 1969 to 1970. Once known as President Nixon's "hatchet man", Colson gained notoriety at the height of the Watergate scandal, for being named as one of the Watergate Seven, and also for pleading guilty to obstruction of justice for attempting to defame Pentagon Papers defendant Daniel Ellsberg.[1] In 1974, he served seven months in the federal Maxwell Prison in Alabama, as the first member of the Nixon administration to be incarcerated for Watergate-related charges.[2] Colson became an evangelical Christian in 1973. His mid-life religious conversion sparked a radical life change that led to the founding of his non-profit ministry Prison Fellowship and, three years later, Prison Fellowship International, to a focus on Christian worldview teaching and training around the world. Colson was also a public speaker and the author of more than 30 books.[3] He was the founder and chairman of The Chuck Colson Center for Christian Worldview, which is a research, study, and networking center for growing in a Christian worldview, and which produces Colson's daily radio commentary, BreakPoint, heard on more than 1,400 outlets across the United States currently presented by John Stonestreet.[4][5] Colson was a principal signer of the 1994 Evangelicals and Catholics Together ecumenical document signed by leading Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholic leaders in the United States. Colson received 15 honorary doctorates, and in 1993 was awarded the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, the world's largest annual award (over US$1 million) in the field of religion, given to a person who "has made an exceptional contribution to affirming life's spiritual dimension". He donated this prize to further the work of Prison Fellowship, as he did all his speaking fees and royalties. In 2008, he was awarded the Presidential Citizens Medal by President George W. Bush. Early life, education, and family Charles Wendell Colson was born on October 16, 1931, in Boston, Massachusetts, the son of Inez "Dizzy" (née Ducrow) and Wendell Ball Colson.[6] He was of Swedish and British descent.[7] In his youth, Colson had seen the charitable works of his parents. His mother cooked meals for the hungry during the Depression and his father donated his legal services to the United Prison Association of New England. During World War II, Colson organized fund-raising campaigns in his school for the war effort that raised enough money to buy a Jeep for the army.[8] In 1948, Colson volunteered in the campaign to re-elect the Governor of Massachusetts, Robert Bradford. After turning down a full scholarship to Harvard University and attending Browne & Nichols School in Cambridge in 1949, he earned his AB, with honors, in history from Brown University in 1953, and his J.D., with honors, from George Washington University Law School in 1959. At Brown, he was a member of Beta Theta Pi. Colson's first marriage with Nancy Billings, in 1953, bore three children: Wendell Ball II (born 1954), Christian Billings (1956), and Emily Ann (1958). After some years of separation, the marriage ended in divorce in January 1964. He married Patricia Ann Hughes on April 4, 1964. Early career Colson served in the United States Marine Corps from 1953 to 1955, reaching the rank of captain. From 1955 to 1956, he was assistant to the Assistant Secretary of the Navy (Material). He then worked on the successful 1960 campaign of Leverett Saltonstall (U.S. Republican Party for the U.S. Senate), and was his Administrative Assistant from 1956 to 1961. In 1961 Colson founded the law firm of Colson & Morin, which swiftly grew to a Boston and Washington, D.C., presence with the addition of former U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission chairman Edward Gadsby and former Raytheon Company general counsel Paul Hannah. Colson and Morin shortened the name to Gadsby & Hannah in late 1967. Colson left the firm to join the Richard Nixon administration in January 1969. Nixon administration Colson with President Richard Nixon and pollster Louis Harris on October 13, 1971, in the Oval Office White House duties In 1968, Colson served as counsel to Republican presidential candidate Richard Nixon's Key Issues Committee.[9] On November 6, 1969, Colson was appointed as Special Counsel to President Nixon.[9] Colson was responsible for inviting influential private special interest groups into the White House policy-making process and winning their support on specific issues. His office served as the President's political communications liaison with organized labor, veterans, farmers, conservationists, industrial organizations, citizen groups, and almost any organized lobbying group whose objectives were compatible with the Administration's. Colson's staff broadened the White House lines of communication with organized constituencies by arranging presidential meetings and sending White House news releases of interest to the groups.[9] In addition to his liaison and political duties, Colson's responsibilities included performing special assignments for the president, such as drafting legal briefs on particular issues, reviewing presidential appointments, and suggesting names for White House guest lists. His work also included major lobbying efforts on such issues as construction of an antiballistic missile system, the president's Vietnamization program, and the administration's revenue-sharing proposal.[9] "The 'Evil Genius' of an Evil Administration" Slate magazine writer David Plotz described Colson as Nixon's "hard man, the 'evil genius' of an evil administration."[10] Colson has written that he was "valuable to the President ... because I was willing ... to be ruthless in getting things done".[11] Nixon's White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman described Colson as the president's "hit man".[12][13] Colson authored the 1971 memo listing Nixon's major political opponents, later known as Nixon's enemies list. A quip that "Colson would walk over his own grandmother if necessary" mutated into claims in news stories that Colson had boasted that he would run over his own grandmother to re-elect Nixon.[11] In a conversation on February 13, 1973, Colson told Nixon that he had always had "a little prejudice".[14][clarification needed] New York City Hard Hat Riot Main article: Hard Hat Riot On May 4, 1970, four students were shot dead at Kent State University in Ohio while protesting the Vietnam War and the incursion into Cambodia.[15] As a show of sympathy for the dead students, Mayor John Lindsay ordered all flags at New York City Hall to be flown at half-mast that same day. A transcription made of a White House tape recording dated May 5, 1971,[16][17] documents that the planning phase of the Hard Hat Riot took place in the White House Oval Office. Colson is heard successfully instigating several New York State AFL–CIO union leaders into organizing an attack against student protesters in New York. These officials then armed some 200 construction workers in Lower Manhattan with lengths of steel re-bar which they, along with their hard hats, proceeded to use against about 1,000 high school and college students protesting the Vietnam War and the Kent State shootings. The initial attack was near the intersection of Wall Street and Broad Street, but the riot soon spread to New York City Hall and lasted a little more than two hours. More than 70 people were injured, including four policemen. Six people were arrested.[10][18] Two weeks after the Hard Hat Riot, Colson arranged a White House ceremony honoring the union leader most responsible for the attack, Peter J. Brennan, president of the Building and Construction Trades local for New York City. Brennan was later appointed U.S. Secretary of Labor and served under Presidents Nixon and Gerald Ford.[19] Proposed firebombing of the Brookings Institution Colson also proposed firebombing the Brookings Institution and stealing politically damaging documents while firefighters put the fire out.[20][21][22] Attacking the young Vietnam veteran John Kerry Colson's voice, from archives of April 1969, is heard in the 2004 movie Going Upriver deprecating the anti-war efforts of John Kerry. Colson's orders were to "destroy the young demagogue before he becomes another Ralph Nader."[23][24] In a phone conversation with Nixon on April 28, 1971, Colson said, "This fellow Kerry that they had on last week...He turns out to be really quite a phony."[23][24] Watergate and Ellsberg scandals Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP White House Richard Nixon Alexander Butterfield Charles Colson John Dean John Ehrlichman Gerald Ford H. R. Haldeman E. Howard Hunt Egil Krogh G. Gordon Liddy Gordon C. Strachan Rose Mary Woods Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte Colson attended some meetings of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP). However, he and the White House Staff "had come to regard the Committee to Re-elect the President as a rival organisation."[25] When Colson had taken charge of the Office of Communications, he was offered but rejected Jeb Magruder as a senior staffer, and Magruder was instead sent over to CRP, as "At least he can't do any harm there" replied Colson. It was one of his less prescient judgements. Unknown to Colson and most other White House personnel, Magruder had been doing enormous harm by authorizing a series of James Bond-style clandestine operations against the Democrats.[26] At a CRP meeting on March 21, 1971, it was agreed to spend US$250,000 on "intelligence gathering" on the Democratic Party.[27] Colson and John Ehrlichman had recruited E. Howard Hunt as a White House consultant for $100 per day ($723 in 2022 dollars).[28] Though Hunt never worked directly for Colson, he did several odd jobs for Colson's office prior to working for Egil "Bud" Krogh, head of the White House Special Operations Unit (the so-called "Plumbers"),[29] which had been organized to stop leaks in the Nixon administration. Hunt teamed with G. Gordon Liddy, and the two headed the Plumbers' attempted burglary of Pentagon Papers-leaker Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office in Los Angeles in September 1971. The Pentagon Papers were a collection of military documents comprising an exhaustive study of the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War. Their publication helped increase opposition to the war. Colson hoped that revelations about Ellsberg could be used to discredit the anti-Vietnam War cause. Colson admitted to leaking information from Ellsberg's confidential FBI file to the press, but denied organizing Hunt's burglary of Ellsberg's office.[11] In his 2005 book The Good Life,[30] Colson expressed regret for attempting to cover up this incident. Although not discovered until several years after Nixon had resigned and Colson had finished serving his prison term, the transcript of a White House conversation between Nixon and Colson tape-recorded on June 20, 1972, has denials from both men of the White House's involvement in the break-in. Hunt had been off the payroll for three months. Colson asks "Do they think I'm that dumb?". Nixon comments that "we have got to have lawyers smart enough to have our people de-, delay (unintelligible) avoiding--depositions, of course, uh, are one possibility. We've got –I think it would be a quite the thing for the judge to call in Mitchell and have a deposition in the middle of the campaign, don't you?" to which Colson responds that he would welcome a deposition because "I'm not –, because nobody, everybody's completely out of it."[31] On March 10, 1973, seventeen months before Nixon's resignation, Colson resigned from the White House to return to the private practice of law, as Senior Partner at the law firm of Colson and Shapiro, Washington, D.C.[32] However, Colson was retained as a special consultant by Nixon for several more months.[33] Indicted On March 1, 1974, Colson was indicted for conspiring to cover up the Watergate burglaries.[9] Introduced to evangelical Christianity As Colson was facing arrest, his close friend Thomas L. Phillips, chairman of the board of Raytheon Company, gave him a copy of Mere Christianity by C. S. Lewis; after reading it, Colson became an evangelical Christian. Colson then joined a prayer group led by Douglas Coe and including Democratic Senator Harold Hughes, Republican congressman Al Quie and Democratic congressman Graham B. Purcell, Jr. When news of the conversion emerged much later, several U.S. newspapers, as well as Newsweek, The Village Voice,[34] and Time, ridiculed the conversion, claiming that it was a ploy to reduce his sentence.[35] In his 1975 memoir Born Again,[36] Colson noted that a few writers published sympathetic stories, as in the case of a widely reprinted UPI article, "From Watergate to Inner Peace."[37] Pleads guilty, imprisoned After taking the Fifth Amendment on the advice of his lawyers during early testimony, Colson found himself torn between his desire to be truthful and his desire to avoid conviction on charges of which he believed himself innocent. Following prayer and consultation with his fellowship group, Colson approached his lawyers and suggested a plea of guilty to a different criminal charge of which he did consider himself to be culpable.[38][39][40] After days of negotiation with Watergate Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski and Watergate Trial Judge Gerhard Gesell, Colson pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice on the basis of having attempted to defame Ellsberg's character in the build-up to the trial in order to influence the jury against him. Journalist Carl Rowan commented in a column of June 10, 1974, that the guilty plea came "at a time when the judge was making noises about dismissing the charges against him", and speculated that Colson was preparing to reveal highly damaging information against Nixon,[41] an expectation shared by columnist Clark Mollenhoff; Mollenhoff even went so far as to suggest that for Colson not to become a "devastating witness" would cast doubt on the sincerity of his conversion.[42] On June 21, 1974, Colson was given a one-to- three-year sentence and fined $5,000.[9][43] He was subsequently disbarred in the District of Columbia, with the expectation of his also being prohibited from using his licenses from Virginia and Massachusetts.[44][45] Colson served seven months in Maxwell Correctional Facility in Alabama,[46]—with brief stints at a facility on the Fort Holabird grounds when needed as a trial witness—[47][48] entering prison on July 9, 1974,[49] and being released early, on January 31, 1975, by the sentencing judge because of family problems.[48][50] At the time that Gesell ordered his release, Colson was one of the last of the Watergate defendants still in jail: only Gordon Liddy was still incarcerated. Egil Krogh had served his sentence and been released before Colson entered jail, while John Dean, Jeb Magruder, and Herb Kalmbach had been released earlier in January 1975 by Judge John Sirica.[48] Although Gesell declined to name the "family problems" prompting the release,[48] Colson wrote in his 1976 memoir that his son Chris, angry over his father's imprisonment and looking to replace his broken car, had bought $150 worth of marijuana in hopes of selling it at a profit, and had been arrested in South Carolina, where he was in college.[51] The state later dropped the charges.[45] Interest in prison reform Born Again, Colson's personal memoir reflecting on his religious conversion and prison term, was made into a 1978 dramatic film starring Dean Jones as Colson, Anne Francis as his wife Patty, and Harold Hughes as himself. Actor Kevin Dunn portrayed Colson in the 1995 movie Nixon. During his time in prison, Colson had become increasingly aware of what he saw as injustices done to prisoners and incarcerates and shortcomings in their rehabilitation; he also had the opportunity, during a three-day furlough to attend his father's funeral, to pore over his father's papers and discover the two shared an interest in prison reform. He became convinced that he was being called by God to develop a ministry to prisoners with an emphasis in promoting changes in the justice system. Career after prison Prison ministry After his release from prison, Colson founded Prison Fellowship in 1976, which today is "the nation's largest outreach to prisoners, ex-prisoners, and their families".[52][53] Colson worked to promote prisoner rehabilitation and reform of the prison system in the United States, citing his disdain for what he called the "lock 'em and leave 'em" warehousing approach to criminal justice. He helped to create prisons whose populations come from inmates who choose to participate in faith-based programs. In 1979, Colson founded Prison Fellowship International to extend his prison outreach outside the United States. Now in 120 countries, Prison Fellowship International is the largest, most extensive association of national Christian ministries working within the criminal justice field, working to proclaim the Gospel worldwide and alleviate the suffering of prisoners and their families. In 1983, Prison Fellowship International received special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. During this time, Colson also founded Justice Fellowship, using his influence in conservative political circles to push for bipartisan, legislative reforms in the U.S. criminal justice system.[54] On June 18, 2003, Colson was invited by President George W. Bush to the White House to present results of a scientific study on the faith-based initiative, InnerChange, at the Carol Vance Unit (originally named the Jester II Unit) prison facility of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice in Fort Bend County, Texas. Colson led a small group that included Dr. Byron Johnson of the University of Pennsylvania, who was the principal researcher of the InnerChange study, a few staff members of Prison Fellowship and three InnerChange graduates to the meeting. In the presentation, Johnson explained that 171 participants in the InnerChange program were compared to a matched group of 1,754 inmates from the prison's general population. The study found that only 8 percent of InnerChange graduates, as opposed to 20.3 percent of inmates in the matched comparison group, became offenders again in a two-year period. In other words, the recidivism rate was cut by almost two-thirds for those who complete the faith-based program. Those who are dismissed for disciplinary reasons or who drop out voluntarily, or those who are paroled before completion, have a comparable rate of rearrest and incarceration.[55][56] The commonly-reported results from the study have been strongly criticized for selecting only participants who were unlikely to be rearrested (especially those who were successfully placed in post-prison jobs), and when considering all of the InnerChange study participants, their recidivism rate (24.3%) was worse than the control group (20.3%).[57][58] Christian advocacy Colson maintained a variety of media channels which discuss contemporary issues from an evangelical Christian worldview. In his Christianity Today columns, for example, Colson opposed same-sex marriage,[59] and argued that Darwinism is used to attack Christianity.[60] He also argued against evolution and in favor of intelligent design,[61] and asserted that Darwinism led to forced sterilizations by eugenicists.[62] Colson was an outspoken critic of postmodernism, believing that as a cultural worldview, it is incompatible with the Christian tradition. He debated prominent post-evangelicals, such as Brian McLaren, on the best response for the evangelical church in dealing with the postmodern cultural shift. Colson, however, came alongside the creation care movement when endorsing Christian environmentalist author Nancy Sleeth's Go Green, Save Green: A Simple Guide to Saving Time, Money, and God's Green Earth. In the early 1980s, Colson was invited to New York by David Frost's variety program on NBC for an open debate with Madalyn Murray O'Hair, the atheist who, in 1963, brought the court case (Murray v. Curlett) that eliminated official public school prayers.[63] Colson was a member of the Family (also known as the Fellowship), described by prominent evangelical Christians as one of the most politically well-connected fundamentalist organizations in the US.[64] On April 4, 1991, Colson was invited to deliver a speech as part of the Distinguished Lecturer series at Harvard Business School. The speech was titled The Problem of Ethics, where he argued that a society without a foundation of moral absolutes cannot long survive.[65] Colson was later a principal signer of the 1994 Evangelicals and Catholics Together ecumenical document signed by leading Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholic leaders in the United States, part of a larger ecumenical rapprochement in the United States that had begun in the 1970s with Catholic-Evangelical collaboration during the Gerald R. Ford Administration and in later para-church organizations such as Moral Majority founded by Rev. Jerry Falwell at the urging of Francis Schaeffer and his son Frank Schaeffer during the Jimmy Carter administration.[66] In November 2009, Colson was a principal writer and driving force behind an ecumenical statement known as the Manhattan Declaration calling on evangelicals, Catholics and Orthodox Christians not to comply with rules and laws permitting abortion, same-sex marriage and other matters that go against their religious consciences.[67] He previously had ignited controversy within Protestant circles for his mid-90s common-ground initiative with conservative Roman Catholics Evangelicals and Catholics Together, which Colson wrote alongside prominent Roman Catholic Richard John Neuhaus. Colson was also a proponent of the Bible Literacy Project's curriculum The Bible and Its Influence for public high school literature courses.[68][non-primary source needed] Colson has said that Protestants have a special duty to prevent anti-Catholic bigotry.[69] Political engagement In 1988, Colson became involved with the Elizabeth Morgan case,[70] visiting Morgan in jail and lobbying to change federal law in order to free her.[71] On October 3, 2002, Colson was one of the co-signers of the Land letter sent to President George W. Bush. The letter was written by Richard D. Land, president of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention and co-signed by four prominent American evangelical Christian leaders with Colson among them. The letter outlined their theological support for a just war in the form of a pre-emptive invasion of Iraq. On June 1, 2005, Colson appeared in the national news commenting on the revelation that W. Mark Felt was Deep Throat.[72] Colson expressed disapproval in Felt's role in the Watergate scandal, first in the context of Felt being an FBI employee who should have known better than to disclose the results of a government investigation to the press (violating a fundamental tenet of FBI culture), and second in the context of the trust placed in him (which demanded a more active response, such as a face-to-face confrontation with the FBI director or Nixon or, had that failed, public resignation). His criticism of Felt provoked a harsh response from Benjamin Bradlee, former executive editor of The Washington Post, one of only three individuals to know who Deep Throat was prior to the public disclosure, who said he was "baffled" that Colson and Liddy were "lecturing the world about public morality" considering their role in the Watergate scandal. Bradlee stated that "as far as I'm concerned they have no standing in the morality debate."[73] Colson also supported the passage of Proposition 8. He signed his name to a full-page ad in the December 5, 2008 The New York Times that objected to violence and intimidation against religious institutions and believers in the wake of the passage of Proposition 8.[74] The ad stated that "violence and intimidation are always wrong, whether the victims are believers, gay people, or anyone else."[75] A dozen other religious and human rights activists from several different faiths also signed the ad, noting that they "differ on important moral and legal questions", including Proposition 8.[75] Awards and honors Colson with President George W. Bush after receiving the Presidential Citizens Medal, December 20, 2008 From 1982 to 1995, Colson received honorary doctorates from various colleges and universities.[46] In 1990, The Salvation Army recognized Colson with its highest civic award, the Others Award. Previous recipients of the award include Barbara Bush, Paul Harvey, US Senator Bob Dole and the Meadows Foundation.[76] In 1993, Colson was awarded the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, the world's largest cash gift (over $1 million), which is given each year to the one person in the world who has done the most to advance the cause of religion.[77] He donated this prize, as he did all speaking fees and royalties, to further the work of Prison Fellowship.[citation needed] In 1994, Colson was quoted in contemporary Christian music artist Steven Curtis Chapman's song "Heaven in the Real World" as saying: Where is the hope? I meet millions of people who feel demoralized by the decay around us. The hope that each of us has is not in who governs us, or what laws we pass, or what great things we do as a nation. Our hope is in the power of God working through the hearts of people. And that's where our hope is in this country. And that's where our hope is in life. In 1999, Colson co-authored How Now Shall We Live? with Nancy Pearcey and published by Tyndale House. The book was winner of the Evangelical Christian Publishers Association 2000 Gold Medallion Book Award in the "Christianity and Society" category.[78] Colson had previously won the 1993 Gold Medallion award in the "Theology/Doctrine" category for The Body co-authored with Ellen Santilli Vaughn, published by Word, Inc.[79] On February 9, 2001, the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU) presented Colson with the Mark O. Hatfield Leadership Award at the Forum on Christian Higher Education in Orlando, Florida. The award is presented to individuals who have demonstrated uncommon leadership that reflects the values of Christian higher education. The award was established in 1997 in honor of US Senator Mark Hatfield, a long-time supporter of the council.[80] In 2008, Colson was presented with the Presidential Citizens Medal by President George W. Bush. Later years In 2000, Florida Governor Jeb Bush reinstated the rights taken away by Colson's felony conviction, including the right to vote.[81] On March 31, 2012, Colson underwent surgery to remove a blood clot from his brain after he fell ill while speaking at a Christian worldview conference.[82] CBN erroneously reported on April 18, 2012, that he died with his family at his side[83] but Prison Fellowship later (12:30 am on April 19 and again at 7:02 am) pointed out that he was still alive as of that moment.[84][85] Death On April 21, 2012, Colson died in the hospital "from complications resulting from a brain hemorrhage".[86][87][88][89][90] Books [icon] This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (June 2018) Colson had a long list of publications and collaborations, including over 30 books which have sold more than 5 million copies.[91] He also wrote forewords for several other books. Year Title Publisher ISBN 1976 Born Again Chosen Books ISBN 978-0-8007-9459-0 1979 Life Sentence Chosen Books ISBN 0-8007-8668-8 1983 Loving God[92] HarperPaperbacks ISBN 0-310-47030-7 1987 Kingdoms in Conflict[93] (with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) William Morrow & Co ISBN 0-688-07349-2 1989 Against the Night: Living in the New Dark Ages[94] (with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) Servant Publications ISBN 0-89283-309-2 1990 The God of Stones and Spiders Crossway Books ISBN 978-0891075714 1991 Why America Doesn't Work[95] (with Jack Eckerd) Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-0873-6 1993 The Body: Being Light in Darkness[96] (with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) Word Books ISBN 0-85009-603-0 1993 A Dance with Deception: Revealing the truth behind the headlines[97] Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-1057-9 1995 Evangelicals and Catholics Together: Toward a Common Mission (co-edited with Richard John Neuhaus) Thomas Nelson ISBN 0-8499-3860-0 1995 Gideon's Torch Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-1146-X 1996 Being The Body[98] (with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) Thomas Nelson ISBN 0-8499-1752-2 1997 Loving God Zondervan ISBN 0-310-21914-0 1998 Burden of Truth: Defending the Truth in an Age of Unbelief Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-3475-0 1999 How Now Shall We Live[99] (with Nancy Pearcey and Harold Fickett) Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-1808-9 2001 Justice That Restores Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-5245-7 2004 The Design Revolution: Answering the Toughest Questions About Intelligent Design (with William A. Dembski) Inter Varsity Press ISBN 0-8308-2375-1 2005 The Good Life (with Harold Fickett) Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-7749-2 2007 God and Government Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-27764-4 2008 The Faith (with Harold Fickett) Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-27603-6 2011 The Sky Is Not Falling: Living Fearlessly in These Turbulent Times[100] Worthy Publishing ISBN 978-1-936034-54-3 (Some of these ISBNs are for recent editions of the older books.) Curricula (This is not a complete list.) Year Title Publisher ISBN 2006 Wide Angle Purpose Driven Publishing ISBN 978-1-4228-0083-6 2011 Doing the Right Thing DVD Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-42775-9 2011 Doing the Right Thing Participant's Guide Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-42776-6 Notes A Gallery of the Guilty. Time. January 13, 1975. "About Chuck Colson". Archived from the original on November 1, 2009. Retrieved November 25, 2009. "Chuck Colson Bio". Archived from the original on February 3, 2012. Retrieved April 18, 2012. "The Chuck Colson Center". Archived from the original on April 18, 2012. Retrieved April 18, 2012. "Colson Center Fact Sheet". Archived from the original on April 26, 2012. Retrieved April 18, 2012. The Encyclopedia of Christian Literature. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press. 2010. p. 261. ISBN 978-0-8108-6987-5. Aitken, Jonathan (2006). Charles Colson: A Life Redeemed. London: Continuum. p. 20. ISBN 0-8264-8030-6. Colson, Charles W.; Harold Fickett (2005). The Good Life. Tyndale House. pp. 9, 83. ISBN 0-8423-7749-2. Special Files: Charles W. Colson Archived May 27, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, United States National Archives and Records Administration David Plotz (March 10, 2000). "Charles Colson – How a Watergate crook became America's greatest Christian conservative". Slate. Colson, Charles W. (1975). Born Again. Chosen. ISBN 0-8007-9377-3. Chapter 5. H. R. Haldeman. The Ends of Power, (New York: Dell), p. 5. ISBN 0440122392 "Charles Colson". washingtonpost.com. Nagourney, Adam (December 10, 2010) "In Tapes, Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks". The New York Times. Kifner, "4 Kent State Students Killed by Troops," The New York Times, May 5, 1970. "Tape: Nixon Wanted Thugs to Assault Demonstrators".[permanent dead link] The Palm Beach Post. September 24, 1981. "Tape Reveals Nixon Backed Thugs Plan". Glasgow Herald. September 25, 1981 Republican Gomorrah: Inside The Movement That Shattered The Party. pp. 59–60. Max Blumenthal. Republican Gomorrah: Inside The Movement That Shattered The Party. p. 60. Max Blumenthal. Mehren, Elizabeth (February 18, 2003). "Insanity in Nixon's White House". Los Angeles Times. (Text available here.) Dean, John (1976). Blind Ambition. Pocket Books. pp. 35–39. ISBN 0-671-81248-3. Watergate, by Fred Emery. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995, ISBN 0-684-81323-8, pp. 47–48. References Nixon's memoirs regarding firebombing. With antiwar role, high visibility, Boston Globe, June 17, 2003 Nixon targeted Kerry for anti-war views, Brian Williams, NBC News, March 16, 2004 Aitken, 2005, p. 166 Aitken, 2005, p. 178 Rosen, John (June 2008). "The Strong Man – John Mitchell and the Secrets of Watergate". The Washington Post. Aitken, 2005, p. 155 Aitken, 2005, p. 156 Colson, Charles W.; Harold Fickett (2005). The Good Life. Tyndale House. pp. 19, 20. ISBN 0-8423-7749-2. "'Transcript of a Meeting Between the President and Charles Colson' June 20, 1972 White House conversation of Richard Nixon and Charles Colson, p. 15" (PDF). Watergate Special Prosecution Force Transcripts. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 22, 2015. Retrieved August 13, 2015. Papers of Charles Wendell Colson – Collection 275 Archived April 23, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Archives, Billy Graham Center, December 8, 2004. Watergate, by Fred Emery, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1995, ISBN 0-684-81323-8 William Buckley. "Colson Christianity skepticism unfounded," originally in Washington Star and reprinted in The Dallas Morning News, June 28, 1974, p. 21A. "The Man Who Converted to Softball". Time. June 17, 1974. Archived from the original on January 5, 2013. Colson, Charles W. Born Again. Chosen Books, 1975 United Press International. "From Watergate to Inner Peace," The Dallas Morning News, December 20, 1973, p. 8A. Maryln Schwartz. "Prayer for Colson," The Dallas Morning News, June 7, 1974, p. 8A. "About Chuck Colson". breakpoint.org. Archived from the original on September 28, 2007. Howard Chua-Eoan (April 21, 2012). "The Watergate Dirty Trickster Who Found God: Charles Colson (1931–2012)". time.com. Carl Rowan. "Colson could bring swift end to puzzle," The Dallas Morning News, June 10, 1974, p. 23A. Clark Mollenhoff. "Colson could mean trouble," The Dallas Morning News, June 29, 1974, p. 19A. Associated Press. "Colson ordered to serve 1 to 3 years in prison," The Dallas Morning News, June 22, 1974, p. 1A. "Court Disbars Charles Colson," The Dallas Morning News, June 27, 1974, p. 12A. Timothy M. Phelps (June 17, 2012). "Charles Colson dies at 80; Watergate felon and prison reformer". Los Angeles Times. "About Chuck Colson". Archived from the original on September 28, 2007. Retrieved December 13, 2006., BreakPoint website Associated Press. "Committee hears Colson: testimony leaves panel members confused," The Dallas Morning News, July 16, 1974, p. 2AL "Colson was brought from his jail cell at Fort Holabird, Md., to testify on his inside knowledge of the plumbers, the Watergate break-in and coverup, and the ITT and milk matters." "Charles Colson, Nixon counsel, ordered freed," The Dallas Morning News, February 1, 1975, p. 1A. "Colson begins prison term with data offer," The Dallas Morning News, p. 2A. Born Again, Chapter 27. Colson, Charles W. (1976). Born Again. Chosen Books. p. 364. ISBN 0-912376-13-9. "Prison Fellowship: A Timeline". Archived from the original on June 15, 2012. Retrieved April 18, 2012. "Nation's Largest Prison Ministry Announces Appointment of New CEO". June 6, 2011. Archived from the original on May 1, 2012. Retrieved April 18, 2012. "Justice Fellowship". "NICIC.gov: CRRUCS Report 2003: InnerChange Freedom Initiative". Archived from the original on May 5, 2009. Retrieved March 25, 2007. Colson, Charles W.; Harold Fickett (2005). "Epilogue". The Good Life. Tyndale House. pp. 362–64. ISBN 0-8423-7749-2. Mark A.R. Kleiman (August 5, 2003). "Faith-based fudging". Slate Magazine. "The InnerChange Freedom Initiative: A Preliminary Evaluation of a Faith-Based Prison Program, p. 5, Executive Summary, finding #4" (PDF). "The coming persecution: how same-sex 'marriage' will harm Christians," Christian Post, July 2, 2008. God Versus Darwin: What Darwinism Really Means, Breakpoint (a Prison Fellowship publication). Chuck Colson's Ten Questions about Origins Archived February 11, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Breakpoint Chuck Colson. "Deadly exports". townhall.com. Archived from the original on June 11, 2011. Retrieved September 11, 2006. Colson, Charles W.; Harold Fickett (2005). The Good Life. Tyndale House. ISBN 0-8423-7749-2. Sharlet, Jeff (2008). The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power. HarperCollins. p. 231. ISBN 978-0-06-055979-3. The Problem of Ethics Archived November 23, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Charles W. Colson, April 4, 1991 Republican Gomorrah: Inside the Movement That Shattered The Party. "Creating A Monster". pp. 24–27, ISBN 978-1-56858-398-3 "demossnewspond.com". Archived from the original on September 1, 2013. What Scholars and Leaders are Saying Archived July 21, 2009, at the Wayback Machine "victorclaveau.com". simple:Elizabeth Morgan case[circular reference] Matza, Michael (September 28, 1989). "Readjusting To Life After Jail Elizabeth Morgan Talks Of Her Plans – But Reveals Little About Hilary, Her Daughter In Hiding". philly.com. Retrieved October 1, 2016. Nixon aides say Felt is no hero. NBC News. June 1, 2005. Bradlee, Ben (June 2, 2005). "Transcript: Deep Throat Revealed". The Washington Post. Fletcher Stack, Peggy (December 2008). "New ad blasts earlier ad condemning Prop 8 violence". The Salt Lake Tribune. Aaron Falk and Jens Dana (December 2008). "New York Times ad blasts ire aimed at LDS". Desert News Utah. Dinner to begin local Salvation Army campaign, The Bryan-College Station Eagle, September 26, 2004 "Charles W. Colson: Evangelist," 1993, templetonprize.org. Retrieved 6 May 2021. Christian Book Expo. "2000 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Evangelical Christian Publishers Association. Retrieved April 23, 2012. Christian Book Expo. "1993 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Evangelical Christian Publishers Association. Retrieved April 23, 2012. Charles Colson receives prestigious leadership award Archived December 12, 2004, at the Wayback Machine, Council for Christian Colleges and Universities, February 15, 2001 "The 25 Most Influential Evangelicals in America: Charles Colson". Time. February 7, 2005. Archived from the original on June 11, 2010. Hybels, Bill (April 6, 2012). "Chuck Colson in Critical Condition after Surgery (Updated: Family is Gathered with Colson)". Christianity Today. Retrieved April 19, 2012. "Chuck Colson in Grave Condition, Family Gathers Near – US – CBN News – Christian News 24-7". CBN.com. March 30, 2012. Retrieved April 19, 2012. Prison Fellowship [@prisonfellowshp] (April 19, 2012). "#ColsonNews update: Despite erroneous reports, PFM CEO Jim Liske reports Chuck Colson remains alive in hospital w/family at his side" (Tweet) – via Twitter. Prison Fellowship [@prisonfellowshp] (April 19, 2012). "Despite false reports, PFM CEO Jim Liske reports #ChuckColson remains alive in hospital w family. Pls cont in prayer" (Tweet) – via Twitter. "Remembering Chuck Colson". Archived from the original on April 23, 2012. Retrieved April 21, 2012. Tim Weiner (April 21, 2012). "Charles W. Colson, Watergate Felon Who Became Evangelical Leader, Dies at 80". The New York Times. Hagerty, Barbara Bradley (April 21, 2012). "Watergate Figure, Evangelist Chuck Colson Dies at 80". NPR. Retrieved April 21, 2012. "Chuck Colson dies at age 80". USA Today. April 21, 2012. Retrieved April 21, 2012. Bailey, Sarah Pulliam (April 21, 2012). "Evangelical Leader Chuck Colson Dead at 80". Christianity Today. Colson, Charles W. (1995). "Born Again" Amazon Editorial Review. Revell. ISBN 0800786335. "1984 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "1988 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "1990 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "1992 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "1993 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "1994 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "2004 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "2000 Gold Medallion Book Awards Winners". Retrieved November 25, 2009. "The Sky is Not Falling". worthypublishing.com. 2011. Archived from the original on October 12, 2011. Retrieved October 17, 2011. External links Biography portalflagUnited States portaliconPolitics portaliconChristianity portal Wikiquote has quotations related to Charles Colson. BreakPoint Commentary Charles W. Colson Papers, Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton College. Columns in Christianity Today Columns in The Christian Post Colson Center for Christian Worldview Chuck Colson's biography at Prison Fellowship Ministries Watergate Key Players by The Washington Post Nixon aides say Felt is no hero msnbc.com. June 1, 2005. ShortNews.com (Source for Citizens Medal Presentation) Appearances on C-SPAN FBI file on Charles Colson Charles Colson at Find a Grave Edit this at Wikidata Legal offices Preceded by John Ehrlichman White House Counsel 1969–1970 Succeeded by John Dean Political offices New office Director of the Office of Public Liaison 1970–1973 Succeeded by William Baroody vte Director of the Office of Public Liaison Colson Baroody Costanza Wexler Dole Whittlesey Chavez Maseng Range Kilberg Kremer Herman Echaveste Moore Cahill Westine Keenum Cram Jarrett Sifakis DeStefano Clark Munisteri (Acting) Pataki Richmond Saenz (Acting) Bottoms Benjamin White House Logo vte Templeton Prize laureates 1970s Mother Teresa (1973) Brother Roger (1974) Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1975) Leo Josef Suenens (1976) Chiara Lubich (1977) Thomas F. Torrance (1978) Nikkyō Niwano (1979) 1980s Ralph Wendell Burhoe (1980) Cicely Saunders (1981) Billy Graham (1982) Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (1983) Michael Bourdeaux (1984) Alister Hardy (1985) James I. McCord (1986) Stanley Jaki (1987) Inamullah Khan (1988) Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker & George MacLeod (1989) 1990s Baba Amte & Charles Birch (1990) Immanuel Jakobovits (1991) Kyung-Chik Han (1992) Charles Colson (1993) Michael Novak (1994) Paul Davies (1995) Bill Bright (1996) Pandurang Shastri Athavale (1997) Sigmund Sternberg (1998) Ian Barbour (1999) 2000s Freeman Dyson (2000) Arthur Peacocke (2001) John Polkinghorne (2002) Holmes Rolston III (2003) George F. R. Ellis (2004) Charles H. Townes (2005) John D. Barrow (2006) Charles Taylor (2007) Michał Heller (2008) Bernard d'Espagnat (2009) 2010s Francisco J. Ayala (2010) Martin Rees (2011) 14th Dalai Lama (2012) Desmond Tutu (2013) Tomáš Halík (2014) Jean Vanier (2015) Jonathan Sacks (2016) Alvin Plantinga (2017) Abdullah II of Jordan (2018) Marcelo Gleiser (2019) 2020s Francis Collins (2020) Jane Goodall (2021) Frank Wilczek (2022) Edna Adan Ismail (2023) Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway France BnF data Germany Israel United States Japan Czech Republic Korea Netherlands Poland Academics CiNii People Deutsche Biographie Other NARA SNAC IdRef Categories: 1931 births2012 deathsAmerican Christian writersAmerican evangelicalsAmerican people convicted of obstruction of justiceBrown University alumniBuckingham Browne & Nichols School alumniBurials at Quantico National CemeteryConverts to ChristianityCritics of atheismEditors of Christian publicationsGeorge Washington University Law School alumniIntelligent design advocatesLawyers disbarred in the Watergate scandalLawyers from BostonLeaders of Christian parachurch organizationsMassachusetts politicians convicted of crimesMassachusetts RepublicansMembers of the Committee for the Re-Election of the PresidentMilitary personnel from MassachusettsNixon administration personnel involved in the Watergate scandalPeople convicted in the Watergate scandalPresidential Citizens Medal recipientsPromise KeepersSouthern BaptistsTempleton Prize laureatesUnited States Marine Corps officersUnited States presidential advisorsVirginia RepublicansWriters from Boston

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Mainland Southeast Asia, also known as Indochina or the Indochinese Peninsula, is the continental portion of Southeast Asia. It lies east of the Indian subcontinent and south of Mainland China and is bordered by the Indian Ocean to the west and the Pacific Ocean to the east. It includes the countries of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, and Peninsular Malaysia. The term Indochina (originally Indo-China) was coined in the early nineteenth century, emphasizing the historical cultural influence of Indian and Chinese civilizations on the area. The term was later adopted as the name of the colony of French Indochina (today's Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam). Today, the term Mainland Southeast Asia, in contrast to Maritime Southeast Asia, is more commonly referenced. Terminology 1886 map of Indochina, from the Scottish Geographical Magazine The origins of the name Indo-China are usually attributed jointly to the Danish-French geographer Conrad Malte-Brun, who referred to the area as indo-chinois in 1804, and the Scottish linguist John Leyden, who used the term Indo-Chinese to describe the area's inhabitants and their languages in 1808.[1] Scholarly opinions at the time regarding China's and India's historical influence over the area were conflicting, and the term was itself controversial—Malte-Brun himself later argued against its use in a later edition of his Universal Geography, reasoning that it overemphasized Chinese influence, and suggested Chin-India instead.[2] Nevertheless, Indo-China had already gained traction and soon supplanted alternative terms such as Further India and the Peninsula beyond the Ganges. Later, however, as the French established the colony of French Indochina (covering present-day Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam), use of the term became more restricted to the French colony,[3] and today the area is usually referred to as Mainland Southeast Asia.[4] Biogeography In biogeography, the Indochinese bioregion is a major region in the Indomalayan realm, and also a phytogeographical floristic region in the Oriental Paleotropical Kingdom. It includes the native flora and fauna of all the countries above. The adjacent Malesian Region covers the Maritime Southeast Asian countries, and straddles the Indomalayan and Australasian realms.[5] Geography Mekong River The Indochinese Peninsula projects southward from the Asian continent proper. It contains several mountain ranges extending from the Tibetan Plateau in the north, interspersed with lowlands largely drained by three major river systems running in a north–south direction: the Irrawaddy (serving Myanmar), the Chao Phraya (in Thailand), and the Mekong (flowing through Northeastern Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam). To the south it forms the Malay Peninsula, located on which are Southern Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia; the latter is variably considered part of Mainland Southeast Asia or separately as part of Maritime Southeast Asia.[citation needed] Culture Ethnolinguistic groups of mainland Southeast Asia Mainland Southeast Asia contrasts with Maritime Southeast Asia, mainly through the division of largely land-based lifestyles in Indochina and the sea-based lifestyles of the Indonesian archipelago and Philippine archipelago, as well as the dividing line between the Austroasiatic, Tai–Kadai, and Sino-Tibetan languages (spoken in Mainland Southeast Asia) and the Austronesian languages (spoken in Maritime Southeast Asia). The languages of the mainland form the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area: although belonging to several independent language families, they have converged over the course of history and share a number of typological similarities.[citation needed] The countries of mainland Southeast Asia received cultural influence from both India and China to varying degrees.[6] Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Thailand are all influenced by Indian culture, only Vietnam is influenced by Chinese culture but still has minor influences from India, largely via the Champa civilization that Vietnam conquered during its southward expansion.[citation needed] Overall, Mainland Southeast Asia is predominantly Buddhist[7][8][9][10][11][12] with minority Muslim and Hindu populations.[13][14] See also iconAsia portaliconGeography portal Southeast Asia Maritime Southeast Asia Related regional concepts Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area Southeast Asian Massif Zomia Sub-regions Golden Chersonese Golden Triangle Greater Mekong Subregion References Vimalin Rujivacharakul; et al., eds. (2013). Architecturalized Asia : mapping a continent through history. Hong Kong University Press. p. 89. ISBN 9789888208050. Malte-Brun, Conrad (1827). Universal Geography, Or, A Description of All the Parts of the World, on a New Plan, According to the Great Natural Divisions of the Globe: Improved by the Addition of the Most Recent Information, Derived from Various Sources : Accompanied with Analytical, Synoptical, and Elementary Tables, Volume 2. A. Finley. pp. 262–3. Wesseling, H. L. (2015). The European Colonial Empires: 1815–1919. Routledge. ISBN 9781317895060. Keyes, Charles F. (1995). The golden peninsula : culture and adaptation in mainland Southeast Asia (Pbk. reprint ed.). University of Hawaii Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780824816964. "Biogeographic region – Fauna". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 15 March 2023. Retrieved 15 December 2019. Marion Severynse, ed. (1997). The Houghton Mifflin Dictionary Of Geography. Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 0-395-86448-8. "Malaysia". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 15 October 2021. Retrieved 24 January 2021. "Thailand". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 24 January 2021. "Myanmar". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 1 December 2021. Retrieved 24 January 2021. "Cambodia". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 24 January 2021. "Vietnam". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 24 January 2021. 2008 Report on International Religious Freedom (Report). U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. September 2008. Archived from the original on 6 July 2019. Retrieved 19 December 2016. SIDDIQUE, SHARON (1981). "Some Aspects of Malay-Muslim Ethnicity in Peninsular Malaysia". Contemporary Southeast Asia. 3 (1): 76–87. doi:10.1355/CS3-1E. ISSN 0129-797X. JSTOR 25797648. Archived from the original on 1 April 2023. Retrieved 27 July 2021. "The Minority Muslim Experience in Mainland Southeast Asia: A Different Path". Routledge & CRC Press. Archived from the original on 27 April 2023. Retrieved 27 July 2021. Further reading Bernard Philippe Groslier (1962). The art of Indochina: including Thailand, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Crown Publishers. History of the mountain people of southern Indochina up to 1945 (Bernard Bourotte, i.e. Jacques Méry), U.S. Agency for International Development, 195? (PDF) French Indochina (previously spelled as French Indo-China),[a][b] officially known as the Indochinese Union[c][d] and after 1947 as the Indochinese Federation,[e] was a grouping of French colonial territories in Southeast Asia until its demise in 1954. It comprised Cambodia, Laos (from 1899), the Chinese territory of Guangzhouwan (from 1898 until 1945), and the Vietnamese regions of Tonkin in the north, Annam in the centre, and Cochinchina in the south. The capital for most of its history (1902–1945) was Hanoi; Saigon was the capital from 1887 to 1902 and again from 1945 to 1954. The Second French Empire annexed Cochinchina in 1862 and established a protectorate in Cambodia in 1863. After the French Third Republic took over northern Vietnam through the Tonkin campaign, the various protectorates were consolidated into one union in 1887. Two more entities were incorporated into the union: the Laotian protectorate and the Chinese territory of Guangzhouwan. The French exploited the resources in the region during their rule, but also contributed to improvements of the health and education system in the region. Nevertheless, deep divides remained between the native population and the colonists, leading to sporadic rebellions by the former. After the Fall of France during World War II, the colony was administered by the Vichy government and was under Japanese occupation until March 1945, when the Japanese overthrew the colonial regime. After the Japanese surrender, the Viet Minh, a communist organization led by Hồ Chí Minh, declared Vietnamese independence, but France subsequently took back control of French Indochina with the help of the British. An all-out independence war, known as the First Indochina War, broke out in late 1946 between French and Viet Minh forces. To counter the Viet Minh, the State of Vietnam, led by former Emperor Bảo Đại, was proclaimed by the French in 1949. French efforts to retake Vietnam were unsuccessful, culminating in defeat at the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ. On 22 October and 9 November 1953, the Kingdom of Laos and Kingdom of Cambodia proclaimed their respective independences. Following the Geneva Accord of 1954, the French were forced to withdraw from Vietnam, which had been split into the two countries (until 1976), and French Indochina was no more. History Background First French interventions Main articles: France–Vietnam relations, French assistance to Nguyễn Ánh, and French conquest of Vietnam French–Vietnamese relations started during the early 17th century with the arrival of the Jesuit missionary Alexandre de Rhodes. Around this time, Vietnam had only just begun its "Push to the South"—"Nam Tiến", the occupation of the Mekong Delta, a territory being part of the Khmer Empire and to a lesser extent, the kingdom of Champa which they had defeated in 1471.[3] European involvement in Vietnam was confined to trade during the 18th century, as the remarkably successful work of the Jesuit missionaries continued. In 1787, Pierre Pigneau de Behaine, a French Catholic priest, petitioned the French government and organised French military volunteers to aid Nguyễn Ánh in retaking lands his family lost to the Tây Sơn. Pigneau died in Vietnam but his troops fought on until 1802 in the French assistance to Nguyễn Ánh. 19th century French conquest of Cochinchina Main article: Cochinchina Campaign See also: French Cochinchina and French protectorate of Cambodia Expansion of French Indochina (violet) The French colonial empire was heavily involved in Vietnam in the 19th century; often French intervention was undertaken in order to protect the work of the Paris Foreign Missions Society in the country. For its part, the Nguyễn dynasty increasingly saw Catholic missionaries as a political threat; courtesans, for example, an influential faction in the dynastic system, feared for their status in a society influenced by an insistence on monogamy.[4] In 1858, the brief period of unification under the Nguyễn dynasty ended with a successful attack on Tourane (present day Da Nang) by French Admiral Charles Rigault de Genouilly under the orders of Napoleon III. Prior to the attack French diplomat Charles de Montigny's efforts to reach a peaceable solution had failed. Seeing no other recourse, France sent Genouilly forward in a military effort to end Vietnam's persecution and expulsion of Catholic missionaries.[5] Fourteen French gunships, 3,300 men including 300 Filipino soldiers provided by the Spanish[6] attacked the port of Tourane causing significant damage and occupying the city. After fighting the Vietnamese for three months and finding himself unable to progress further in land, de Genouilly sought and received approval of an alternative attack on Saigon.[5][7] Sailing to southern Vietnam, de Genouilly captured the poorly defended city of Saigon on 17 February 1859. Once again, however, de Genouilly and his forces were unable to seize territory outside of the defensive perimeter of the city. De Genouilly was criticised for his actions and was replaced by Admiral Page in November 1859 with instructions to obtain a treaty protecting the Catholic faith in Vietnam while refraining from making territorial gains.[5][7] Peace negotiations proved unsuccessful and the fighting in Saigon continued. Ultimately in 1861, the French brought additional forces to bear in the Saigon campaign, advanced out of the city and began to capture cities in the Mekong Delta. On 5 June 1862, the Vietnamese conceded and signed the Treaty of Saigon whereby they agreed to legalize the free practice of the Catholic religion; to open trade in the Mekong Delta and at three ports at the mouth of the Red River in northern Vietnam; to cede the provinces of Biên Hòa, Gia Định and Định Tường along with the islands of Poulo Condore to France; and to pay reparations equivalent to one million dollars.[8][9][10] In 1864 the aforementioned three provinces ceded to France were formally constituted as the French colony of Cochinchina. Then in 1867, French Admiral Pierre de la Grandière forced the Vietnamese to surrender three additional provinces, Châu Đốc, Hà Tiên and Vĩnh Long. With these three additions all of southern Vietnam and the Mekong Delta fell under French control.[9] Establishment and early administration Main article: Tonkin campaign See also: Annam (French protectorate), Tonkin (French protectorate), French protectorate of Laos, and Guangzhouwan In 1863, the Cambodian king Norodom had requested the establishment of a French protectorate over his country. In 1867, Siam (modern Thailand) renounced suzerainty over Cambodia and officially recognised the 1863 French protectorate on Cambodia, in exchange for the control of Battambang and Siem Reap provinces which officially became part of Thailand. (These provinces would be ceded back to Cambodia by a border treaty between France and Siam in 1906).[citation needed] Siamese Army troops in the disputed territory of Laos in 1893 The Presidential Palace, in Hanoi, built between 1900 and 1906 to house the governor-general of Indochina France obtained control over northern Vietnam following its victory over China in the Sino-French War (1884–85). French Indochina was formed on 17 October 1887 from Annam, Tonkin, Cochinchina (which together form modern Vietnam) and the Kingdom of Cambodia; Laos was added after the Franco-Siamese War in 1893.[citation needed] The federation lasted until 21 July 1954. In the four protectorates, the French formally left the local rulers in power, who were the emperors of Vietnam, kings of Cambodia, and kings of Luang Prabang, but in fact gathered all powers in their hands, the local rulers acting only as figureheads.[citation needed] Japanese women called Karayuki-san migrated or were trafficked to cities like Hanoi, Haiphong and Saigon in colonial French Indochina in the late 19th century to work as prostitutes and provide sexual services to French soldiers who were occupying Vietnam. Since the French viewed Japanese women as clean, they were highly popular.[11][12] Images of the Japanese prostitutes in Vietnam were put on French postcards by French photographers.[13][14][15][16][17] The Japanese government tried to hide the existences of these Japanese prostitutes who went abroad and did not mention them in books on history.[18][19] Beginning in the 1880s there was a rise of an explicitly anti-Catholic French administration in French Indochina.[20] The administration would try to reduce Catholic missionary influence in French Indochinese society, as opposed to the earlier decades where missionaries played an important role in both administration and society in French Cochinchina.[20] From 1 January 1898, the French directly took over the right to collect all taxes in the protectorate of Annam and to allocate salaries to the Emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty and its mandarins.[21] In a notice dated 24 August 1898, the Resident-Superior of Annam wrote: "From now on, in the Kingdom of Annam there are no longer two governments, but only one" (meaning that the French government completely took over the administration).[21] Early Vietnamese rebellions Further information: Cần Vương movement While the French were trying to establish control over Cambodia, a large scale Vietnamese insurgency – the Cần Vương movement – started to take shape, aiming to expel the French and install the boy emperor Hàm Nghi as the leader of an independent Vietnam.[22] Between 1885 and 1889, insurgents, led by Phan Đình Phùng, Phan Chu Trinh, Phan Bội Châu, Trần Quý Cáp and Huỳnh Thúc Kháng, targeted Vietnamese Christians as there were very few French soldiers to overcome, which led to a massacre of around 40,000 Christians.[23] The rebellion was eventually brought down by a French military intervention, in addition to its lack of unity in the movement.[24][25][26] Nationalist sentiments intensified in Vietnam, especially during and after World War I, but all the uprisings and tentative efforts failed to obtain sufficient concessions from the French. Franco-Siamese War (1893) Main article: Franco-Siamese War Territorial conflict in the Indochinese peninsula for the expansion of French Indochina led to the Franco-Siamese War of 1893. In 1893 the French authorities in Indochina used border disputes, followed by the Paknam naval incident, to provoke a crisis. French gunboats appeared at Bangkok, and demanded the cession of Lao territories east of the Mekong River.[citation needed] King Chulalongkorn appealed to the British, but the British minister told the king to settle on whatever terms he could get, and he had no choice but to comply. Britain's only gesture was an agreement with France guaranteeing the integrity of the rest of Siam. In exchange, Siam had to give up its claim to the Thai-speaking Shan region of north-eastern Burma to the British, and cede Laos to France[citation needed]. 20th century Further encroachments on Siam (1904–1907) Occupation of Trat by French troops in 1904. The French continued to pressure Siam, and in 1902 they manufactured another crisis.[clarification needed] This time Siam had to concede French control of territory on the west bank of the Mekong opposite Luang Prabang and around Champasak in southern Laos, as well as western Cambodia. France also occupied the western part of Chantaburi. In 1904, to get back Chantaburi, Siam had to give Trat and Koh Kong to French Indochina. Trat became part of Thailand again on 23 March 1907 in exchange for many areas east of the Mekong like Battambang, Siam Nakhon and Sisophon. In the 1930s, Siam engaged France in a series of talks concerning the repatriation of Siamese provinces held by the French. In 1938, under the Front Populaire administration in Paris, France had agreed to repatriate Angkor Wat, Angkor Thom, Siem Reap, Siem Pang, and the associated provinces (approximately 13) to Siam.[citation needed] Meanwhile, Siam took over control of those areas, in anticipation of the upcoming treaty. Signatories from each country were dispatched to Tokyo to sign the treaty repatriating the lost provinces.[non sequitur] Anti-French revolts in the early 20th century Although during the early 20th century calm was supposed to reign as the French had "pacified" the region, constant uprisings contesting French rule characterised French Indochina this period.[27] "There is ample evidence of the rural populations' involvement in revolts against authority during the first 50 years of the French colonial presence in Cambodia."[28] The French Sûreté was worried about the Japanese victory during the Russo-Japanese War and its lasting impression on the East as it was considered to be the first victory of "a yellow people over the white", as well as the fall of the Manchu-led Qing dynasty to the Xinhai Revolution which established the Republic of China.[27] These events all had significant influence on nationalist sentiments in the territories of French Indochina.[27] The early 20th century saw a number of secret societies launch rebellions in Cochinchina, the Peace and Duty Society (Nghia Hoa Doan Hoi) was introduced to the region by the Minh Hương refugees following the Manchu conquest of China and the Vietnamese Heaven and Earth Society (天地會, Thiên Địa Hội).[29] The Peace and Duty Society was also active supporting anti-Qing insurgents in China.[29] The majority of the traditional mandarin elites would continue to operate under the French protectorate being loyal to their new rulers, but as early period of the Pháp thuộc saw an influx of French enterprises significant changes to the social order of the day inspired new forms of resistance against French rule that differed from the earlier Cần Vương Movement.[29] The new social circumstances in French Indochina were brought about by the establishment of industrial companies by the French such as the Union commerciale indochinoise, the Est Asiatique français shipping company, the Chemin de fer français de l'Indochine et du Yunan railway company, as well as the various coal exploitation companies operating in Tonkin, these modern companies were accompanied by an influx of French tea, coffee, and rubber plantation magnates.[29] Following the defeat of the Nguyễn loyalist Cần Vương Movement a new generation of anti-French resistance emerged, rather than being rooted in the traditional mandarin elites the new anti-French resistance leaders of the early 20th century were more influenced by international events and revolutions abroad to inspire their resistance and the issue of modernisation.[27] Some Vietnamese revolutionaries like Phan Châu Trinh traveled to the Western World (Đi Tây) to obtain the "keys" to modernity and hope to bring these back to Vietnam.[27] While others like the revolutionary leader Phan Bội Châu made the "Journey to the East" (Đông Du) to the Japanese Empire which they saw as the other role-model of modernisation for Vietnam to follow.[27] The Đông Du school of revoluties was supported by Prince Cường Để, a direct descendant of the Gia Long Emperor.[27] Prince Cường Để hoped that by financing hundreds of young ambitious Vietnamese people to go get educated in Japan that this would contribute to the liberation of his country from French domination.[27] The Duy Tân Hội was founded in 1904 by Phan Bội Châu and Prince Cường Để.[30][31][29] The group in a broader sense was also considered a Modernisation Movement.[32][33][34] This new group of people consisted only of a few hundred people, with most of its members being either students or nationalists.[29] Notable members of the society included Gilbert Trần Chánh Chiêu.[35] The members of the Duy Tân Hội would establish a network of commercial enterprises to both gain capital to finance their activities and to hide their true intentions.[29] A number of other anti-French organisations would support the Duy Tân Hội such as the Peace and Duty Society and the Heaven and Earth Society.[29] The Tonkin Free School (Đông Kinh Nghĩa Thục), which was created in Hanoi in 1907 by the supporters of both Phan Châu Trinh and Phan Bội Châu was closed in the year of its founding by the French authorities because it was perceived as being anti-French.[27] The Tonkin Free School stemmed from the movement of the same name, which aimed to modernise Vietnamese society by abandoning Confucianism and adopting new ideas from both the Western world and Japan. In particular, it promoted the Vietnamese version of the Latin script for writing Vietnamese in place of classical Chinese by publishing educational materials and newspapers using this script, as a new vehicle of instruction. The schools offered free courses to anyone who wanted to learn about the modern spirit. The teachers at the school at 59 Hàng Đàn included Phạm Duy Tốn.[36] in the years prior to World War I the French arrested thousands of people with some being sentenced to death and others being imprisoned at the Poulo Condore jail island (Côn Sơn Island).[27] Because of this Côn Sơn Island would become the best school for political prisoners, nationalists, and communists, as they were gathered together in large, common cells which allowed them to exchange their ideas.[27] In March 1908, mass demonstrations took place against the authorities demanding a reduction of the high taxes took place in the French protectorates of Annam and Tonkin.[27] The heads of Duong Be, Tu Binh and Doi Nhan decapitated by the French on July 8, 1908 in the Hanoi Poison Plot In June 1908, the Hanoi Poison Plot took place where a group of Tonkinese indigenous tirailleurs attempted to poison the entire French colonial army's garrison in the Citadel of Hanoi.[27] The aim of the plot was to neutralise the French garrison and make way for Commander Đề Thám's rebel army to capture the city of Hanoi. The plot was disclosed, and then was suppressed by the French.[37][27] In response the French proclaimed martial law. The French accused Phan Châu Trinh and Phan Bội Châu of the plot, Phan Châu Trinh was sent to Poulo Condor, and Phan Bội Châu fled to Japan and thence, in the year 1910, he went to China.[38][39][27] In the years 1912 and 1913 Vietnamese nationalists organised attacks in Tonkin and Cochinchina.[27] Using diplomatic pressure the French persuaded the Japanese to banish the Duy Tân Hội in 1909 from its shores causing them to seek refuge in Qing China, here they would join the ranks of Sun Yat-Sen's Tongmenghui.[29] While places like Guangdong, Guangxi, and Yunnan were earlier in the French sphere of influence in China, these places would now become hosts of anti-French revolutionary activities due to their borders with Tonkin and Laos, being the primary places of operation for both Chinese and Vietnamese revolutionaries.[29] This allowed for members of the Duy Tân Hội to perform border raids on both Tonkin and Laos from their bases in China.[29] In March 1913 the mystic millenarist cult leader Phan Xích Long organised an independence demonstration in Cholon which was attended by 600 peasants dressed in white robes.[40] Phan Xích Long claimed descent of the deposed Hàm Nghi Emperor and the Ming dynasty's emperor and declared himself to be the "Emperor of the Ming dynasty".[29] The year 1913 also saw the Duy Tân Hội's second insurrection campaign, this campaign resulted in the society's members murdering two French Hanoi police officers, attacks on both militia and the military, and the execution of a number of Nguyễn dynasty mandarins that were accused of working together with the French government.[29] Another revolt also broke out in Cochinchina in 1913 where prisons and administrative hubs were attacked by crowds of hundreds of peasants using sticks and swords to fight the French, as the French were armed with firearms a large number of protesters ended up dying by gunshot wounds causing the protests to break up ending the revolt.[29] During the early 20th century the French protectorate over Cambodia was challenged by rebels, just before it saw three separate revolts during the early reign of King Norodom, who had little authority outside Phnom Penh.[27] During the early 20th century Laos was considered to be the most "docile" territory as it saw relatively little uprisings.[27] The French attributed this to them being more stable rulers than the Siamese who had ruled over them for a century before the establishment of the French protectorate over their country.[27] Both the traditional elite and the Laotian peasantry seemed largely content with French rule during this period.[27] Despite this, sporadic revolts occurred in Laos during the late 19th century and early 20th century. During the late 19th century Southern Laos saw upland minority communities rising up in revolt, these were led by Bac My and Ong Ma on the Bolaven Plateau, who demanded the restoration of the "old order" and led an armed insurrection against the French until as late as 1936.[41][27] The Phu Mi Bun Revolt revolt erupted in 1901 and was not suppressed until 1907. It was a "major rebellion by local Lao Theung tribes (the Alak, Nyaheun, and Laven) against French domination".[42][43] Though there is not extensive literature on these particular revolutionary revolts in the Bolaven Plateau, one can see that the native communities desired to rid the region of the extensive and overpowering influence of their colonisers.[44] Introducing French education On 16 May 1906 the governor-general of French Indochina Jean Baptiste Paul Beau issued a decree establishing the Councils for the Improvement of Indigenous Education.[45][46] These organisations would oversee the French policies surrounding the education of the indigenous population of French Indochina to "study educational issues related to each place separately".[45] According to researcher Nguyễn Đắc Xuân, in 1907, the imperial court of the Nguyễn dynasty sent Cao Xuân Dục and Huỳnh Côn, the Thượng thư of the Hộ Bộ, to French Cochinchina to "hold a conference on education" (bàn nghị học chính) with the French authorities on the future of the Annamese education system.[47] This meeting was also recorded in the work Hoàng Việt Giáp Tý niên biểu written by Nguyễn Bá Trác.[46] The creation of a ministry of education was orchestrated by the French to reform the Nguyễn dynasty's educational system to match French ambitions in the region more.[46] As explained by the Resident-Superior of Annam Ernest Fernand Lévecque "Its creation is to better suit the times as more opportunities to study" opened up in the South to which this new ministry was best suited to help this transition.[46] While the Nguyễn dynasty's Ministry of Education was nominally a part of the Nguyễn dynasty's administrative apparatus, actual control was in the hands of the French Council for the Improvement of Indigenous Education in Annam, which dictated its policies.[45] All work done by the ministry was according to the plans and the command of the French Director of Education of Annam.[46] The French administration in Annam continuously revised the curriculum to be taught in order to fit the French system.[46] World War I Main article: History of Vietnam during World War I A report by the Viện cơ mật on the financial and military aid given by the Nguyễn dynasty to Great France in the year Khải Định 2 (1917). Note how the document ends with the phrases Đại Pháp vạn tuế, Đông Dương vạn tuế (大法萬歲, 東洋萬歲). The French entry into World War I saw thousands of volunteers, primarily from the French protectorates of Annam and Tonkin, enlist for service in Europe, around 7⁄8 of all French Indochinese serving in Europe were Annamese and Tonkinese volunteers.[48][49] This period also saw a number of uprisings in Tonkin and Cochinchina.[50] French Indochina contributed significantly to the French war effort in terms of funds, products and human resources.[27] Prior to World War I the population of French Indochina stood at around 16,395,000 in 1913 with 14,165,000 being Vietnamese (Tonkinese, Annamese and Cochinchinese), 1,600,000 Cambodians, and 630,000 Laotians.[51][27] These 16.4 million subjects were ruled over by only around 18,000 French civilians, militaries, and civil servants.[27] During this period governor-general of French Indochina Albert Sarraut promised a new policy of association and a "Franco-Annamese Collaboration" (French: Collaboration franco-annamite; Vietnamese: Pháp-Việt Đề huề) for the wartime contribution by the French Indochinese to their colonial masters.[27] However, beside some liberal reforms, the French administration actually increased economic exploitation and ruthless repression of nationalist movements which rapidly resulted in a disappointment of the promises made by Sarraut.[27] During the early days of the war around 6 million Frenchmen were drafted causing a severe labour shortage in France.[52] In response, the Undersecretary of State for Artillery and Munitions proposed to hire women, European immigrants, and French colonial subjects, these people were later followed with Chinese immigrants.[52] From 1915 onwards, the French war effort's manpower needs started to rise significantly.[29] Initially the French maintained a racial hierarchy where they believed in "martial races" making the early recruitment fall onus primarily on North Africa and French West Africa, but soon the need for additional manpower forced the French to recruit men from the Far East and Madagascar.[29] Almost 100,000 Vietnamese were conscripts and went to Europe to fight and serve on the French battlefront, or work as labourers.[53][54] Vietnamese troops also served in the Balkans[55] and the Middle Eastern front. This exceptional human mobility offered the French Indochinese, mostly Vietnamese, the unique opportunity of directly access to social life and political debates that were occurring in contemporary France and this resulted in their aspirations to become "masters of their own destiny" to increase.[27] Exposed to new political ideals and returning to a colonial occupation of their own country (by a ruler that many of them had fought and died for), resulted in some sour attitudes.[27] Many of these troops sought out and joined the Vietnamese nationalist movement focused on overthrowing the French.[56] In 1925, communist and anti-French activist Nguyễn Ái Quốc (later known as Hồ Chí Minh) wrote "taken in chains, confined in a school compound... Most of them will never again see the sun of their country" and a number of historians like Joseph Buttinger and Martin Murray, treated his statement by Nguyễn Ái Quốc as an article of faith and believed that the Vietnamese men who participated in World War I were "forcibly recruited" by means of "terrorism", later historians would claim that the recruitment enterprise employed during this period was only "ostensibly voluntary".[48] While there is some truth to these claims, the vast majority of the men who volunteered for service in Europe were indeed volunteers.[48] Among the motivations of volunteering were both personal and economic ambitions, some French Indochinese volunteers wished to see what the world looked like "beyond the bamboo hedges in their villages" while others preferred the money and the opportunity to see what France actually looks like.[48] Their service would expose them to the brutality of modern warfare and many would change their perception about many social norms and beliefs at home because of their experiences abroad.[48] Of the 93,000 French Indochinese soldiers and workers who came to Europe, most were from the poorest parts of Annam and Tonkin, which had been badly hit by famine and cholera, a smaller number (1,150) of French Indochinese soldiers and workers came from Cambodia.[27] In Northeast France around 44,000 Vietnamese troops served in direct combat functions at both the Battle of the Vosges and the Battle of Verdun.[57][27] French Indochinese battalions were also used in various logistics functions such as serving as drivers to transport soldiers to the front lines, stretcher bearers (brancardiers), or road crews.[27] Vietnamese soldiers were also used to "sanitise" battle fields at the end of the war, where they would perform these duties in the middle of the cold European winters without being provided with warm clothes, in order to let the (White) French soldiers return to their homes earlier.[27] The financial expenses of the 93,000 French Indochinese labourers and soldiers sent to France during the war – salaries, pensions, family allocations, the levy in kind (mostly rice), and even the functioning of the Indochinese hospital – were entirely financed from the budget of French Indochina itself and not from France.[27] One of the effects of World War I on French Indochinese society was the introduction of a vibrant political press both in French and in the indigenous languages that led to the political radicalisation of a new generation of nationalists.[27] Because most of the indigenous people that served in France and the rest of Europe during the War were Vietnamese these social and political developments affected the Vietnamese more.[27] Because French Cochinchina was a direct French colony it enjoyed favourable legislation concerning the press which fostered a public sphere of oppositional political activism.[58][27] Although these developments occurred throughout French Indochina they were more strongly felt in Cochinchina due to its more open society.[27] The French Indochinese in Europe experienced much more egalitarian social relations which were strongly contrasted with the racial hierarchy they experienced at home.[27] In France the French Indochinese serving often engaged in comradery with the French and many had romantic relationships with French women, the latter being unthinkable in their home countries.[59] During this period, the French protectorates of Annam and Tonkin were initially ruled by the Duy Tân Emperor.[27] However, in 1916, the Duy Tân Emperor was accused by the French of calling for his subjects to resist French rule and after his deposition he and his father were exiled to the island of La Réunion in the Indian Ocean.[27] Thereafter, the Khải Định Emperor became the new monarch of Annam and Tonkin and he closely collaborated with the French administration.[27] At the same time Cambodia was ruled by King Sisowath who was crowned in 1904 and cooperated closely with the French administration in his territory.[27] King Sisowath attended the colonial exhibition in Marseilles in 1906 and was the King af the time of the retrocession of the provinces of Battambang and Siem Reap to Cambodia by the Siamese in April 1907.[27] During the reign of King Sisowath there was "an inexorable increase in French control" and the French residents gained executive authority to issue royal decrees, appoint officials, and collect taxes.[60][27] The French protectorate of Laos at the time was ruled by King Sisavang Vong, who was crowned king in 1904.[27] King Sisavang Vong was trained at the Lycée Chasseloup-Laubat in Saigon and at the Colonial School in Paris.[27] In 1914, the French built a new palace in Luang Prabang for him, and a new agreement with the French administration signed in 1917 allowed him only formal signs of royal power with actual power over Laos being in the hands of the French.[27] The Great War presented a number of opportunities for the indigenous French Indochinese people serving in the West that didn't exist before, notably for some individuals to obtain levels of education that were simply unattainable at home by acquiring more advanced technical and professional skills.[61] For example Dr. Nguyễn Xuân Mai, who in 1910 became one of the first indigenous auxiliaries to graduate the Hanoi medical school, hoped to gain his PhD in France so he enlisted to fight in the war.[61] In 1921 he would acquire his doctorate and he became one of the first Vietnamese doctors to enjoy the same rights as his French colleagues.[61] While World War I saw a number of new economic sectors develop in French Indochina, namely rubber plantations, mines, and other forms of agriculture, these were all French owned and the local trade to the great export-import houses was in the hands of the Overseas Chinese communities.[62][27] Only a handful of Vietnamese landlords, moneylenders, and middlemen benefitted from the new economic opportunities that arose during this period as the colonial economy of exportation was designed to enrich the French at the expense of the indigenous population.[27] During this same period the average livelihood of the indigenous peasantry was drastically decreased due to both direct taxation and indirect taxes the French used to finance ambitious public works programmes constructed using the corvée system.[27] Prior to the year 1914, the mise en valeur (development and improvement) of French Indochina was primarily financed by European French public loans, French private capital, and higher taxes on the local populations.[27] But during the war French Indochina became completely responsible both for financing itself and the people they sent to Europe to fight in the war as investment funds from Metropolitan France completely stopped.[27] This meant that taxation increased, more rice was being exported, and the locals purchased war bonds.[27] French Indochina provided a Metropolitan France with large financial aid; between the years 1915 and 1920 of the 600,000,000 francs that France received from its colonial empire 367,000,000 francs were sent by French Indochina.[27] Though historian Patrice Morlat places the initial financial contribution of French Indochina at 381,000,000 gold francs (valued at 997,000,000 euros in 2017), roughly 60% of all financial contributions Metropolitan France received from its colonial empire (excluding Algeria).[29] Morlat further noted that French Indochina supplied 340,000 tonnes of raw materials to France during the course of the war, which amounted to 34% of all raw supplies that Metropolitan France received from its colonies.[29] The shipping of these materials was threatened by the presence of German submarines.[29] World War I also saw the colonial government of Cochinchina authorising the creation of Vietnamese-language newspapers in 1916, this was done to secure popular support for the war effort, the colonial authorities hoped that this would create a loyal indigenous group of politically active people.[27] The Cochinchinese colonial government offered financial support to these loyalist newspapers, but kept close control on the contents written in them to ensure a prevailing pro-French narrative.[27] The editors of these newspapers were often retours de France (people back from France) and were kept under close surveillance as they often had connections to anti-French dissidents and activists. Among these newspapers was La Tribune indigène (The Indigenous Forum) launched in 1917 by the agronomist Bùi Quang Chiêu working together with the lawyer Dương Văn Giáo and journalist Nguyễn Phan Long.[27] Afterwards they created La Tribune indochinoise (The Indochinese Forum) and in 1919 these three men would found the Indochinese Constitutionalist Party in Saigon.[27] Because of these activities the French Surêté regarded their nationalism as dangerous.[27] The French invoked a supposed "German connection" between the Vietnamese revolutionaries and the German Empire, alleging that Hong Kong, Bangkok, and Beijing were the sight of German agents hoping to help the Vietnamese revolutionaries as they shared the same goal, namely to defeat the French.[29] World War I also saw a number of rebellions throughout French Indochina, in 1914 3 major uprisings happened throughout Vietnam, followed by a number of revolts in Cochinchina.[27] From 1914 to 1917 members of the Tai Lue people led by Prince Phra Ong Kham (Chao Fa) of Muang Sing organised a long anti-French campaign, Hmong independence movements in Laos also challenged French rule in the country.[27] 1914 also saw bands of Yunnanese revolutionaries invade French Indochina, who crossed the border and started attacking French military posts parading Chinese Republican flags, these rebels were later joined by various Laotian ethnic minorities (Lao, Kha and Black Tai).[63] The joint Yunnanese and Laotian ethnic minority rebels spread misinformation claiming that "Paris has been crushed by the German Army" to make the French seem weaker.[63] The motivations of this revolt are disputed as contemporary French colonial officials attributed it to Chinese opium smugglers, while the Canadian historian Geoffrey C. Gunn thinks that it was a political revolt.[63] In February 1916 in Cochinchina supporters of Phan Xích Long marched on the Saigonese penitentiary where he was held demanding his release, this coincided with other uprisings in the Mekong Delta.[27] The mandarin Trần Cao Văn engaged with he Duy Tân Emperor to try and stage a large rebellion in Annam in 1916, but their conspiracy was discovered and foiled by the French.[27] In 1916 the Kingdom of Cambodia saw a 3 month uprising organised by between 30,000 and 100,000 peasants against both the mandatory corvée and the increased taxes, Australian historian Milton Osborne refers to this uprising as "The 1916 Affair", the circumstances leading up to this large revolt were directly caused by the war.[27] 30 August 1917 saw the beginning of the Thái Nguyên uprising, which lasted until 1918.[64] The large amount of uprisings and rebellions that occurred during the war would inspire the creation of a political security apparatus that was used to find and arrest political dissidents in the post-war period.[27] Relations with Japan during World War I See also: France–Japan relations, Japan–Vietnam relations, Cambodia–Japan relations, and Japan–Laos relations On 27 August 1914, Japan officially entered the war on the side of the allies (also known as the Entente Powers), Japan invaded and took the German colony of Tsingtao and the rest of the Kiautschou Bay Leased Territory.[27] In November 1914 Japan supplanted the German sphere of influence in southern China with its own political and economic influence, putting it in direct competition with French Indochina.[27] Even though the Japanese openly supported a number of anti-French secessionist movements, such as Prince Cường Để's Duy Tân Hội, the French situation in Europe was bad enough for prime minister Georges Clemenceau to ask the Japanese for their help.[27] The war situation in Europe was so bad that in 1914, the French considered exchanging French Indochina with Japan for both financial and military support, but this idea was quickly abandoned.[27] Clemenceau asked the Empire of Japan to aid them with the transportation of the travailleurs et tirailleurs indochinois to Europe and by sending its own forces to help fight in Europe.[27] Clemenceau also wanted Japanese help intervene in Siberia to fight the Bolshevik forces during the Russian civil war to prevent the loss of the many French-Russian loans, which were important for the French post-war economy.[27] In 1918, the idea of selling French Indochina to Japan was raised again and, like the first time that it was proposed, it was abandoned again.[27] Both during and after the war the economic relations between France and Japan strengthened as Japan became a creditor of France following the latter's financial difficulties which came as a result of the war.[65][27] Expansion of the security apparatus A 1920 report by the Sûreté générale indochinoise on Nguyễn Tất Thành (阮必誠), who would later be known as Hồ Chí Minh (胡志明). As Sarraut was determined to secure French rule over the country he created a strong political surveillance apparatus that functioned throughout French Indochina.[27] He centralised all local police forces and developed an intelligence service, these policies would lead to the creation of the Sûreté générale indochinoise, which sought to monitor and police anti-French activities both inside and outside of French Indochina.[66][27] French security was expanded because of fears of German involvement with their enemies in the Far East, Gaston Ernest Liébert, the French consul in Hong Kong and a major player for the intelligence services coordinated by the political affairs bureau of French Indochina, noted that Vietnamese revolutionaries and Germany both shared the same interest (the defeat of the French).[29][67] Liébert argued that French Indochinese who rebelled should be treated according or as traitors to France.[29] Another reason for the expansion of the security state was that the French feared that such a large expulsion of French soldiers to fight against the Germans would inspire a general uprising similar to what the British experienced in Egypt.[68] In April 1916 the administrator of civil services at the Political Affairs Bureau in Hanoi launched two voluminous reports that went into great detail about the parallel histories of what he referred to as the "Annamese Revolutionary Party" (how he called the Duy Tân Hội) and of the secret societies of French Cochinchina. These two reports proved to be very important to the Political Affairs Bureau as they would trigger a full-scale reform of the organisation making it into an umbrella organisation.[29] The reform policies were enacted to help control the narrative around French rule through policing and surveillance.[29] The colonial police forces were connected with "the general control of Indochinese workers and riflemen" (Contrôle général des travailleurs et tirailleurs indochinois), a political police force, as the military presence was reduced to allocate more soldiers to the home front.[27] In Metropolitan France these nascent surveillance organisations were put in charge of policing the 100,000 French Indochinese present to help fight the Central Powers.[29] Both domestically and internationally, the French Indochinese police maintained a sizeable network of informants, countries where they operated included not only Metropolitan France, but also neighbouring countries like China and Siam as well as Japan, which was a common refuge for Vietnamese nationalists.[27] The French Indochinese police often got foreign authorities to arrest anti-French activists, e.g. Phan Bội Châu who was hiding in China since 1909 was arrested there in 1917.[27] Phan Bội Châu admitted to being in contact with German and Austro-Hungarian ministers, noting that the Germans and Austro-Hungarians promised his revolutionary activities financial support in the form of 10,000 Siamese ticals (approximately 55,000 euros in 2017).[29] Phan would later be arrested abroad again in 1925, when he arrived in Shanghai on what he thought was a short trip on behalf of his movement. He was to meet with Hồ Chí Minh, who at that time used the name Lý Thụy, one of Hồ's many aliases. Hồ had invited Phan to come to Canton to discuss matters of common interest. Hồ was in Canton at the Soviet Embassy, purportedly as a Soviet citizen working as a secretary, translator, and interpreter. In exchange for money, Hồ allegedly informed the French police of Phan's imminent arrival. Phan was arrested by French agents and transported back to Hanoi.[69][70][71][72] Following the communist victory in the October Revolution the security apparatus of French Indochina was strengthened to fight the "Bolshevik danger" in the colonies.[27] While the Sûreté générale was created during World War I, in 1922 it was expanded to become a better instrument to surveil and repress any potential Bolshevik elements, first in Metropolitan France and later in French Indochina.[27] The activities of the Sûreté générale indochinoise were managed by the newly created Department of Political Affairs.[27] The Sûreté générale indochinoise would be used as the paramount tool to gather intelligence of subversive elements within French Indochinese society and to conduct large-scale union-wide registration by the colonial police forces of suspects and convicts.[27] The increase in surveillance and repression was accompanied with a propaganda campaign aimed to convince the indigenous populations of the "enlightenment" of French colonialism.[29] Both the indigenous peasantry and the elites had to be won over by being told of the many "advantages of colonialism".[29] The Political Affairs Bureau assembled a umber of Vietnamese elites belonging to the indigenous intelligentsia through the French School of the Far East to aid in the pro-French propaganda effort.[29] While the French hoped to isolate political dissidents by locking them up in prisons, these prisons would ironically turn into "schools" for nationalism and Communism as concentrating a large number of political enemies together would allow them to communicate with each other, which contributed to the growth of Communism within French Indochina.[73][27] 1920s A Bảo Đại 3 (1928) issue of the bimonthly Du-học-báo (遊學報) magazine issued by the Société d'encouragement aux études occidentales (Vietnamese: Annam như Tây du học bảo trợ hội; Hán-Nôm: 安南如西遊學保助會), an organisation set up by the Southern Court to bring Annamese students to France to study the latest scientific literature. As French Indochina was supposed to be a self-financed colonie d'exploitation économique (colony of economic exploitation) most of its budget during this period was financed through revenue collection, taxes on the local populations, and consumption quotas for monopolised goods such as opium, salt, and alcohol.[74][27] In 1920 44% of the French Indochinese government budget came from opium, salt, and alcohol alone.[27] During the 1920s France allowed more Vietnamese to enter Metropolitan France for both studying and work purposes.[75][52] Both legal and illegal immigrants entered France from French Indochina working various types of jobs, such as sailors, photographers, cooks, restaurant and shop owners and manual labourers.[52] In France many Vietnamese immigrants and their organisations aligned themselves with the French Communist Party (PCF) who promised to represent them both in legal and political matters.[52] As returnees from France were more skilled and spoke fluent French the French colonists in Indochina would hire them to perform better paying jobs and often brought ideas of the successful Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.[52] In provinces like Thanh Hoá, Nghệ An, and Hà Tĩnh where around twenty thousand returnees lived pro-Bolshevik activities would increase during this decade and this region saw the creation of many pro-Bolshevik parties.[52] A number of Vietnamese men would serve in occupied parts of Weimar era Germany after the war.[48] Seeing how the French treated the German inhabitants of the occupied regions, some Vietnamese soldiers would empathise with the German people.[48] Official reports on the French Occupation of the Rhineland summarised the contents of the letters written by the soldiers during that period this way: "The French oppress the Germans in the same way they have the Annamites [sic]."[48] After the Great War former governor-general Albert Sarraut became the French minister of the colonies, Sarraut was the architect of the collaboration Franco-annamite which characterised French colonial policy during the interwar period.[27] Regarding the internal security of the French apparatus in the Far East Sarraut stated "I have always estimated that Indochina must be protected against the effects of a revolutionary propaganda that I have never underestimated, by carrying out a double action, one political, the other repressive."[76][27] indicating that he saw repressing subversive elements as paramount to the continued French domination of the region.[27] His policies benefited collaborators while they were instrumental in repressing dissidents.[27] Sarraut boasted the image of himself as a liberal indigenophile who benefited the indigenous people of French Indochina.[27] Albert Sarraut presented the collaboration Franco-annamite as a necessity of the French protectorate over their countries, the collaboration Franco-annamite was attractive to the Westernised indigenous elites of French Indochina as it would build a framework of mutually beneficial partnership between France and the Vietnamese before full sovereignty for the latter could be restored.[27] In the colony of Cochinchina a handful of indigenous people were involved in the decision-making processes through political bodies that were established to serve as representative assemblies (Cochinchina's Colonial Council, Saigon Municipal Council, among other local bodies).[27] In 1920, the French established provincial advisory councils in the Kingdom of Laos.[27] In 1923 this was followed by an indigenous consultative assembly, which served an advisory role.[27] Despite the Laotian indigenous consultative assembly not having any real political power, it served as an organisation that brought people from all over Laos together and contributed to the later formation of a modern Laotian national consciousness where prior they associated themselves more with their region.[27] In 1923, Cochinchina saw the creation of the Parti Constitutionnaliste Indochinois led by Bui Quang Chiêu, which was founded to obtain the right of political participation for the indigenous people in Cochinchina.[27] As a member of this party Nguyễn Phan Long was elected a member of Cochinchina's colonial council.[77] In Kopong Chang, Cambodia the French resident Félix Bardez was assassinated in the year 1925 by disgruntled indigenous people.[78] Félix Bardez visited the village at a time when its inhabitants were frustrated with the colonial policies of the French in Cambodia as the French raised the taxes to finance the Bokor mountain resort, when Bardez visited he refused to free prisoners who were arrested for being unable to pay their debts, this agitated a crowd of around 700 angry peasants who then killed him, his interpreter, and the militiamen present during his visit.[78] This assassination was a sign of the wider political unrest that characterised Cambodia during this decade.[78] In March 1925 the French built a war monument resting on two sculpted Asian elephants to commemorate those that died fighting in World War I in the Cambodian capital city of Phnom Penh, the opening ceremony brought together a crowd which contained "people of all races and all religions".[79][80] On 6 November 1925 a "Convention" (Quy ước) was established after Khải Định's death that stated that while the sovereign is abroad a council (Hội đồng phụ chính) had the power to run all affairs of the Southern court, with the signing of the convention only regulations related to custom, favours, amnesty, conferring titles, dignitaries, among others are given by the emperor.[81] Everything else is up to the French protectorate government.[81] This document also merges the budget of the Southern court with the budget of the French protectorate of Annam and that all the meetings of the Council of Ministers (Hội đồng thượng thư) must be chaired by the resident-superior of Annam.[81] Thus, in this document, the French colonialists completely took over all the power of the government of the Southern dynasty, even in Trung Kỳ.[81] In 1927 Vietnamese World War I veterans staged an unsuccessful rebellion in Bắc Ninh province using vintage World War I era weapons and tactics.[48] According to American historian David G. Marr the 1920s marked the transition of what he termed the "traditional" to the "modern" nation-consciousness among the Vietnamese people, indicating a shift among both the elites and the peasants.[82] Marr argues that the Vietnamese retours de France "urbanised" and "politicised" Vietnamese nationalism during the 1920s and 1930s, inspiring more "modern" movements to take up the struggle against French domination.[27] This decade saw the emergence of the Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng (VNQDĐ) and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) which were often middle class in nature and proved to be more successful in transcending class and geographical divisions to mobilise against the French than earlier movements, relying on better and more organized communication structures than their predecessors.[27] During the 1920s the contestation of French colonial power in Cambodia and Laos was mostly aimed at the corvée and tax policies, continuing from the war period.[27] The early years of this decade were characterised by widespread violence and a lack of order and security in rural Cambodia, as recorded by French residents in the provinces.[27] Contemporarily Upper Laos was referred to as being "violently agitated" by the French administrator Paul Le Boulanger between the years 1914 and 1921.[27] While the nature of Vietnamese resistance changed radically during the 1920s and the 1930s due to various major socio-cultural changes that were occurring at the time by a small, but growing, urbanised Vietnamese middle class, the rebellions in Cambodia and Laos remained to be "traditional" in their style and execution in contrast to the more "modern" political activism and radicalism that characterised what is now Vietnam during this period.[27] Yên Bái mutiny (1930) Further information: Yên Bái mutiny French Indochina around 1933. On 10 February 1930, there was an uprising by Vietnamese soldiers in the French colonial army's Yên Bái garrison. The Yên Bái mutiny was sponsored by the Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng (VNQDĐ).[83][84] The VNQDĐ was the Vietnamese Nationalist Party.[85] The attack was the largest disturbance brewed up by the Cần Vương monarchist restoration movement of the late 19th century. The aim of the revolt was to inspire a wider uprising among the general populace in an attempt to overthrow the colonial authority. The VNQDĐ had previously attempted to engage in clandestine activities to undermine French rule, but increasing French scrutiny of their activities led to their leadership group taking the risk of staging a large scale military attack in the Red River Delta in northern Vietnam. Left opposition and the 1940 uprising in Cochinchina In Cochinchina where French rule had the distinction of being direct and therefore more sensitive to political shifts in Paris, it was punctuated by periods of relative liberalisation. The most significant was during the 1936–1938 Popular Front government led by Leon Blum which appointed as governor-general of Indochina Jules Brévié.[86] Liberal-minded, in Cochinchina Brévié tried to defuse an extremely tense political situation by amnestying political prisoners, and by easing restrictions on the press, political parties,[86] and trade unions.[87] Saigon witnessed growing labour unrest culminating in the summer of 1937 in general dock and transport strikes.[88] In April of that year the Vietnamese Communists and their Trotskyist left opposition ran a common slate for the municipal elections with both their respective leaders Nguyễn Văn Tạo and Tạ Thu Thâu winning seats. The exceptional unity of the left, however, was split by the lengthening shadow of the Moscow Trials and by growing protest over the failure of the Communist-supported Popular Front to deliver constitutional reform.[89] Colonial Minister Marius Moutet, a Socialist commented that he had sought "a wide consultation with all elements of the popular [will]," but with "Trotskyist-Communists intervening in the villages to menace and intimidate the peasant part of the population, taking all authority from the public officials," the necessary "formula" had not been found.[90] In April 1939 Cochinchina Council elections Tạ Thu Thâu led a "Workers' and Peasants' Slate" into victory over both the "bourgeois" Constitutionalists and the Communists' Democratic Front. Key to their success was popular opposition to the war taxes ("national defence levy") that the Communist Party, in the spirit of Franco-Soviet accord, had felt obliged to support.[91] Brévié set the election results aside and wrote to Colonial Minister Georges Mandel: "the Trotskyists under the leadership of Ta Thu Thau, want to take advantage of a possible war in order to win total liberation." The Stalinists, on the other hand, are "following the position of the Communist Party in France" and "will thus be loyal if war breaks out".[92] With the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of 23 August 1939, the local communists were ordered by Moscow to return to direct confrontation with the French. Under the slogan "Land to the Tillers, Freedom for the workers and independence for Vietnam&quo

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Konstantinos "Kostas" Gavras (Greek: Κωνσταντίνος "Κώστας" Γαβράς; born 12 February 1933), known professionally as Costa-Gavras, is a Greek-French film director, screenwriter, and producer who lives and works in France. He is known for political films, such as the political thriller Z (1969), which won an Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film, and Missing (1982), for which he won the Palme d'Or and an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay. Most of his films have been made in French, but six of them were made in English. Early life Costa-Gavras was born in Loutra Iraias, Arcadia. His family spent the Second World War in a village in the Peloponnese, and moved to Athens after the war. His father had been a member of the Pro-Soviet branch of the Greek Resistance, and was imprisoned during the Greek Civil War. His father's Communist Party membership made it impossible for Costa-Gavras to attend university in Greece or to be granted a visa to the United States, so after high school he settled in France, where he began studying literature at the Sorbonne in 1951.[1] Early career In 1956, he abandoned his university studies to study film at the French national film school, IDHEC. After film school, he apprenticed under Yves Allégret, and became an assistant director for Jean Giono and René Clair. After several further appointments as first assistant director, he directed his first feature film, Compartiment Tueurs, in 1965.[2] Selected films His 1967 film Shock Troops (Un homme de trop) was entered into the 5th Moscow International Film Festival.[3] In Z (1969), an investigating judge, played by Jean-Louis Trintignant, tries to uncover the truth about the murder of a prominent leftist politician, played by Yves Montand, while government officials and the military attempt to cover up their roles. The film is a fictionalised account of the events surrounding the assassination of Greek politician Grigoris Lambrakis in 1963. It had additional resonance because, at the time of its release, Greece had been ruled for two years by the "Regime of the Colonels". Z won the Oscar for Best Foreign Language Film.[4] Costa-Gavras and co-writer Jorge Semprún won an Edgar Award from the Mystery Writers of America for Best Film Screenplay. L'Aveu (The Confession, 1970) follows the path of Artur London, a Czechoslovakian communist minister falsely arrested and tried for treason and espionage in the Slánský 'show trial' in 1952. State of Siege (1972) takes place in Uruguay under the civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay in the early 1970s. In a plot loosely based on the case of US police official and alleged torture expert Dan Mitrione, an American embassy official (played by Yves Montand) is kidnapped by the Tupamaros, a radical leftist urban guerilla group, which interrogates him in order to reveal the details of secret American support for repressive regimes in Latin America. Missing, originally released in 1982 and based on the book The Execution Of Charles Horman, concerns an American journalist, Charles Horman (played by John Shea in the film), who disappeared in the 1973 coup d'état led by General Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Horman's father, played by Jack Lemmon, and wife, played by Sissy Spacek, search in vain to determine his fate. Nathaniel Davis, US ambassador to Chile from 1971 to 1973, a version of whose character had been portrayed in the movie (under a different name), filed a US$150 million libel suit, Davis v. Costa-Gavras, 619 F. Supp. 1372 (1985), against the studio and the director, which was eventually dismissed. The film won an Oscar for Best Screenplay Adaptation and the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival. Betrayed (1988) is roughly based upon the terrorist activities of American neo-Nazi and white supremacist Robert Mathews and his group The Order. In Music Box (1989), a respected Hungarian immigrant (Armin Mueller-Stahl) is accused of having commanded an Anti-Semitic death squad during World War II. His daughter, a Chicago defence attorney played by Jessica Lange, agrees to defend him at his denaturalization hearing. The film is inspired by the arrest and trial of Ukrainian immigrant John Demjanjuk and screenwriter Joe Eszterhas' realisation that his father had been a member of the Hungarian Arrow Cross Party. The film won the Golden Bear at the 40th Berlin International Film Festival.[5] La Petite Apocalypse (1993) was entered into the 43rd Berlin International Film Festival.[6] Amen. (2003), was based in part on the highly controversial 1963 play, Der Stellvertreter. Ein christliches Trauerspiel (The Deputy, a Christian Tragedy), by Rolf Hochhuth. The film plot alleges that Pope Pius XII was aware of the plight of the Jews in Nazi concentration camps during World War II, but failed to take public action to publicise or condemn the Holocaust. Gavras won César Award for Best Writing for this film. He was president of the Cinémathèque Française from 1982 to 1987, and again since 2007. Political-commercial film Costa-Gavras is known for merging controversial political issues with the entertainment value of commercial cinema. Law and justice, oppression, legal/illegal violence, and torture are common subjects in his work, especially relevant to his earlier films. Costa-Gavras is an expert of the "statement" picture. In most cases, the targets of Costa-Gavras's work have been right wing or far right movements and regimes, including the Greek military in Z, and right-wing dictatorships that ruled much of Latin America during the height of the Cold War, as in State of Siege and Missing.[citation needed] In a broader sense, this emphasis continues with Amen. given its focus on the conservative leadership of the Catholic Church during the 1940s. In this political context, L'Aveu (The Confession) provides the exception, dealing as it does with oppression on the part of a Communist regime during the Stalinist period.[citation needed] Issues and style Costa-Gavras has brought attention to international issues, some urgent, others merely problematic, and he has done this in the tradition of cinematic story-telling. Z (1969), one of his most well-known works, is an account of the undermining in the 1960s of democratic government in Greece, his homeland and place of birth. The format, however, is a mystery-thriller combination that transforms an uncomfortable history into a fast-paced story. This is a clear example of how he pours politics into plot, "bringing epic conflicts into the sort of personal conflicts we are accustomed to seeing on screen."[citation needed] His accounts of corruption propagated, in their essence, by European and American powers (Z, State of Siege and Missing) highlight problems buried deep in the structures of these societies, problems which he deems not everyone is comfortable addressing. The approach he adopted in L'Aveu also "subtly invited the audience to a critical look focused on structural issues, delving this time into the opposite Communist bloc."[citation needed] Until 2019's Adults in the Room, Costa-Gavras had never worked in Greece or made a film in the Greek language.[citation needed] Influences When Costa-Gavras asked about some of his biggest cinematic influences, he replied: The first movie I saw at the Cinematheque was Erich von Stroheim's Greed, and I was astonished to see you could do long movies with no happy ending. Kurosawa, no doubt, was a big influence. Movies sometimes more than directors have influenced me: The Grapes of Wrath, by John Ford, was an extraordinary discovery. Sergei Eisenstein, of course. Later on, [Ingmar] Bergman.[7] He also listed René Clément,[8] Jacques Demy,[8] and Gillo Pontecorvo's film The Battle of Algiers as an influence on his filmmaking.[9] According to his son Romain Gavras, Costa-Gavras used to show all of Tarkovsky's films to him at a young age.[10] Legacy and influence Costa-Gavras films have been a significant influence on political cinema. Wade Major of the Directors Guild of America mentioned that, "With films like Z and Missing, Costa-Gavras almost single-handedly created the modern political thriller".[11] When German Director Wim Wenders paid tribute to him in 2018 at the 31st European Film Awards in Seville, Spain, Wenders called him "One of the greatest filmmakers of our time."[12] He has influenced directors such as Oliver Stone, William Friedkin, Steven Soderbergh, Rachid Bouchareb, Mathieu Kassovitz, and Ben Affleck. Stone mentioned that Costa-Gavras "was certainly one of my earliest role models, ... I was a film student at NYU when Z came out, which we studied. Costa actually came over with Yves Montand for a screening and was such a hero to us. He was in the tradition of Gillo Pontecorvo's The Battle of Algiers and was the man in that moment ... it was a European moment."[13] The American filmmaker William Friedkin listed Z as one of his favorite films and mentioned the film's influence on him when directing his film The French Connection: "After I saw Z, I realized how I could shoot The French Connection. Because he [Costa-Gavras] shot 'Z' like a documentary. It was a fiction film but it was made like it was actually happening. Like the camera didn't know what was gonna happen next. And that is an induced technique. It looks like he happened upon the scene and captured what was going on as you do in a documentary. My first films were documentaries too. So I understood what he was doing but I never thought you could do that in a feature at that time until I saw Z."[14] The American filmmaker Steven Soderbergh listed Z as an inspiration on his film Traffic and even stated that he "wanted to make it like [Costa-Gavras's] Z".[15][16][17][18] In 2020, Costa Gavras wrote the preface to the book Opération Condor, by French writer and journalist Pablo Daniel Magee. The French filmmaker Mathieu Kassovitz listed Costa-Gavras films (such as Z and The Confession) as influential to his work.[19] The French filmmaker Rachid Bouchareb listed Z as an influence on his film Outside the Law.[20] The American actor and filmmaker Ben Affleck listed Costa-Gavras's films as influences for his film Argo.[21] Accolades Main article: List of awards and nominations received by Costa-Gavras Costa-Gavras's debut film, Compartiment Tueurs, won National Board of Review Award for Best Foreign Language Film and was nominated for the Edgar Award for Best Screenplay in 1967. The film Z was the first film to be nominated for both the Best Picture and Best Foreign Language Film.[22] It won the latter, as well as the Jury Prize at the Cannes Film Festival, and the Golden Globe Award for Best Foreign Film. Z was also the first foreign-language film to win the Best Film award from the New York Film Critics Circle. Gavras won the Best Director award as well.[23] Costa-Gavras has received an honorary doctorate from the Film School of the Aristotle University in 2013. He was interviewed extensively by The Times cultural correspondent Melinda Camber Porter and was featured prominently in her book Through Parisian Eyes: Reflections on Contemporary French Arts and Culture (1993, Da Capo Press). Costa-Gavras received the Magritte Honorary Award in 2013.[24] He was the first filmmaker to receive the Catalonia International Prize (2017).[25] Personal life His daughter Julie Gavras and his sons Romain Gavras and Alexandre Gavras are also directors. He is the first cousin of Penelope Spheeris, Jimmie Spheeris and Chris Spheeris.[26] In 2009, Costa-Gavras signed a petition in support of film director Roman Polanski, calling for his release after Polanski was arrested in Switzerland in relation to his 1977 charge for drugging and raping a 13-year-old girl.[27] Filmography Main article: Costa-Gavras filmography Films Year English title Director Writer Producer Original title 1965 The Sleeping Car Murders Yes Yes No Compartiment tueurs 1967 Shock Troops Yes Yes Yes Un homme de trop 1969 Z Yes Yes No Z 1970 The Confession Yes No No L'Aveu 1972 State of Siege Yes Yes No État de siège 1975 Special Section Yes Yes Yes Section spéciale 1979 Womanlight Yes Yes No Clair de femme 1982 Missing Yes Yes No Missing. 1983 Hanna K. Yes Yes No Hanna K. 1986 Family Business Yes Yes No Conseil de famille 1988 Betrayed Yes No No Betrayed 1989 Music Box Yes No No Music Box 1993 The Little Apocalypse Yes Yes No La Petite Apocalypse 1997 Mad City Yes No No Mad City 2002 Amen. Yes Yes No Amen. 2005 The Axe Yes Yes No Le Couperet 2006 The Colonel No Yes Yes Mon colonel 2009 Eden Is West Yes Yes Yes Eden à l'ouest 2012 Capital Yes Yes No Le Capital 2019 Adults in the Room Yes Yes No Ενήλικοι στην Αίθουσα References "COSTA-GAVRAS | maquette-kg-nov2014". Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 30 September 2019. "Biographie et Filmographie de COSTA-GAVRAS - Ciné Passion". Cinemapassion.com. Archived from the original on 1 October 2011. Retrieved 28 October 2011. "5th Moscow International Film Festival (1967)". MIFF. Archived from the original on 16 January 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2012. "The 42nd Academy Awards (1970) Nominees and Winners". oscars.org. Retrieved 16 November 2011. "Berlinale: 1990 Prize Winners". berlinale.de. Retrieved 20 March 2011. "Berlinale: 1993 Programme". berlinale.de. Retrieved 5 June 2011. Ed Rampell (29 August 2013). "Costa-Gavras". The Progressive Magazine. The Progressive Inc. Retrieved 5 March 2023. "Q: "Who are some of your biggest cinematic influences?" Costa-Gavras: "The first movie I saw at the Cinematheque was [Erich von Stroheim's] Greed, and I was astonished to see you could do long movies with no happy ending. Kurosawa, no doubt, was a big influence. Movies sometimes more than directors have influenced me: The Grapes of Wrath, by John Ford, was an extraordinary discovery. Sergei Eisenstein, of course. Later on, [Ingmar] Bergman."" John J. Michalczyk (1984). Costa-Gavras, the Political Fiction Film. Art Alliance Press. p. 33. ISBN 9780879820299. "In light of his international fame stemming from Z, Costa-Gavras was questioned as to which of the directors for whom he worked as assistant had the most influence on him. He replied: For me it was surely René Clément and Jacques Demy." LaCinetek. "Costa-Gavras à propos de "La Bataille d'Alger" de Gillo Pontecorvo". YouTube. LaCinetek. Retrieved 11 April 2023. Xan Brooks (16 September 2022). "Romain Gavras: 'My Dad fed me Tarkovsky from the age of seven'". The Guardian. Guardian News & Media Limited. Retrieved 5 March 2023. Wade Major (Fall 2009). "World Class". DGA. Directors Guild of America. Retrieved 15 October 2021. European Film Academy. "Costa-Gavras - Honorary Award of the EFA President and Board". YouTube. Retrieved 9 April 2023. Major, Wade (Fall 2009). "World Class". DGA. Directors Guild of America. Retrieved 15 October 2021. "William Friedkin's Favorite Films of all Time". YouTube. Fade In Magazine. Archived from the original on 12 December 2021. Retrieved 29 June 2021. Steven Soderbergh (2002). "Ed Kelleher/1998". In Kaufman, Anthony (ed.). Steven Soderbergh - Interviews. University Press of Mississippi. p. 107. ISBN 9781578064298. Retrieved 12 July 2021. Kaufman, Anthony, ed. (2015). Steven Soderbergh - Interviews, Revised and Updated. University Press of Mississippi. ISBN 9781626745407. Retrieved 12 July 2021. Palmer, R. Barton; Sanders, Steven M., eds. (28 January 2011). The Philosophy of Steven Soderbergh. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 9780813139890. Retrieved 12 July 2021. "Soderbergh called Traffic his "$47 million Dogme film" and used hand-held camera, available light, and (ostensibly) improvistational performance in an attempt to present a realistic story about illegal drugs. He prepared by analyzing two political films made in a realist style: Battle of Algiers (Gillo Pontecorvo, 1966) and Z (Constantin Costa-Gavras, 1969), both of which he described as having "that great feeling of things that are caught, instead of staged, which is what we were after."" Mark Gallagher (4 April 2013). "Hollywood Authorship and Transhistorical Taste Cultures". Another Steven Soderbergh Experience - Authorship and Contemporary Hollywood. University of Texas Press. p. 55. ISBN 9780292748811. Retrieved 12 July 2021. Will Higbee (2006). Mathieu Kassovitz. Manchester University Press. p. 11. ISBN 9780719071461. "One final and important influence from 1970s French Cinema is Costa-Gavras. A regular visitor to the apartment block where Kassovitz grew up – his son lived in the same building – Costa-Gavras was another of the filmmakers Kassovitz discovered through his parents: 'Môme, mon père m'a montré ses films et ce que j'ai fait a été influencé par des films comme Z ou L'Aveu. Des films forts, profonds, où l'on touch à des sujets importants, primordiaux' (Kassovitz 1998)." Michael Gott; Leslie Kealhofer-Kemp (21 September 2020). ReFocus: The Films of Rachid Bouchareb. Edinburgh University Press. p. 107. ISBN 9781474466530. "When Bouchareb was asked specifically about the titles that influenced his controversial film Outside the Law (2010), he said: "It was a mix. A lot of political movies like Z by Costa-Gavras and Gillo Pontecorvo's The Battle of Algiers."" Jennifer Vineyard (10 October 2012). "Ben Affleck on Why He Got to Look Hot in Argo". Vulture. Vox Media, LLC. Retrieved 11 April 2023. "Affleck: "I haven't done a movie that I haven't ripped off from another one! [Laughs.] This movie, we ripped off All the President's Men, for the CIA stuff, a John Cassavetes movie called The Killing of a Chinese Bookie, which we really used as a reference for the California stuff, and then there was kind of a Battle of Algiers, Z/Missing/Costa-Gavras soup of movies, that we used for the rest of it."" Galuppo, Mia (13 January 2020). "Oscars: 'Parasite' Becomes Sixth Movie to Be Nominated for Both Best Picture, International Feature". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 21 September 2020. White, Armond (10 December 2009). "Z and the New York Film Critics Circle". The Criterion Collection. Retrieved 21 September 2020. Crousse, Nicolas (10 January 2013). "Les Magritte fêteront Yolande Moreau et Costa-Gavras". Le Soir (in French). Retrieved 10 January 2013. "Costa-Gavras, primer cineasta que gana el Premio Internacional Catalunya". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 5 July 2017. Retrieved 2 October 2020. "Costa Gavras". Biographicon.com. Archived from the original on 19 January 2012. Retrieved 22 February 2013. "Le cinéma soutient Roman Polanski / Petition for Roman Polanski". Société des Auteurs et Compositeurs Dramatiques (in French). 28 September 2009. Archived from the original on 4 June 2012. Retrieved 29 August 2021. Further reading Costa-Gavras (2018). Va où il est impossible d'aller: Mémoires (in French). Paris: Éditions du Seuil. ISBN 978-2-02-139389-7. Michalczyk, John J. (1984). Costa-Gavras: The Political Fiction Film. Philadelphia: Art Alliance Press. ISBN 0-87982-029-2. Riambau, Esteve (2003). De traidores y héroes: El cine de Costa-Gavras (in Spanish). Valladolid: 48 Semana Internacional de Cine. ISBN 84-87737-49-8. Rizza, Gabriele; Rossi, Giovanni Maria; Tassone, Aldo, eds. (2002). Il cinema di Costa-Gavras: Processo alla storia (in Italian). Firenze: Aida Edizioni. ISBN 88-8329-097-6. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Costa-Gavras. Costa-Gavras at IMDb Costa-Gavras at AllMovie vte Costa-Gavras Filmography Awards Films The Sleeping Car Murders (1965) Shock Troops (1967) Z (1969) The Confession (1970) State of Siege (1972) Special Section (1975) Womanlight (1979) Missing (1982) Hanna K. (1983) Family Business (1986) Betrayed (1988) Music Box (1989) The Little Apocalypse (1993) Mad City (1997) Amen. (2002) The Axe (2005) Eden Is West (2009) Capital (2012) Adults in the Room (2019) Short films Against Oblivion (segment; 1991) À propos de Nice, la suite (segment; 1995) Lumière and Company (segment, 1995) Related Michèle Ray-Gavras Alexandre Gavras Julie Gavras Romain Gavras Awards for Costa-Gavras vte Academy Award for Best International Feature Film 1947–1955 (Honorary) 1947: Shoeshine – Vittorio De Sica 1948: Monsieur Vincent – Maurice Cloche 1949: Bicycle Thieves – Vittorio De Sica 1950: The Walls of Malapaga – René Clément 1951: Rashomon – Akira Kurosawa 1952: Forbidden Games – René Clément 1953: No Award 1954: Gate of Hell – Teinosuke Kinugasa 1955: Samurai, The Legend of Musashi – Hiroshi Inagaki 1956–1975 1956: La Strada – Federico Fellini 1957: Nights of Cabiria – Federico Fellini 1958: My Uncle – Jacques Tati 1959: Black Orpheus – Marcel Camus 1960: The Virgin Spring – Ingmar Bergman 1961: Through a Glass Darkly – Ingmar Bergman 1962: Sundays and Cybèle – Serge Bourguignon 1963: 8½ – Federico Fellini 1964: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow – Vittorio De Sica 1965: The Shop on Main Street – Ján Kadár & Elmar Klos 1966: A Man and a Woman – Claude Lelouch 1967: Closely Watched Trains – Jiří Menzel 1968: War and Peace – Sergei Bondarchuk 1969: Z – Costa-Gavras 1970: Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion – Elio Petri 1971: The Garden of the Finzi-Continis – Vittorio De Sica 1972: The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie – Luis Buñuel 1973: Day for Night – François Truffaut 1974: Amarcord – Federico Fellini 1975: Dersu Uzala – Akira Kurosawa 1976–2000 1976: Black and White in Color – Jean-Jacques Annaud 1977: Madame Rosa – Moshé Mizrahi 1978: Get Out Your Handkerchiefs – Bertrand Blier 1979: The Tin Drum – Volker Schlöndorff 1980: Moscow Does Not Believe in Tears – Vladimir Menshov 1981: Mephisto – István Szabó 1982: Volver a Empezar ('To Begin Again') – José Luis Garci 1983: Fanny and Alexander – Ingmar Bergman 1984: Dangerous Moves – Richard Dembo 1985: The Official Story – Luis Puenzo 1986: The Assault – Fons Rademakers 1987: Babette's Feast – Gabriel Axel 1988: Pelle the Conqueror – Bille August 1989: Cinema Paradiso – Giuseppe Tornatore 1990: Journey of Hope – Xavier Koller 1991: Mediterraneo – Gabriele Salvatores 1992: Indochine – Régis Wargnier 1993: Belle Époque – Fernando Trueba 1994: Burnt by the Sun – Nikita Mikhalkov 1995: Antonia's Line – Marleen Gorris 1996: Kolya – Jan Svěrák 1997: Character – Mike van Diem 1998: Life Is Beautiful – Roberto Benigni 1999: All About My Mother – Pedro Almodóvar 2000: Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon – Ang Lee 2001–present 2001: No Man's Land – Danis Tanović 2002: Nowhere in Africa – Caroline Link 2003: The Barbarian Invasions – Denys Arcand 2004: The Sea Inside – Alejandro Amenábar 2005: Tsotsi – Gavin Hood 2006: The Lives of Others – Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck 2007: The Counterfeiters – Stefan Ruzowitzky 2008: Departures – Yōjirō Takita 2009: The Secret in Their Eyes – Juan José Campanella 2010: In a Better World – Susanne Bier 2011: A Separation – Asghar Farhadi 2012: Amour – Michael Haneke 2013: The Great Beauty – Paolo Sorrentino 2014: Ida – Paweł Pawlikowski 2015: Son of Saul – László Nemes 2016: The Salesman – Asghar Farhadi 2017: A Fantastic Woman – Sebastián Lelio 2018: Roma – Alfonso Cuarón 2019: Parasite – Bong Joon-ho 2020: Another Round – Thomas Vinterberg 2021: Drive My Car – Ryusuke Hamaguchi 2022: All Quiet on the Western Front – Edward Berger vte Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay 1928–1950 Benjamin Glazer (1928) Hanns Kräly (1929) Frances Marion (1930) Howard Estabrook (1931) Edwin J. Burke (1932) Victor Heerman and Sarah Y. Mason (1933) Robert Riskin (1934) Dudley Nichols (1935) Pierre Collings and Sheridan Gibney (1936) Heinz Herald, Geza Herczeg, and Norman Reilly Raine (1937) Ian Dalrymple, Cecil Arthur Lewis, W. P. Lipscomb, and George Bernard Shaw (1938) Sidney Howard (1939) Donald Ogden Stewart (1940) Sidney Buchman and Seton I. Miller (1941) George Froeschel, James Hilton, Claudine West, and Arthur Wimperis (1942) Philip G. Epstein, Julius J. Epstein, and Howard Koch (1943) Frank Butler and Frank Cavett (1944) Charles Brackett and Billy Wilder (1945) Robert Sherwood (1946) George Seaton (1947) John Huston (1948) Joseph L. Mankiewicz (1949) Joseph L. Mankiewicz (1950) 1951–1975 Harry Brown and Michael Wilson (1951) Charles Schnee (1952) Daniel Taradash (1953) George Seaton (1954) Paddy Chayefsky (1955) John Farrow, S. J. Perelman, and James Poe (1956) Pierre Boulle, Carl Foreman and Michael Wilson (1957) Alan Jay Lerner (1958) Neil Paterson (1959) Richard Brooks (1960) Abby Mann (1961) Horton Foote (1962) John Osborne (1963) Edward Anhalt (1964) Robert Bolt (1965) Robert Bolt (1966) Stirling Silliphant (1967) James Goldman (1968) Waldo Salt (1969) Ring Lardner Jr. (1970) Ernest Tidyman (1971) Francis Ford Coppola and Mario Puzo (1972) William Peter Blatty (1973) Francis Ford Coppola and Mario Puzo (1974) Bo Goldman and Lawrence Hauben (1975) 1976–2000 William Goldman (1976) Alvin Sargent (1977) Oliver Stone (1978) Robert Benton (1979) Alvin Sargent (1980) Ernest Thompson (1981) Costa-Gavras and Donald E. Stewart (1982) James L. Brooks (1983) Peter Shaffer (1984) Kurt Luedtke (1985) Ruth Prawer Jhabvala (1986) Bernardo Bertolucci and Mark Peploe (1987) Christopher Hampton (1988) Alfred Uhry (1989) Michael Blake (1990) Ted Tally (1991) Ruth Prawer Jhabvala (1992) Steven Zaillian (1993) Eric Roth (1994) Emma Thompson (1995) Billy Bob Thornton (1996) Curtis Hanson and Brian Helgeland (1997) Bill Condon (1998) John Irving (1999) Stephen Gaghan (2000) 2001–present Akiva Goldsman (2001) Ronald Harwood (2002) Philippa Boyens, Peter Jackson, and Fran Walsh (2003) Alexander Payne and Jim Taylor (2004) Larry McMurtry and Diana Ossana (2005) William Monahan (2006) Joel Coen and Ethan Coen (2007) Simon Beaufoy (2008) Geoffrey S. Fletcher (2009) Aaron Sorkin (2010) Alexander Payne, Jim Rash, and Nat Faxon (2011) Chris Terrio (2012) John Ridley (2013) Graham Moore (2014) Adam McKay and Charles Randolph (2015) Barry Jenkins and Tarell Alvin McCraney (2016) James Ivory (2017) Charlie Wachtel, David Rabinowitz, Kevin Willmott and Spike Lee (2018) Taika Waititi (2019) Christopher Hampton and Florian Zeller (2020) Sian Heder (2021) Sarah Polley (2022) vte BAFTA Award for Best Screenplay Calder Willingham and Buck Henry (1968) Waldo Salt (1969) William Goldman (1970) Harold Pinter (1971) Paddy Chayefsky / Larry McMurtry and Peter Bogdanovich (1972) Luis Buñuel and Jean-Claude Carrière (1973) Robert Towne (1974) Robert Getchell (1975) Alan Parker (1976) Woody Allen and Marshall Brickman (1977) Alvin Sargent (1978) Woody Allen and Marshall Brickman (1979) Jerzy Kosiński (1980) Bill Forsyth (1981) Costa-Gavras and Donald E. Stewart (1982) vte Cannes Film Festival Award for Best Director 1946–1975 René Clément (1946) René Clément (1949) Luis Buñuel (1951) Christian-Jaque (1952) Jules Dassin / Sergei Vasilyev (1955) Sergei Yutkevich (1956) Robert Bresson (1957) Ingmar Bergman (1958) François Truffaut (1959) Yuliya Solntseva (1961) Liviu Ciulei (1965) Sergei Yutkevich (1966) Ferenc Kósa (1967) Vojtěch Jasný / Glauber Rocha (1969) John Boorman (1970) Miklós Jancsó (1972) Michel Brault / Costa-Gavras (1975) 1976–2000 Ettore Scola (1976) Nagisa Ōshima (1978) Terrence Malick (1979) Werner Herzog (1982) Robert Bresson / Andrei Tarkovsky (1983) Bertrand Tavernier (1984) André Téchiné (1985) Martin Scorsese (1986) Wim Wenders (1987) Fernando Solanas (1988) Emir Kusturica (1989) Pavel Lungin (1990) Joel Coen (1991) Robert Altman (1992) Mike Leigh (1993) Nanni Moretti (1994) Mathieu Kassovitz (1995) Joel Coen (1996) Wong Kar-wai (1997) John Boorman (1998) Pedro Almodóvar (1999) Edward Yang (2000) 2001–present Joel Coen / David Lynch (2001) Paul Thomas Anderson / Im Kwon-taek (2002) Gus Van Sant (2003) Tony Gatlif (2004) Michael Haneke (2005) Alejandro González Iñárritu (2006) Julian Schnabel (2007) Nuri Bilge Ceylan (2008) Brillante Mendoza (2009) Mathieu Amalric (2010) Nicolas Winding Refn (2011) Carlos Reygadas (2012) Amat Escalante (2013) Bennett Miller (2014) Hou Hsiao-hsien (2015) Olivier Assayas / Cristian Mungiu (2016) Sofia Coppola (2017) Paweł Pawlikowski (2018) Dardenne brothers (2019) Leos Carax (2021) Park Chan-wook (2022) Tran Anh Hung (2023) vte Donostia Award Lifetime Achievement Award at the San Sebastián International Film Festival 1980s 1986: Gregory Peck / Gene Tierney 1987: Glenn Ford 1988: Vittorio Gassman 1989: Bette Davis 1990s 1990: Claudette Colbert 1991: Anthony Perkins 1992: Lauren Bacall 1993: Robert Mitchum 1994: Lana Turner 1995: Susan Sarandon / Catherine Deneuve 1996: Al Pacino 1997: Michael Douglas / Jeremy Irons 1998: Jeanne Moreau / Anthony Hopkins / John Malkovich 1999: Anjelica Huston / Fernando Fernán Gómez / Vanessa Redgrave 2000s 2000: Michael Caine / Robert De Niro 2001: Julie Andrews / Warren Beatty / Francisco Rabal 2002: Jessica Lange / Bob Hoskins / Dennis Hopper / Francis Ford Coppola 2003: Robert Duvall / Sean Penn / Isabelle Huppert 2004: Annette Bening / Jeff Bridges / Woody Allen 2005: Willem Dafoe / Ben Gazzara 2006: Max von Sydow / Matt Dillon 2007: Liv Ullmann / Richard Gere 2008: Meryl Streep / Antonio Banderas 2009: Ian McKellen 2010s 2010: Julia Roberts 2011: Glenn Close 2012: Oliver Stone / Ewan McGregor / Tommy Lee Jones / John Travolta / Dustin Hoffman 2013: Carmen Maura / Hugh Jackman 2014: Denzel Washington / Benicio del Toro 2015: Emily Watson 2016: Sigourney Weaver / Ethan Hawke 2017: Ricardo Darín / Monica Bellucci / Agnès Varda 2018: Hirokazu Kore-eda / Danny DeVito / Judi Dench 2019: Penélope Cruz / Costa-Gavras / Donald Sutherland 2020s 2020: Viggo Mortensen 2021: Johnny Depp / Marion Cotillard 2022: Juliette Binoche / David Cronenberg 2023: Javier Bardem / Víctor Erice / Hayao Miyazaki vte London Film Critics' Circle Award for Director of the Year 1980–2000 Nicolas Roeg (1980) Andrzej Wajda (1981) Costa-Gavras (1982) Andrzej Wajda (1983) Neil Jordan (1984) Roland Joffé (1985) Akira Kurosawa (1986) Stanley Kubrick (1987) John Huston (1988) Terence Davies (1989) Woody Allen (1990) Ridley Scott (1991) Robert Altman (1992) James Ivory (1993) Steven Spielberg (1994) Peter Jackson (1995) Joel Coen (1996) Curtis Hanson (1997) Peter Weir (1998) Sam Mendes (1999) Spike Jonze (2000) 2001–present Alejandro González Iñárritu (2001) Phillip Noyce (2002) Clint Eastwood (2003) Martin Scorsese (2004) Ang Lee (2005) Paul Greengrass (2006) Paul Thomas Anderson (2007) David Fincher (2008) Kathryn Bigelow (2009) David Fincher (2010) Michel Hazanavicius (2011) Ang Lee (2012) Alfonso Cuarón (2013) Richard Linklater (2014) George Miller (2015) László Nemes (2016) Sean Baker (2017) Alfonso Cuarón (2018) Bong Joon-ho (2019) Steve McQueen (2020) Jane Campion (2021) Todd Field (2022) vte London Film Critics' Circle Award for Screenwriter of the Year 1980–2000 Steve Tesich (1980) Colin Welland (1981) Costa-Gavras and Donald E. Stewart (1982) Ruth Prawer Jhabvala (1983) Philip Kaufman (1984) Alan Bennett (1985) Woody Allen (1986) Alan Bennett (1987) David Mamet (1988) Christopher Hampton (1989) Woody Allen (1990) David Mamet (1991) Michael Tolkin (1992) Harold Ramis and Danny Rubin (1993) Quentin Tarantino (1994) Paul Attanasio (1995) Joel Coen and Ethan Coen (1996) Curtis Hanson and Brian Helgeland (1997) Andrew Niccol (1998) Alan Ball (1999) Charlie Kaufman (2000) 2001–present Joel Coen and Ethan Coen (2001) Andrew Bovell (2002) John Collee and Peter Weir (2003) Charlie Kaufman (2004) Paul Haggis and Bobby Moresco (2005) Peter Morgan (2006) Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck (2007) Simon Beaufoy (2008) Jesse Armstrong, Simon Blackwell, Armando Iannucci, and Tony Roche (2009) Aaron Sorkin (2010) Asghar Farhadi (2011) Michael Haneke (2012) Joel Coen and Ethan Coen (2013) Wes Anderson (2014) Tom McCarthy and Josh Singer (2015) Kenneth Lonergan (2016) Martin McDonagh (2017) Deborah Davis and Tony McNamara (2018) Noah Baumbach (2019) Chloé Zhao (2020) Ryusuke Hamaguchi and Takamasa Oe (2021) Martin McDonagh (2022) vte New York Film Critics Circle Award for Best Director 1935–1950 John Ford (1935) Rouben Mamoulian (1936) Gregory La Cava (1937) Alfred Hitchcock (1938) John Ford (1939) John Ford (1940) John Ford (1941) John Farrow (1942) George Stevens (1943) Leo McCarey (1944) Billy Wilder (1945) William Wyler (1946) Elia Kazan (1947) John Huston (1948) Carol Reed (1949) Joseph L. Mankiewicz (1950) 1951–1975 Elia Kazan (1951) Fred Zinnemann (1952) Fred Zinnemann (1953) Elia Kazan (1954) David Lean (1955) John Huston (1956) David Lean (1957) Stanley Kramer (1958) Fred Zinnemann (1959) Jack Cardiff / Billy Wilder (1960) Robert Rossen (1961) No Award (1962) Tony Richardson (1963) Stanley Kubrick (1964) John Schlesinger (1965) Fred Zinnemann (1966) Mike Nichols (1967) Paul Newman (1968) Costa-Gavras (1969) Bob Rafelson (1970) Stanley Kubrick (1971) Ingmar Bergman (1972) François Truffaut (1973) Federico Fellini (1974) Robert Altman (1975) 1976–2000 Alan J. Pakula (1976) Woody Allen (1977) Terrence Malick (1978) Woody Allen (1979) Jonathan Demme (1980) Sidney Lumet (1981) Sydney Pollack (1982) Ingmar Bergman (1983) David Lean (1984) John Huston (1985) Woody Allen (1986) James L. Brooks (1987) Chris Menges (1988) Paul Mazursky (1989) Martin Scorsese (1990) Jonathan Demme (1991) Robert Altman (1992) Jane Campion (1993) Quentin Tarantino (1994) Ang Lee (1995) Lars von Trier (1996) Curtis Hanson (1997) Terrence Malick (1998) Mike Leigh (1999) Steven Soderbergh (2000) 2001–present Robert Altman (2001) Todd Haynes (2002) Sofia Coppola (2003) Clint Eastwood (2004) Ang Lee (2005) Martin Scorsese (2006) Joel Coen and Ethan Coen (2007) Mike Leigh (2008) Kathryn Bigelow (2009) David Fincher (2010) Michel Hazanavicius (2011) Kathryn Bigelow (2012) Steve McQueen (2013) Richard Linklater (2014) Todd Haynes (2015) Barry Jenkins (2016) Sean Baker (2017) Alfonso Cuarón (2018) Joshua Safdie and Benjamin Safdie (2019) Chloé Zhao (2020) Jane Campion (2021) S. S. Rajamouli (2022) Christopher Nolan (2023) vte Writers Guild of America Award for Best Adapted Screenplay Adapted Drama (1969–1983) Waldo Salt (1969) Robert Anderson (1970) Ernest Tidyman (1971) Francis Ford Coppola & Mario Puzo (1972) Waldo Salt & Norman Wexler (1973) Francis Ford Coppola & Mario Puzo (1974) Bo Goldman & Lawrence Hauben (1975) William Goldman (1976) Alvin Sargent (1977) Oliver Stone (1978) Robert Benton (1979) Alvin Sargent (1980) Ernest Thompson (1981) Costa-Gavras & Donald E. Stewart (1982) Julius J. Epstein (1983) Adapted Comedy (1969–1983) Arnold Schulman (1969) Ring Lardner Jr. (1970) John Paxton (1971) Jay Presson Allen (1972) Alvin Sargent (1973) Lionel Chetwynd & Mordecai Richler (1974) Neil Simon (1975) Blake Edwards & Frank Waldman (1976) Larry Gelbart (1977) Elaine May & Warren Beatty (1978) Jerzy Kosiński (1979) Jim Abrahams, David Zucker & Jerry Zucker (1980) Gerald Ayres (1981) Blake Edwards (1982) James L. Brooks (1983) Adapted Screenplay (1984–present) Bruce Robinson (1984) Richard Condon & Janet Roach (1985) Ruth Prawer Jhabvala (1986) Steve Martin (1987) Christopher Hampton (1988) Alfred Uhry (1989) Michael Blake (1990) Ted Tally (1991) Michael Tolkin (1992) Steven Zaillian (1993) Eric Roth (1994) Emma Thompson (1995) Billy Bob Thornton (1996) Curtis Hanson & Brian Helgeland (1997) Scott Frank (1998) Alexander Payne & Jim Taylor (1999) Stephen Gaghan (2000) Akiva Goldsman (2001) David Hare (2002) Shari Springer Berman & Robert Pulcini (2003) Alexander Payne & Jim Taylor (2004) Larry McMurtry & Diana Ossana (2005) William Monahan (2006) Joel Coen & Ethan Coen (2007) Simon Beaufoy (2008) Jason Reitman & Sheldon Turner (2009) Aaron Sorkin (2010) Alexander Payne, Jim Rash & Nat Faxon (2011) Chris Terrio (2012) Billy Ray (2013) Graham Moore (2014) Adam McKay & Charles Randolph (2015) Eric Heisserer (2016) James Ivory (2017) Nicole Holofcener & Jeff Whitty (2018) Taika Waititi (2019) Sacha Baron Cohen, Anthony Hines, Dan Swimer, Peter Baynham, Erica Rivinoja, Dan Mazer, Jena Friedman, Lee Kern & Nina Pedrad (2020) Sian Heder (2021) Sarah Polley (2022) vte Edgar Allan Poe Award for Best Motion Picture Screenplay John Paxton (1946) Anthony Veiller (1947) John Paxton (1948) Jerome Cady, Jay Dratler, Leonard Hoffman and Quentin Reynolds (1949) Mel Dinelli and Cornell Woolrich (1950) Ben Maddow (1951) Michael Wilson (1952) Michael Wilson and Otto Lang (1953) Sydney Boehm (1954) John Michael Hayes (1955) Joseph Hayes (1956) Reginald Rose (1958) Nathan E. Douglas and Harold Jacob Smith (1959) Ernest Lehman (1960) Joseph Stefano (1961) William Archibald and Truman Capote (1962) Peter Stone (1964) Henry Farrell and Lukas Heller (1965) Paul Dehn and Guy Trosper (1966) William Goldman (1967) Stirling Silliphant (1968) Harry Kleiner and Alan Trustman (1969) Costa Gavras and Jorge Semprún (1970) Elio Petri and Ugo Pirro (1971) Ernest Tidyman (1972) Anthony Shaffer (1973) Anthony Perkins and Stephen Sondheim (1974) Robert Towne (1975) David Rayfiel and Lorenzo Semple, Jr. (1976) Ernest Lehman (1977) Robert Benton (1978) William Goldman (1979) Michael Crichton (1980) Joseph Wambaugh (1981) Jeffrey Alan Fiskin (1982) Barrie Keeffe (1983) Dennis Potter (1984) Charles Fuller (1985) William Kelley and Earl W. Wallace (1986) E. Max Frye (1987) Jim Kouf (1988) Errol Morris (1989) Daniel Waters (1990) Donald E. Westlake (1991) Ted Tally (1992) Michael Tolkin (1993) Ebbe Roe Smith (1994) Quentin Tarantino (1995) Christopher McQuarrie (1996) Billy Bob Thornton (1997) Curtis Hanson and Brian Helgeland (1998) Scott Frank and Elmore Leonard (1999) Guy Ritchie (2000) Stephen Gaghan and Simon Moore (2001) Christopher Nolan (2002) Bill Condon (2003) Steven Knight (2004) Jean-Pierre Jeunet and Sébastien Japrisot (2005) Stephen Gaghan and Robert Baer (2006) William Monahan (2007) Tony Gilroy (2008) Martin McDonagh (2009) vte Berlin International Film Festival jury presidents 1956–1975 Marcel Carné (1956) Jay Carmody (1957) Frank Capra (1958) Robert Aldrich (1959) Harold Lloyd (1960) James Quinn (1961) King Vidor (1962) Wendy Toye (1963) Anthony Mann (1964) John Gillett (1965) Pierre Braunberger (1966) Thorold Dickinson (1967) Luis García Berlanga (1968) Johannes Schaaf (1969) George Stevens (1970) Bjørn Rasmussen (1971) Eleanor Perry (1972) David Robinson (1973) Rodolfo Kuhn (1974) Sylvia Syms (1975) 1976–2000 Jerzy Kawalerowicz (1976) Senta Berger (1977) Patricia Highsmith (1978) Jörn Donner (1979) Ingrid Thulin (1980) Jutta Brückner (1981) Joan Fontaine (1982) Jeanne Moreau (1983) Liv Ullmann (1984) Jean Marais (1985) Gina Lollobrigida (1986) Klaus Maria Brandauer (1987) Guglielmo Biraghi (1988) Rolf Liebermann (1989) Michael Ballhaus (1990) Volker Schlöndorff (1991) Annie Girardot (1992) Frank Beyer (1993) Jeremy Thomas (1994) Lia van Leer (1995) Nikita Mikhalkov (1996) Jack Lang (1997) Ben Kingsley (1998) Ángela Molina (1999) Gong Li (2000) 2001–present Bill Mechanic (2001) Mira Nair (2002) Atom Egoyan (2003) Frances McDormand (2004) Roland Emmerich (2005) Charlotte Rampling (2006) Paul Schrader (2007) Costa-Gavras (2008) Tilda Swinton (2009) Werner Herzog (2010) Isabella Rossellini (2011) Mike Leigh (2012) Wong Kar-wai (2013) James Schamus (2014) Darren Aronofsky (2015) Meryl Streep (2016) Paul Verhoeven (2017) Tom Tykwer (2018) Juliette Binoche (2019) Jeremy Irons (2020) M. Night Shyamalan (2022) Kristen Stewart (2023) Lupita Nyong'o (2024) Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Spain France BnF data Catalonia Germany Italy Israel Belgium United States Sweden Czech Republic Greece Korea Netherlands Poland Artists Museum of Modern Art People Deutsche Biographie Other SNAC IdRef Categories: 1933 birthsLiving peopleBest Adapted Screenplay Academy Award winnersBest Screenplay BAFTA Award winnersCannes Film Festival Award for Best Director winnersEuropean Film Awards winners (people)Directors of Best Foreign Language Film Academy Award winnersDirectors of Palme d'Or winnersDirectors of Golden Bear winnersEdgar Award winnersEnglish-language film directorsFrench film directorsFrench people of Greek descentGreek communistsGreek film directorsGreek emigrants to FranceMagritte Award winnersWriters Guild of America Award winnersOfficers of the Ordre national du MériteCommanders of the Legion of HonourPeople from Iraia

Captures the courageous narrative of Czechoslovakian dissidents during a time of Soviet oppression. The documentary delves into the clandestine world of Charter 77 movement members, risking their safety to expose the realities of life under communist rule. Through clandestine interviews filmed under humble circumstances, the film unveils the tales of individuals like Julius Tomin, who faced persecution for standing against military conscription, and Jitka Bidlasova and Jiri Pallas, who lost their livelihoods due to their involvement with Charter 77. The film interweaves historical context, highlighting the 1968 Soviet-led invasion following President Dubcek's attempts at liberalizing the regime. It parallels Chamberlain's dismissive attitude towards Czechoslovakia in 1938 with the present struggles, emphasizing the cost of appeasement in the face of oppression. Footage and interviews with figures like Zdener Urbanek and singer Marta Kubisova offer poignant insights into the stifled freedoms and personal sacrifices endured by those opposing the Soviet occupation. The documentary, broadcasted in 1977, serves as a powerful exposé, shedding light on the resilience and unwavering determination of individuals striving for freedom amidst adversity. The risky endeavor to amplify their voices echoes the plea of Marta Kubisova: speaking out not just for themselves but for the future of their nation's children. From the Communist coup d'état in February 1948 to the Velvet Revolution in 1989, Czechoslovakia was ruled by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Czech: Komunistická strana Československa, KSČ). The country belonged to the Eastern Bloc and was a member of the Warsaw Pact and of Comecon. During the era of Communist Party rule, thousands of Czechoslovaks faced political persecution for various offences, such as trying to emigrate across the Iron Curtain. The 1993 Act on Lawlessness of the Communist Regime and on Resistance Against It determined that the communist government was illegal and that the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was a criminal organisation. Stalinization The Czechoslovak border to West Germany and Austria was intended to prevent citizens of the Eastern Bloc from emigrating to the West. The sign is from the beginning of the 1980s and reads: WARNING! Border Zone. Enter only on authorization. On 25 February 1948, President Edvard Beneš gave in to the demands of Communist Prime Minister Klement Gottwald and appointed a Cabinet dominated by Communists. While it was nominally still a coalition, the "non-Communists" in the cabinet were mostly fellow travelers. This gave legal sanction to the KSČ coup, and marked the onset of undisguised Communist rule in Czechoslovakia. On 9 May, the National Assembly, purged of dissidents, passed a new constitution. It was not a completely Communist document; since a special committee prepared it in the 1945–48 period, it contained many liberal and democratic provisions. It reflected, however, the reality of Communist power through an addition that declared Czechoslovakia a people's republic – a preliminary step towards socialism and, ultimately, communism – ruled by the dictatorship of the proletariat, and also gave the Communist Party the leading role in the state. For these reasons, Beneš refused to sign the so-called Ninth-of-May Constitution. Nevertheless, elections were held on 30 May, and voters were presented with a single list from the National Front, the former governing coalition which was now a broad patriotic organisation under Communist control. Beneš resigned on 2 June, and Gottwald became president twelve days later. Within the next few years, bureaucratic centralism under the direction of KSČ leadership was introduced. So-called "dissident" elements were purged from all levels of society, including the Catholic Church. The ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism and pervaded cultural and intellectual life. The entire education system was submitted to state control. With the elimination of private ownership of means of production, a planned economy was introduced. Czechoslovakia became a satellite state of the Soviet Union; it was a founding member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon) in 1949 and of the Warsaw Pact in 1955. The attainment of Soviet-style "socialism" became the government's avowed policy. Although in theory Czechoslovakia remained a multi-party state, in reality the Communists had complete control of the country. Political participation became subject to KSČ approval. The KSČ also prescribed percentage representation for non-Marxist parties. The National Assembly, purged of dissidents, became a mere rubber stamp for KSČ programmes. In 1953, an inner cabinet of the National Assembly, the Presidium, was created. Composed of KSČ leaders, the Presidium served to convey party policies through government channels. Regional, district, and local committees were subordinated to the Ministry of Interior. Slovak autonomy was constrained; the KSS was reunited with the KSČ but retained its own identity. After consolidating power, Klement Gottwald began a series of mass purges against both political opponents and fellow Communists, numbering in the tens of thousands. Children from blacklisted families were denied access to good jobs and higher education, there was widespread emigration to West Germany and Austria, and the educational system was reformed to give opportunities to working-class students. Although Gottwald originally sought a more independent line, a quick meeting with Stalin in 1948 convinced him otherwise and so he sought to impose the Soviet model on the country as thoroughly as possible. By 1951, Gottwald's health deteriorated and he was suffering from heart disease and syphilis in addition to alcoholism. He made few public appearances in his final year of life. Gottwald died on 14 March 1953 from an aortic aneurysm, a week after attending Stalin's funeral in Moscow. He was succeeded by Antonín Zápotocký as President and by Antonín Novotný as head of the KSČ. Novotný became President in 1957 when Zápotocký died. Czechoslovak interests were subordinated to the interests of the Soviet Union. Joseph Stalin became particularly concerned about controlling and integrating the socialist bloc in the wake of Tito's challenge to his authority. Stalin's paranoia resulted in a campaign against "rootless cosmopolitans" which culminated in the conspiracy theory of the alleged Doctors' plot. In Czechoslovakia, the Stalinists also accused their opponents of "conspiracy against the people's democratic order" and "high treason" in order to oust them from positions of power. Many Communists with an "international" background, i.e., those with a wartime connection with the West, veterans of the Spanish Civil War, Jews, and Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", were arrested and executed in show trials (e.g., Heliodor Píka, Milada Horáková). Most spectacular was the Slánský trial against KSČ first secretary Rudolf Slánský and thirteen other prominent Communist personalities in November and December 1952. Slánský and ten other defendants were executed, while three were sentenced to life imprisonment. The KSČ rank-and-file membership, approximately 2.5 million in March 1948, began to be subjected to careful scrutiny. By 1960, KSČ membership had been reduced to 1.4 million. The Ninth-of-May Constitution provided for the nationalisation of all commercial and industrial enterprises having more than fifty employees. The non-agricultural private sector was nearly eliminated. Private ownership of land was limited to fifty hectares. The remnants of private enterprise and independent farming were permitted to carry on only as a temporary concession to the petite bourgeoisie and the peasantry. The Czechoslovak economy was determined by five-year plans. Following the Soviet example, Czechoslovakia began emphasising the rapid development of heavy industry. The industrial sector was reorganised with an emphasis on metallurgy, heavy machinery, and coal mining. Production was concentrated in larger units; the more than 350,000 units of the pre-war period were reduced to about 1,700 units by 1958. Industrial output reportedly increased 233% between 1948–59 and employment in industry by 44%.[citation needed] The speed of industrialisation was particularly accelerated in Slovakia, where production increased 347% and employment by 70%.[citation needed] Although Czechoslovakia's industrial growth of 170% between 1948–57 was huge, it was far exceeded by that of Japan ( who increased by 300%)[citation needed] and West Germany (almost 300 percent)[citation needed] and more than equalled by Austria and Greece. For the 1954–59 period, France and Italy equalled Czechoslovak industrial growth. Industrial growth in Czechoslovakia required substantial additional labour. Czechoslovaks were subjected to long hours and long working weeks to meet production quotas. Part-time, volunteer labour – students and white-collar workers – was drafted in massive numbers. Labour productivity, however, was not significantly increased; nor were production costs reduced. Czechoslovak products were characterised by poor quality. During the early years of Communist rule, many political prisoners were sentenced to penal labour. The Ninth-of-May Constitution declared the government's intention to collectivise agriculture. In February 1949, the National Assembly adopted the Unified Agricultural Cooperatives Act. Cooperatives were to be founded on a voluntary basis; formal title to land was left vested in the original owners. The imposition of high compulsory quotas, however, forced peasants to collectivise in order to increase efficiency and facilitate mechanisation. Discriminatory policies were employed to bring about the ruin of recalcitrant kulaks (wealthy peasants). Collectivisation was near completion by 1960. 16% of all farmland (obtained from collaborators and kulaks) had been turned into state-run farms. Despite the elimination of poor land from cultivation and a tremendous increase in the use of fertilisers and tractors, agricultural production declined seriously. By 1959, pre-war production levels still had not been met. Major causes of the decline were the diversion of labour from agriculture to industry (in 1948 an estimated 2.2 million workers were employed in agriculture; by 1960, only 1.5 million); the suppression of the kulak, the most experienced and productive farmer; and the peasantry's opposition to collectivisation, which resulted in sabotage. The 1960 Constitution of Czechoslovakia declared the victory of "socialism" and proclaimed the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The ambiguous precept of "democratic centralism" – power emanating from the people but bound by the authority of higher organs – was made a formal part of constitutional law. The President, the Cabinet, the Slovak National Council, and the local governments were made responsible to the National Assembly. The National Assembly, however, continued its rubber-stamp approval of KSČ policies. All private enterprises using hired labour were abolished. Comprehensive economic planning was reaffirmed. The Bill of Rights emphasised economic and social rights, (e.g the right to work, leisure, health care, and education), with less emphasis on civil rights. The judiciary was combined with the prosecuting branch; all judges were committed to the protection of the socialist state and the education of citizens in loyalty to the cause of socialism. De-Stalinization Spartakiad in 1960 De-Stalinization had a late start in Czechoslovakia. The KSČ leadership virtually ignored the Soviet law announced by Nikita Khrushchev 25 February 1956 at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In Czechoslovakia that April, at the Second Writers' Congress, several authors criticized acts of political repression and attempted to gain control of the writers' congress. The writers' rebellion was suppressed, however, and the conservatives retained control. Students in Prague and Bratislava demonstrated on May Day of 1956, demanding freedom of speech and access to the Western press. The Novotný regime condemned these activities and introduced a policy of neo-Stalinism. After the Hungarian Revolution of October 1956 had been suppressed by Russian tanks and troops, many Czechs lost courage. The 1958 KSČ Party Congress (XI. Congress, 18 June − 21 June) formalized the continuation of Stalinism. In the early 1960s, the Economy of Czechoslovakia became severely stagnated. The industrial growth rate was the lowest in Eastern Europe. Food imports strained the balance of payments. Pressures both from Moscow and from within the party precipitated a reform movement. In 1963 reform-minded Communist intellectuals produced a proliferation of critical articles. Criticism of economic planning merged with more generalized protests against KSČ bureaucratic control and ideological conformity. The KSČ leadership responded. The purge trials of 1949–54 were reviewed, for example, and some of those purged were rehabilitated. Some hardliners were removed from top levels of government and replaced by younger, more liberal communists. Jozef Lenart replaced Prime Minister Viliam Široký in September 1963. The KSČ organized committees to review economic policy. In 1965, the party approved the New Economic Model, which had been drafted under the direction of economist and theoretician Ota Šik. The program called for a second, intensive stage of economic development, emphasizing technological and managerial improvements. Central planning would be limited to overall production and investment indexes as well as price and wage guidelines. Management personnel would be involved in decision-making. Production would be market oriented and geared toward profitability. Prices would respond to supply and demand. Wage differentials would be introduced. The KSČ "Theses" of December 1965 presented the party response to the call for political reform. Democratic centralism was redefined, placing a stronger emphasis on democracy. The leading role of the KSČ was reaffirmed but limited. In consequence, the National Assembly was promised increased legislative responsibility. The Slovak executive (Board of Commissioners) and legislature (Slovak National Council) were assured that they could assist the central government in program planning and assume responsibility for program implementation in Slovakia. The regional, district, and local national committees were to be permitted a degree of autonomy. The KSČ agreed to refrain from superseding the authority of economic and social organizations. Party control in cultural policy, however, was reaffirmed. January 1967 was the date for full implementation of the reform program. Novotný and his supporters hesitated, introducing amendments to reinforce central control. Pressure from the reformists was stepped up. Slovaks pressed for federalization. Economists called for complete enterprise autonomy and economic responsiveness to the market mechanism. The Fourth Writers' Congress adopted a resolution calling for rehabilitation of the Czechoslovak literary tradition and the establishment of free contact with Western culture. The Novotný regime responded with repressive measures. At the 30–31 October 1967 meeting of the KSČ Central Committee, Alexander Dubček, a Slovak reformer who had studied in the Soviet Union, challenged Novotný and was accused of nationalism. As university students in Prague demonstrated in support of the liberals, Novotný appealed to Moscow for assistance. On 8 December, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev arrived in Prague but did not support Novotný, giving a speech to the inner circle of the Communist Party in which he stated: "I did not come to take part in the solution of your problems... ...you will surely manage to solve them on your own." On 5 January 1968, the Central Committee elected Dubček to replace Novotný as first secretary of the KSČ. Novotný's fall from KSČ leadership precipitated initiatives to oust Stalinists from all levels of government, from mass associations, e.g., the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement and the Czechoslovak Union Youth, and from local party organs. On 22 March 1968, Novotný resigned from the presidency and was succeeded by General Ludvík Svoboda. Prague Spring Main article: Prague Spring Dubček carried the reform movement a step further in the direction of liberalism. After Novotný's fall, censorship was lifted. The media—press, radio, and television—were mobilized for reformist propaganda purposes. The movement to democratize socialism in Czechoslovakia, formerly confined largely to the party intelligentsia, acquired a new, popular dynamism in the spring of 1968. In April the KSČ Presidium adopted the Action Programme that had been drafted by a coalition headed by Dubček and made up of reformers, moderates, centrists, and conservatives. The program proposed a "new model of socialism," profoundly "democratic" and "national," that is, adapted to Czechoslovak conditions. The National Front and the electoral system were to be democratized, and Czechoslovakia was to be federalized. Freedom of assembly and expression would be guaranteed in constitutional law. The New Economic Model was to be implemented. The Action Program also reaffirmed the Czechoslovak alliance with the Soviet Union and other socialist states. The reform movement, which rejected Stalinism as the road to communism, remained committed to communism as a goal. The Action Program stipulated that reform must proceed under KSČ direction. In subsequent months, however, popular pressure mounted to implement reforms forthwith. Radical elements found expression: anti-Soviet polemics appeared in the press; the Social Democrats began to form a separate party; new unaffiliated political clubs were created. Party conservatives urged the implementation of repressive measures, but Dubček counselled moderation and reemphasized KSČ leadership. In May he announced that the Fourteenth Party Congress would convene in an early session on 9 September. The congress would incorporate the Action Program into the party statutes, draft a federalization law, and elect a new (presumably more liberal) Central Committee. On 27 June, Ludvík Vaculík, a lifelong communist and a candidate member of the Central Committee, published a manifesto entitled the "Two Thousand Words". The manifesto expressed concern about conservative elements within the KSČ and "foreign" forces as well. (Warsaw Pact maneuvers were held in Czechoslovakia in late June.) It called on the "people" to take the initiative in implementing the reform program. Dubček, the party Presidium, the National Front, and the cabinet sharply denounced the manifesto. The Soviet leadership was alarmed. In mid-July a Warsaw Pact conference was held without Czechoslovak participation. The Warsaw Pact nations drafted a letter to the KSČ leadership referring to the manifesto as an "organizational and political platform of counterrevolution." Pact members demanded the reimposition of censorship, the banning of new political parties and clubs, and the repression of "rightist" forces within the party. The Warsaw Pact nations declared the defence of Czechoslovakia's socialist gains to be not only the task of Czechoslovakia but also the mutual task of all Warsaw Pact countries. The KSČ rejected the Warsaw Pact ultimatum, and Dubček requested bilateral talks with the Soviet Union. Soviet leader Brezhnev hesitated to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia. Dubček's Action Program proposed a "new model of socialism"—"democratic" and "national." Significantly, however, Dubček did not challenge Czechoslovak commitment to the Warsaw Pact. In the early spring of 1968, the Soviet leadership adopted a wait-and-see attitude. By midsummer, however, two camps had formed: advocates and opponents of military intervention. The pro-interventionist coalition viewed the situation in Czechoslovakia as "counterrevolutionary" and favoured the defeat of Dubček and his supporters. This coalition was headed by the Ukrainian party leader Petro Shelest and included communist bureaucrats from Belarus and from the non-Russian national republics of the western part of the Soviet Union (the Baltic republics). The coalition members feared the awakening of nationalism within their respective republics and the influence of the Ukrainian minority in Czechoslovakia on Ukrainians in the Soviet Union. Bureaucrats responsible for political stability in Soviet cities and for the ideological supervision of the intellectual community also favoured a military solution. Within the Warsaw Pact, only the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) and Poland were strongly interventionist. Walter Ulbricht and Władysław Gomułka—party leaders of East Germany and Poland, respectively—viewed liberalism as threatening to their own positions. The Soviet Union agreed to bilateral talks with Czechoslovakia to be held in July at Cierna nad Tisou, Slovak-Soviet border. At the meeting, Dubček defended the program of the reformist wing of the KSČ while pledging commitment to the Warsaw Pact and Comecon. The KSČ leadership, however, was divided. Vigorous reformers—Josef Smrkovský, Oldřich Černík, and František Kriegel—supported Dubček. Conservatives—Vasil Biľak, Drahomír Kolder, and Oldřich Švestka—adopted an anti-reformist stance. Brezhnev decided on compromise. The KSČ delegates reaffirmed their loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and promised to curb "antisocialist" tendencies, prevent the revival of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, and control the press more effectively. The Soviets agreed to withdraw their troops (stationed in Czechoslovakia since the June maneuvers) and permit the 9 September party congress. On 3 August, representatives from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration. The declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "antisocialist" forces. The Soviet Union expressed its intention to intervene in a Warsaw Pact country if a "bourgeois" system—a pluralist system of several political parties—was ever established. After the Bratislava conference, Soviet troops left Czechoslovak territory but remained along Czechoslovak borders. Dubček did not attempt to mobilize the Czechoslovak army to resist an invasion. The KSČ party congress remained scheduled for 9 September. In the week following the Bratislava conference, it became an open secret in Prague that most of Dubček's opponents would be removed from the Central Committee. The Prague municipal party organization prepared and circulated a blacklist. The antireformist coalition could hope to stay in power only with Soviet assistance. KSČ anti-reformists, therefore, made efforts to convince the Soviets that the danger of political instability and "counterrevolution" did indeed exist. They used the Kaspar Report, prepared by the Central Committee's Information Department, headed by Jan Kašpar, to achieve this end. The report provided an extensive review of the general political situation in Czechoslovakia as it might relate to the forthcoming party congress. It predicted that a stable Central Committee and a firm leadership could not necessarily be expected as the outcome of the congress. The party Presidium received the report on 12 August. Two Presidium members, Kolder and Alois Indra, were instructed to evaluate the report for the 20 August meeting of the Presidium. Kolder and Indra viewed the Kašpar Report with alarm and, some observers think, communicated their conclusions to the Soviet ambassador, Stepan Chervonenko. These actions are thought to have precipitated the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. As the KSČ Presidium convened on 20 August, the anti-reformists planned to make a bid for power, pointing to the imminent danger of counterrevolution. Kolder and Indra presented a resolution declaring a state of emergency and calling for "fraternal assistance." The resolution was never voted on, because the Warsaw Pact troops entered Czechoslovakia that same day (in the night of 20 August-21). Warsaw Pact intervention and the end of Prague Spring Main article: Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia KSČ conservatives had misinformed Moscow regarding the strength of the reform movement. The KSČ Presidium met during the night of 20–21 August; it rejected the option of armed resistance and condemned the invasion. Two-thirds of the KSČ Central Committee opposed the Soviet intervention. A KSČ party congress, convened secretly on 22 August, passed a resolution affirming its loyalty to Dubček's Action Program and denouncing the Soviet aggression. President Svoboda repeatedly resisted Soviet pressure to form a new government under Indra. The Czechoslovak population was virtually unanimous in its repudiation of the Soviet action. In compliance with Svoboda's caution against acts that might provoke violence, they avoided mass demonstrations and strikes but observed a symbolic one-hour general work stoppage on 23 August. Popular opposition was expressed in numerous spontaneous acts of nonviolent resistance, also called civil resistance. In Prague and other cities throughout the republic, Czechs and Slovaks greeted Warsaw Pact soldiers with arguments and reproaches. Every form of assistance, including the provision of food and water, was denied the invaders. Signs, placards, and graffiti drawn on walls and pavements denounced the invaders, the Soviet leaders, and suspected collaborators. Pictures of Dubček and Svoboda appeared everywhere. The generalized resistance caused the Soviet Union to abandon its original plan to oust Dubček. Dubček, who had been arrested on the night of 20 August, was taken to Moscow for negotiations. The outcome was the Brezhnev Doctrine of limited sovereignty, which provided for the strengthening of the KSČ, strict party control of the media, and the suppression of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party. It was agreed that Dubček would remain in office and that a program of moderate reform would continue. On 19 January 1969, student Jan Palach set himself on fire in Prague's Wenceslas Square as a protest against the end of the reforms of the Prague Spring following the Soviet invasion. Normalization Main article: Normalization (Czechoslovakia) Dubček remained in office only until April 1969. Anti-Soviet demonstrations, following Czechoslovakia's victory over the Soviet team in the World Ice Hockey Championships in March, precipitated Soviet pressures for a KSČ Presidium reorganization. Gustáv Husák, (a centrist and one of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" imprisoned by the KSČ in the 1950s), was named first secretary (title changed to general secretary in 1971). Only centrists and the hardliners led by Vasil Bilak continued in the Presidium. A program of "normalization"—the restoration of continuity with the prereform period—was initiated. Normalization entailed thoroughgoing political repression and the return to ideological conformity consolidate the Husák leadership and remove reformers from leadership positions; revoke or modify the laws enacted by the reform movement; reestablish centralized control over the economy; reinstate the power of police authorities; and expand Czechoslovakia's ties with other socialist nations. Czechoslovakia in 1969 One of the few changes proposed by the Action Programme during the Prague Spring that was actually achieved was the federalization of the country. Although it was mostly a formality during the normalization period, Czechoslovakia had been federalized under the Constitutional Law of Federation of 27 October 1968. The newly created Federal Assembly (i.e., federal parliament), which replaced the National Assembly, was intended to work in close cooperation with the Czech National Council and the Slovak National Council (i.e., national parliaments). The Gustáv Husák regime amended the law in January 1971 so that, while federalism was retained in form, central authority was effectively restored. In the meantime, a Slovak parliament and government had been created, including all ministries except for defence and foreign affairs.[1] Besides, a so-called no-majorisation principle requiring consensus between Czechia and Slovakia at the Federal Assembly in Prague was enacted.[1] But due to the fact that neither governments nor parliaments made political decisions under the regime, it remained just a formality. Decisions were taken "by the politburo of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. There was one communist party and it was situated in Prague".[1] Deciding about Slovak affairs in Slovakia was not allowed to happen.[1] At the official Fourteenth Party Congress in May 1971, party chief Husák announced the 1968 Fourteenth Party Congress had been abrogated, that "normalization" had been "completed" and that all the party needed to do was consolidate its gains. Husák's policy was to maintain a rigid status quo; for the next fifteen years, key personnel of the party and government remained the same. In 1975, Husák added the position of president to his post as party chief. He and other party leaders faced the task of rebuilding general party membership after the purges of 1969–71. By 1983, membership had returned to 1.6 million, about the same as in 1960. In preserving the status quo, the Husák regime required conformity and obedience in all aspects of life. Czech and Slovak culture suffered greatly from the limitations on independent thought, as did the humanities, social sciences, and ultimately even natural sciences. Art had to adhere to a rigid formula of socialist realism. Soviet examples were held up for emulation. During the 1970s and 1980s, many of Czechoslovakia's most creative individuals were silenced, imprisoned, or sent into exile. Some found expression for their art through samizdat. Those artists, poets, and writers who were officially sanctioned were, for the most part, undistinguished. The award of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1984 to Jaroslav Seifert—a poet identified with reformism and not favored by the Husák regime—was a bright spot in an otherwise bleak cultural scene. In addition to applying repression, Husák also tried to obtain acquiescence to his rule by providing an improved standard of living. He returned Czechoslovakia to an orthodox command economy with a heavy emphasis on central planning and continued to extend industrialization. For a while, the policy seemed successful because, despite the lack of investment in new technologies, there was an increase in industrial output. The government encouraged consumerism and materialism and took a tolerant attitude toward a slack work ethic and a growing black market second economy: In the early 1970s, there was a steady increase in the standard of living; it seemed that the improved economy might mitigate political and cultural oppression and give the government a modicum of legitimacy. By the mid-1970s, consumerism failed as a palliative for political oppression. The government could not sustain an indefinite expansion without coming to grips with limitations inherent in a command economy. The effects of the 1973 oil crisis further exacerbated the economic decline. Materialism, encouraged by a corrupt government, also produced cynicism, greed, nepotism, corruption, and a lack of work discipline. Whatever elements of a social contract the government tried to establish with Czechoslovak society crumbled with the decline in living standards of the mid-1970s. The 1980s were more or less a period of economic stagnation. Another feature of Husák's rule was a continued dependence on the Soviet Union. As of the mid-1980s, Husák had not yet achieved a balance between what could be perceived as Czechoslovak national interest and Soviet dictate.[citation needed] In foreign policy, Czechoslovakia parroted every utterance of the Soviet position.[citation needed] Frequent contacts between the Soviet and Czechoslovak communist parties and governments made certain that the Soviet position on any issue was both understood and followed. The Soviets continued to exert control over Czechoslovak internal affairs, including oversight over the police and security apparatus.[citation needed] Five Soviet ground divisions and two air divisions had become a permanent fixture,[2] while the Czechoslovak military was further integrated into the Warsaw Pact. In the 1980s, approximately 50% of Czechoslovakia's foreign trade was with the Soviet Union, and almost 80% was with communist countries.[citation needed] There were constant exhortations about further cooperation and integration between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in industry, science, technology, consumer goods, and agriculture. Deriving its legitimacy from Moscow, the Husák regime remained a slavish imitator of political, cultural, and economic trends emanating from Moscow. Dissent and independent activity (1970s and 1980s) Through the 1970s and 1980s, the government's emphasis on obedience, conformity, and the preservation of the status quo was challenged by individuals and organized groups aspiring to independent thinking and activity. Although only a few such activities could be deemed political by Western standards, the state viewed any independent action, no matter how innocuous, as a defiance of the party's control over all aspects of Czechoslovak life. The government's response to such activity was harassment, persecution, and, in some instances, imprisonment.[3] In the context of international detente, Czechoslovakia had signed the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in 1968. In 1975 these were ratified by the Federal Assembly, which, according to the Constitution of 1960, is the highest legislative organization. The Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe's Final Act (also known as the Helsinki Accords), signed by Czechoslovakia in 1975, also included guarantees of human rights. The first organized opposition emerged under the umbrella of Charter 77. On 6 January 1977, a manifesto called Charter 77 appeared in West German newspapers. The document was immediately translated and reprinted throughout the world. The original manifesto reportedly was signed by 243 people; among them were artists, former public officials, and other prominent figures, such as Zdeněk Mlynář, secretary of the KSČ Central Committee in 1968; Václav Slavík, a Central Committee member in 1968; and Ludvík Vaculík, author of "Two Thousand Words." Charter 77 defined itself as "a loose, informal, and open community of people" concerned with the protection of civil and human rights. It denied oppositional intent and based its defense of rights on legally binding international documents signed by the Czechoslovak government and on guarantees of civil rights contained in the Czechoslovak Constitution. The Charter 77 group declared its objectives to be the following: to draw attention to individual cases of human rights infringements; to suggest remedies; to make general proposals to strengthen rights and freedoms and the mechanisms designed to protect them; and to act as intermediary in situations of conflict. The Charter had over 800 signatures by the end of 1977, including workers and youth; by 1985 nearly 1,200 Czechoslovaks had signed the Charter. The Husák regime, which claimed that all rights derive from the state and that international covenants are subject to the internal jurisdiction of the state, responded with fury to the Charter. The text was never published in the official media. Signatories were arrested and interrogated; dismissal from employment often followed. The Czechoslovak press launched vicious attacks against the Charter. The public was mobilized to sign either individual condemnations or various forms of "anti-Charters." Closely associated with Charter 77, the Committee for the Defense of the Unjustly Persecuted (Výbor na obranu nespravedlivě stíhaných—VONS) was formed in 1978 with the specific goal of documenting individual cases of government persecution and human rights violations. Between 1978 and 1984, VONS issued 409 communiques concerning individuals prosecuted or harassed. On a larger scale, independent activity was expressed through underground writing and publishing. Because of the decentralized nature of underground writing, it is difficult to estimate its extent or impact. Some observers state that hundreds of books, journals, essays, and short stories were published and distributed. In the mid-1980s, several samizdat publishing houses were in operation. The best known was Edice Petlice (Padlock Editions), which had published more than 250 volumes. There were a number of clandestine religious publishing houses that published journals in photocopy or printed form. The production and distribution of underground literature was difficult. In most cases, manuscripts had to be typed and retyped without the aid of modern publishing equipment. Publication and distribution were also dangerous. Mere possession of samizdat materials could be the basis for harassment, loss of employment, and arrest and imprisonment. Independent activity also extended to music. The state was particularly concerned about the impact of Western popular music on Czechoslovak youth. The persecution of rock musicians and their fans led a number of musicians to sign Charter 77. In the forefront of the struggle for independent music was the Jazz Section of the Union of Musicians. Initially organized to promote jazz, in the late 1970s it became a protector of various kinds of nonconformist music. The widely popular Jazz Section had a membership of approximately 7,000 and received no official funds. It published music and promoted concerts and festivals. The government condemned the Jazz Section for spreading "unacceptable views" among the youth and moved against its leadership. In March 1985, the Jazz Section was dissolved under a 1968 statute banning "counterrevolutionary activities." The Jazz Section continued to operate, however, and in 1986 the government arrested the members of its steering committee. Because religion offered possibilities for thought and activities independent of the state, it too was severely restricted and controlled. Clergymen were required to be licensed. In attempting to manipulate the number and kind of clergy, the state even sponsored a pro-government organization of Catholic priests, the Association of Catholic Clergy Pacem in Terris. Nevertheless, there was religious opposition, including a lively Catholic samizdat. In the 1980s, Cardinal František Tomášek, the Czech primate, adopted a more independent stand. In 1984 he invited the Pope to come to Czechoslovakia for the 1,100th anniversary of the death of Saint Methodius, the missionary to the Slavs. The pope accepted, but the trip was blocked by the government. The cardinal's invitation and the pope's acceptance were widely circulated in samizdat. A petition requesting the government to permit the papal visit had 17,000 signatories. The Catholic Church did have a massive commemoration of the 1,100th anniversary in 1985. At Velehrad (allegedly the site of Methodius's tomb) more than 150,000 pilgrims attended a commemorative mass, and another 100,000 came to a ceremony at Levoca (in eastern Slovakia). Unlike in Poland, dissent, opposition to the government, and independent activity were limited in Czechoslovakia to a fairly small segment of the populace. Even the dissenters saw scant prospect for fundamental reforms. In this sense, the Husák regime was successful in preserving the status quo in "normalized" Czechoslovakia. The selection of Mikhail Gorbachev as general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on 11 March 1985, presented the Husák regime with a new and unexpected challenge to the status quo. Soon after assuming office, Gorbachev began a policy of perestroika ("restructuring") the Soviet economy and advocated glasnost ("openness") in the discussion of economic, social, and, to some extent, political questions. Up to this time, the Husák regime had dutifully adopted the programs and slogans that had emanated from Moscow. But, for a government wholly dedicated to the preservation of the status quo, subjects such as "openness," economic "restructuring," and "reform" had been taboo. Ethnic groups Slovaks Main article: Slovaks in Czechoslovakia (1960-1990) Minorities The roughly 6% of the population who were neither Czech nor Slovak in the 1980s have had an uneven history in the postwar era. The highly centralized rule of the KSČ undermined the political leverage that the First Republic's multiparty politics had permitted to ethnic minorities. Beyond this, however, the sheer decrease in the German, who before their expulsion had amounted to 3 million citizens, having had played a large role in the area for centuries, as well as the decrease Ukrainian populations of Czechoslovakia would have limited their influence in any event. The events of the late 1960s brought calls for reform from ethnic minorities. The government's response was Constitutional Act No. 144 (October 1968), which defined the status of ethnic groups in Czechoslovakia and acknowledged the full political and cultural rights of legally recognized minorities. Minorities were granted the right, with state approval, to their own cultural organizations. The emphasis has been on cultural activities; minority organizations have had no right to represent their members in political affairs. Hungarians In the 1980s, Hungarians were the largest enumerated minority ethnic group. In 1989 approximately 560,000 Hungarians (concentrated in southern Slovakia) made up 11% of Slovakia's population. Despite significant anti-Hungarian sentiment in Slovakia, the postwar exchange of Slovaks in Hungary for Hungarians in Slovakia met with only limited success; the proportion of Hungarians in the population has changed little since 1930 (see History). Although Hungarians were a distinct minority of the total population, they were highly visible in the border regions of Slovakia. There, Hungarians constituted nearly half the population of some districts.[citation needed] Furthermore, 20% lived in exclusively Hungarian settlements.[citation needed] Given Hungary's long domination of Slovakia, Hungarian-Slovak relations have not been easy; the two groups are separated by substantial linguistic and cultural differences. In 1968 some Hungarians in Slovakia called for reincorporation into Hungary. This was apparently a minority view; Hungarian Warsaw Pact troops entering Czechoslovakia in 1968 encountered as much hostility from Hungarians in Slovakia as they did from the rest of the population. It is interesting to compare the situation of the 560,000 Hungarians in Czechoslovakia with that of 30,000 Slovaks in Hungary in the 1970s and 1980s.[citation needed] In 1988, the Hungarians in Czechoslovakia had 386 kindergartens, 131 basic schools, 96 secondary schools, two theatres, one publishing institution and twenty-four print media producers.[citation needed] Six Slovak publishing institutions were also publishing Hungarian literature. The Slovaks in Hungary, however, had no kindergartens, no schools, no theatres and one print media producer.[citation needed] One Hungarian publishing institution was also publishing Slovak literature. This is primarily because the Slovak population of Hungary is much more sparsely populated across northern and southern Hungary and are not concentrated in one compact region. The 1960 Constitution of Czechoslovakia which ensured protection for Hungarian, Ukrainian, and Polish minority groups in Czechoslovakia. This legislation was often criticized by Slovak extremists who were opposed to minority rights in Slovakia. Germans With the expulsion of the Germans in 1945, Czechoslovakia lost over one-fifth of its population. Some 165,000 Germans escaped deportation and remained scattered along the country's western border in the former Sudetenland. Through the mid-1970s, Germans represented a declining proportion of the population; younger Germans increasingly were assimilated into Czech society or emigrated to the West. Even those Germans who were not expelled after World War II were not permitted to hold Czechoslovak citizenship until 1953. In 1968–69, Germans demanded more German-language publications and mandatory German language instruction in areas having a substantial German minority. The 1968 Constitutional Act No. 144 recognized the Germans' legal status as an ethnic minority for the first time since World War II. Poles Poles (approximately 71,000 in 1984) were concentrated in the Cieszyn Silesia on the northeastern border of the Czech Socialist Republic. In addition to a large community of resident Poles, a substantial number commuted across the border from Poland to work or to take advantage of the relative abundance of Czechoslovak consumer goods. Official policies toward the Poles (resident or not) have attempted to limit their influence both in and out of the workplace. In 1969, for example, a Czech journal reported that a primarily Polish-speaking district in the Ostrava area had been gerrymandered to create two districts, each with a Czech majority. Czechoslovak officialdom considered Polish influence in the workplace an insidious danger. The "seepage" from more liberal Polish governments had concerned Czechoslovak communists since the 1950s, when Poles led the way in resisting increased work demands. The 1980–81 unrest in Poland exacerbated the situation. There were reports of strikes among the workers in the Ostrava area in late 1980. Roma Before World War II, Romani people in Czechoslovakia were considered Czechoslovak citizens of Romani nationality. After the war, since they did not possess the properties of a nationality according to communist criteria, they were regarded by the communist government as merely a special ethnic group. Based on this, the state approached the matter not as a question of nationality but as a social and political question. Eastern Slovakia had a sizable Roma minority. About 66% of the country's Roma lived in Slovakia in the 1980s, where they constituted about 4% of the population.[citation needed] Estimates of their exact numbers vary, but observers agree that their postwar birthrate has been phenomenal.[citation needed] In the early 1970s, there were approximately 200,000 to 300,000 Roma in the country.[citation needed] In 1980 estimates ranged from 250,000 to 400,000.[citation needed] Roma intelligentsia agitated unsuccessfully for inclusion of the Romani People in the 1968 Constitutional Act No. 144,[citation needed] and they remained the largest unrecognized minority in Czechoslovakia. Policy makers have found them a conundrum. The Roma population combines continued high rates of crime and illiteracy[citation needed] with a cultural system that places low value on regular employment[citation needed]. According to Czechoslovak Life, in 1986, "the customs and thinking of the Roma population are somewhat different."[citation needed] A 1979 article in Bratislava's Pravda asserted that the crime rate among the Romani population was four times the national average. The author went on to call for "the incorporation of all Gypsy citizens of productive age to [sic] the working process" and to decry the number of Roma "who constantly refuse to work".[citation needed] A large number of Roma were involved in the black market.[citation needed] Official policy has vacillated between forced assimilation and enforced isolation in carefully controlled settlements. The nomadic wandering integral to Roma culture has been illegal since 1958.[citation needed] Laws passed in 1965 and 1969 provided for "dispersion" of the Romani people, i.e., transferring them from areas where they were concentrated to other areas. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, assimilationist policies held clear sway. There were efforts to increase the participation of Roma children in preschool, kindergarten, secondary school, apprenticeship programs, and summer recreational and educational camps. There were also concerted government attempts to integrate Roma into the national labor force; in the early 1980s, some 90% of adult Roma males below retirement age were employed.[citation needed] In 1979 about 50% of working-age Roma women were employed; by 1981 this figure had risen to 74%.[citation needed] The Roma birthrate was reportedly two and one-half to three times the national average; in the mid-1980s, it was 2.6% per year as opposed to 0.7% per year for the population as a whole.[citation needed] Ukrainians and Rusyns Czechoslovakia lost most of its Ukrainian and Rusyn (Ruthenian) population when Carpatho-Ukraine was ceded to the Soviet Union after World War II. In 1983 the remaining 48,000 or so Ukrainians and Ruthenians were clustered in north eastern Slovakia. They remained overwhelmingly agricultural; often they were private farmers scattered on small, impoverished holdings in mountainous terrain. They were generally Uniates and suffered in the 1950s and 1960s from the government's repression of that group in favor of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Jews A very small fraction of Czechoslovakia's pre–World War II Jewish community remained in the 1980s. Estimates of both the prewar and the postwar Jewish population are imprecise. Calculations based on either religious preference or the number of Yiddish speakers ignored the large numbers of assimilated Jews in Bohemia and Slovakia. Most estimates put the pre–World War II population in the neighborhood of 250,000. In 1975 Malcolm Browne stated that there were some 5,000 practicing Jews remaining in Czechoslovakia, including about 1,200 in Prague, which once had a large, vibrant Jewish community dating back to the Middle Ages. Some anti-Jewish sentiment still existed in the 1980s. The government's vehemently anti-Israeli stance, coupled with a persistent failure to distinguish between Israelis and Jews, gave anti-Semitic attitudes continued prominence.[citation needed] Official denunciations of dissidents having purportedly Jewish names added a distinctly anti-Semitic flavor.[citation needed] One Charter 77 signer[who?] was condemned as "an international adventurer" and another[who?], more pointedly, as "a foreigner without fatherland who was never integrated into the Czech community"—notorious euphemisms long used in anti-Jewish rhetoric.[citation needed] Officials alleged that the signers were under orders from "anticommunist and Zionist centers".[citation needed] Greeks Following the expulsion of the ethnic German population from Czechoslovakia, parts of the former Sudetenland, especially around Krnov and the surrounding villages of the Jesenik mountain region in northeastern Czechoslovakia, were settled in 1949 by Communist refugees from Northern Greece who had left their homeland as a result of the Greek Civil War. These Greeks made up a large proportion of the town and region's population until the late 1980s/early 1990s. Although defined as "Greeks", the Greek Communist community of Krnov and the Jeseniky region actually consisted of an ethnically diverse population, including Greek Macedonians, Slavo-Macedonians, Vlachs, Pontic Greeks and Turkish speaking Urums or Caucasus Greeks.[4] See also Operation Neptune (Espionage) References This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "History of Czechoslovakia" 1948–1989 – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (May 2007) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Dominik Jůn interviewing Professor Jan Rychlík (2016). "Czechs and Slovaks - more than just neighbours". Radio Prague. Retrieved 28 October 2016. Group of Soviet Forces in Czechoslovakia - Central Group of Forces (CGF) Copied from the US Library of Congress Country Studies, Dissent and Independent Activity, Chapter Communist Czechoslovakia, in A Country Study: Czechoslovakia (Former) https://english.radio.cz/story-greeks-czechia-8703203.[bare URL] Public Domain This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Country Studies. Federal Research Division. Bibliography Bradley F. Abrams, The Struggle for the Soul of the Nation: Czech Culture and the Rise of Communism (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2004) (The Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series).[ISBN missing] Stefan Karner et al. (eds.), Prager Frühling. Das internationale Krisenjahr 1968, 2 Bde. (Köln / Weimar / Wien: Böhlau 2008) (Veröffentlichungen des Ludwig-Boltzmann-Instituts für Kriegsfolgen-Forschung, Graz – Wien – Klagenfurt; Sonderband 9/1, 9/2). Pucci, M. (2020). Security Empire: The Secret Police in Communist Eastern Europe (Yale-Hoover Series on Authoritarian Regimes). New Haven: Yale University Press.[ISBN missing] External links Archiv ČT 24 – Archive of The Czech Television – TV News from the socialist era, in Czech Memory of Nation (in Czech Paměť národa) Post Bellum – Stories of the Twentieth Century Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů (The Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes) RFE Czechoslovak Unit, Blinken Open Society Archives, Budapest The history of the Committee for the Defence of the Unjustly Persecuted VONS, Prague The CWIHP at the Wilson Center for Scholars Document Collection on Czechoslovakia in the Cold War vte Timeline of Czechoslovak statehood Pre-1918 1918–1938 1938–1945 1945–1948 1948–1989 1989–1992 1993– Bohemia Moravia Silesia Austrian Empire First Republica Sudetenlandb Third Republic Fourth Republice 1948–1960 Czechoslovak Socialist Republicf 1960–1990 Czech and Slovak Federative Republic 1990–1992 Czech Republic Second Republicc 1938–1939 Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia 1939–1945 Slovakia Kingdom of Hungary Slovak Republic 1939–1945 Slovakia Southern Slovakia and Carpathian Ukrained Subcarpathian Ruthenia Zakarpattia Oblastg 1944 / 1946 – 1991 Zakarpattia Oblasth 1991–present Austria-Hungary Czechoslovak government-in-exile a ČSR; boundaries and government established by the 1920 constitution. b Annexed by Nazi Germany. c ČSR; included the autonomous regions of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia. d Annexed by Hungary (1939–1945). e ČSR; declared a "people's democracy" (without a formal name change) under the Ninth-of-May Constitution following the 1948 coup. f ČSSR; from 1969, after the Prague Spring, consisted of the Czech Socialist Republic (ČSR) and Slovak Socialist Republic (SSR). g Oblast of the Ukrainian SSR. h Oblast of Ukraine. vte Countries of Eastern and Central Europe during their Communist period Warsaw Pact Logo Albania Bulgaria Czechoslovakia East Germany Hungary Poland Romania Yugoslavia Map of Cold War Europe Soviet Russia / Soviet Union: 1917–1927 1927–1953 1953–1964 1964–1982 1982–1991 Byelorussia Ukraine Eastern Bloc Warsaw Pact Comecon

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In part two of the conversation with John Stockwell, the focus shifts to the landmark libel trial involving General Westmoreland and CBS. Drawing from his experiences in Vietnam immediately following the trial's timeframe, Stockwell provides firsthand insights into the individuals involved in intelligence assessments and exposes numerous instances of manipulated and falsified information embedded within these reports. Continuing the discussion, we explore the expansive scope of CIA operations globally, referencing a Congressional inquiry that unearthed a staggering 50 covert operations ongoing at the time. Analysis spans various regions where the CIA exerted its influence, including surprising insights into activities within the Vatican. Additionally, attention is drawn to the collaborative partnerships the CIA maintained with counterpart agencies in different nations. This recording, potentially from August 1985 (with content gathered from March 1985), presents a compelling examination of the CIA's multifaceted engagements worldwide, shedding light on covert operations, information distortion, and international alliances.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ John Wesley Dean III (born October 14, 1938) is an American attorney who served as White House Counsel for U.S. President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973. Dean is known for his role in the cover-up of the Watergate scandal and his subsequent testimony to Congress as a witness. His guilty plea to a single felony in exchange for becoming a key witness for the prosecution ultimately resulted in a reduced sentence, which he served at Fort Holabird outside Baltimore, Maryland. After his plea, he was disbarred. The White House counsel is a senior staff appointee of the president of the United States whose role is to advise the president on all legal issues concerning the president and their administration. The White House counsel also oversees the Office of White House Counsel, a team of lawyers and support staff who provide legal guidance for the president and the White House Office. At least when White House counsel is advising the president on legal matters pertaining to the duties or prerogatives of the president, this office is also called Counsel to the President.[1] Stuart Delery has been the White House counsel since July 2022, replacing Dana Remus, who served since January 2021. Responsibilities The Office of Counsel to the President and Vice President was created in 1943, and is responsible for advising on all legal aspects of policy questions; legal issues arising in connection with the president's decision to sign or veto legislation, ethical questions, financial disclosures; and conflicts of interest during employment and post employment. The counsel's office also helps define the line between official and political activities, oversees executive appointments and judicial selection, handles presidential pardons, reviews legislation and presidential statements, and handles lawsuits against the president in his role as president, as well as serving as the White House contact for the Department of Justice. Limitations Although the White House counsel offers legal advice to the president and vice president, the counsel does so in the president's and vice president's official capacity, and does not serve as the president's personal attorney. Therefore, controversy has emerged over the scope of the attorney–client privilege between the counsel and the president and vice president, namely with John Dean of Watergate notoriety. It is clear, however, that the privilege does not apply in strictly personal matters. It also does not apply to legislative proceedings by the U.S. Congress against the president due to allegations of misconduct while in office, such as formal censures or impeachment proceedings. In those situations the president relies on a personal attorney if he desires confidential legal advice. The office is also distinct from the judiciary, and from others who are not appointed to positions but nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate. These would be foremost the attorney general of the United States, and the principal deputy and other assistants, who are nominated by the president to oversee the United States Department of Justice, or the solicitor general of the United States and staff (the solicitor general is the fourth-ranking official in the Justice Department), who argue cases before the U.S. Supreme Court (and in lower federal courts) for the Justice Department when it is a party to the case. List of White House counsels Image Name Start End President Samuel Rosenman October 2, 1943 February 1, 1946 Franklin D. Roosevelt Harry S. Truman Clark Clifford February 1, 1946 January 31, 1950 Charles Murphy January 31, 1950 January 20, 1953 Tom Stephens January 20, 1953 On leave April 14, 1953 Dwight D. Eisenhower Bernard Shanley January 20, 1953 Acting: January 20, 1953 – April 14, 1953 February 19, 1955 Gerald Morgan February 19, 1955 November 5, 1958 David Kendall November 5, 1958 January 20, 1961 Ted Sorensen January 20, 1961 February 29, 1964 John F. Kennedy Lyndon B. Johnson Mike Feldman April 1964 January 17, 1965 Lee White January 17, 1965 February 11, 1966 Milton Semer February 14, 1966 December 31, 1966 Harry McPherson February 11, 1966 October 26, 1967 Larry Temple October 26, 1967 January 20, 1969 John Ehrlichman January 20, 1969 November 4, 1969 Richard Nixon Chuck Colson November 6, 1969 July 9, 1970 John Dean July 9, 1970 April 30, 1973 Len Garment April 30, 1973 August 9, 1974 Philip Buchen August 9, 1974 January 20, 1977 Gerald Ford Robert Lipshutz January 20, 1977 October 1, 1979 Jimmy Carter Lloyd Cutler October 1, 1979 January 20, 1981 Fred Fielding January 20, 1981 May 23, 1986 Ronald Reagan Peter Wallison May 23, 1986 March 20, 1987 Arthur Culvahouse March 20, 1987 January 20, 1989 Boyden Gray January 20, 1989 January 20, 1993 George H. W. Bush Bernard Nussbaum January 20, 1993 March 8, 1994 Bill Clinton Lloyd Cutler March 8, 1994 October 1, 1994 Abner Mikva October 1, 1994 November 1, 1995 Jack Quinn November 1, 1995 February 1997 Chuck Ruff February 1997 August 6, 1999 Cheryl Mills Acting August 6, 1999 September 1999 Beth Nolan September 1999 January 20, 2001 Alberto Gonzales January 20, 2001 February 3, 2005 George W. Bush Harriet Miers February 3, 2005 January 31, 2007 Fred Fielding January 31, 2007 January 20, 2009 Greg Craig January 20, 2009 January 3, 2010 Barack Obama Bob Bauer January 3, 2010 June 30, 2011 Kathy Ruemmler June 30, 2011 June 2, 2014 Neil Eggleston June 2, 2014 January 20, 2017 Don McGahn January 20, 2017 October 17, 2018 Donald Trump Emmet Flood Acting October 18, 2018 December 10, 2018 Pat Cipollone December 10, 2018 January 20, 2021 Dana Remus January 20, 2021 July 1, 2022 Joe Biden Stuart Delery July 1, 2022 September 11, 2023 Ed Siskel September 11, 2023 present References Letter from Dana A. Remus, Counsel to the President, to Daniel Ferreiro, Archivist of the United States, dated October 8, 2021, issued by The White House as a Release on October 12, 2021. See also, letter of Darell Issa, then Chairman of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform to W. Neil Eggleston, then "Counsel to the President," dated July 11, 2014, which letter appears as the 2nd item in the Appendix to the record of the July 16, 2014 session of a Hearing of said House Committee. External links Executive Office of the President Records of Thomas E. Stephens, White House Counsel, 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library Diaries of Bernard M. Shanley, White House Counsel, 1953-1955, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library Records of Gerald Morgan, White House Counsel, 1955-1958, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library Archived 2018-09-24 at the Wayback Machine Records of David W. Kendall, White House Counsel, 1958-1961, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library vte White House Counsels Rosenman Clifford Murphy Stephens (leave) Shanley Morgan Kendall Sorensen Feldman White Semer McPherson Temple Colson Ehrlichman Dean Garment Buchen Lipshutz Cutler Fielding Wallison Culvahouse Gray Nussbaum Cutler Mikva Quinn Ruff Mills (Acting) Nolan Gonzales Miers Fielding Craig Bauer Ruemmler Eggleston McGahn Flood (acting) Cipollone Remus Delery Siskel vte White House Office American Innovation Cabinet Affairs Chief of Staff Communications Counsel Counselor Fellows First Lady Executive Chef Floral Designer Social Secretary Gun Violence Prevention Intergovernmental Affairs Legislative Affairs Management and Administration Oval Office Operations Political Affairs Presidential Personnel Press Secretary Public Liaison Scheduling and Advance Senior Advisor Staff Secretary Trade and Manufacturing Policy vte Executive Office of the United States President Executive Office Advisory Boards (Council for Community Solutions, Corporation for National and Community Service, Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, President's Intelligence Advisory Board, President's Management Advisory Board) Council of Economic Advisers Council on Environmental Quality Digital Service Executive Residence (Committee for the Preservation of the White House, Office of the Curator, Office of the Chief Usher, Office of the Chief Floral Designer, Office of the Executive Chef, Graphics and Calligraphy Office) National Space Council National Security Council (Deputies Committee) Homeland Security Council Office of Administration (Office of Mail and Messenger Operations, Office of the Chief Financial Officer, Office of the Chief Administrative Officer) Office of Management and Budget (Office of the Chief Performance Officer, Office of E-Government and Information Technology, Office of Federal Financial Management, Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs) Office of National Drug Control Policy Office of Science and Technology Policy (Office of the Chief Technology Officer, National Science and Technology Council) Office of the Trade Representative Office of the Vice President (Office of the Chief of Staff) White House Office Office of Cabinet Affairs Office of the Chief of Staff (Office of Senior Advisors) Office of Communications (Office of Media Affairs, Office of Research, Office of the Press Secretary, Office of Speechwriting) Counsel Counselor to the President Office of Digital Strategy Domestic Policy Council (Office of Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, Office of National AIDS Policy, Office of Social Innovation and Civic Participation, Rural Council) Fellows First Lady (Office of the Social Secretary) Office of the National Security Advisor (Homeland Security Advisor) Gun Violence Prevention Intergovernmental Affairs Legislative Affairs Management and Administration (White House Operations, White House Personnel, Visitors Office) National Economic Council National Trade Council Oval Office Operations (Personal Secretary) Office of Political Affairs Presidential Innovation Fellows Presidential Personnel Public Engagement (Council on Women and Girls, Jewish Liaison, Urban Affairs) Scheduling and Advance Staff Secretary (Executive Clerk, Presidential Correspondence, Office of Records Management) Military Office (Communications Agency, Medical Unit, Presidential Food Service, Transportation Agency) Categories: United States presidential advisorsWhite House CounselsExecutive Office of the President of the United StatesPresidency of the United StatesWhite House Office1943 establishments in Washington, D.C.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Allegations that the United States military used biological weapons in the Korean War (June 1950 – July 1953) were raised by the governments of the People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea. The claims were first raised in 1951. The story was covered by the worldwide press and led to a highly publicized international investigation in 1952. Secretary of State Dean Acheson and other American and allied government officials denounced the allegations as a hoax. Subsequent scholars are split about the truth of the claims. Background Until the end of World War II, Japan operated a covert biological and chemical warfare research and development unit called Unit 731 in Harbin (now China). The unit's activities, including human experimentation, were documented by the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials conducted by the Soviet Union in December 1949. However, at that time, the US government described the Khabarovsk trials as "vicious and unfounded propaganda".[1] It was later revealed that the accusations made against the Japanese military were correct. The US government had taken over the research at the end of the war and had then covered up the program.[2] Leaders of Unit 731 were exempted from war crimes prosecution by the United States and then placed on the payroll of the US.[3] On 30 June 1950, soon after the outbreak of the Korean War, the US Defense Secretary George Marshall received the Report of the Committee on Chemical, Biological and Radiological Warfare and Recommendations, which advocated urgent development of a biological weapons program.[4] The biological weapons research facility at Fort Detrick, Maryland was expanded, and a new one in Pine Bluff, Arkansas, was developed.[5] Allegations During 1951, as the war turned against the United States, the Chinese and North Koreans made vague allegations of biological warfare, but these were not pursued.[6][7][8] General Matthew Ridgway, United Nations Commander in Korea, denounced the initial charges as early as May 1951. He accused the communists of spreading "deliberate lies". A few days later, Vice Admiral Charles Turner Joy repeated the denials.[8] On 28 January 1952, the Chinese People's Volunteer Army headquarters received a report of a smallpox outbreak southeast of Incheon. From February to March 1952, more bulletins reported disease outbreaks in the area of Chorwon, Pyongyang, Kimhwa and even Manchuria.[9] The Chinese soon became concerned when 13 Korean and 16 Chinese soldiers contracted cholera and the plague, while another 44 recently deceased were tested positive for meningitis.[10] Although the Chinese and the North Koreans did not know exactly how the soldiers contracted the diseases, the suspicions soon fell on the Americans.[9] On 22 February 1952, North Korean Foreign Minister Pak Hon-yong made a formal allegation that American planes had been dropping infected insects onto North Korea. He added that the Americans were "openly collaborating with the Japanese bacteriological war criminals, the former jackals of the Japanese militarists whose crimes are attested to by irrefutable evidence. Among the Japanese war criminals sent to Korea were Shiro Ishii, Jiro Wakamatsu and Masajo Kitano."[11][unreliable source] Pak's accusations were immediately denied by the US government. The accusation was supported by eye-witness accounts by Australian reporter Wilfred Burchett and others.[12][13] In June 1952 the United States proposed to the United Nations Security Council that the Council request the International Red Cross investigate the allegations. The Soviet Union vetoed the American resolution due to extensive US influence inside the Red Cross, and, along with its allies, continued to insist on the veracity of the biological warfare accusations.[8] In February 1953, China and North Korea produced two captured US Marine Corps pilots to support the allegations. Colonel Frank Schwable was reported to have stated that: "The basic objective was at that time to get under field conditions various elements of bacteriological warfare and possibly expand field tests at a later date into an element of regular combat operations."[8] Schwable's statement said that B-29s flew biological warfare missions to Korea from airfields in American-occupied Okinawa starting in November 1951.[14] Schwable's statement was obtained following months of torture and abuse at the hands of his captors, according to the US military.[15] Other captured Americans such as Colonel Walker "Bud" Mahurin made similar statements.[8][15] Upon release the prisoners of war repudiated their confessions which they said had been extracted by torture.[16] However, the retractions happened in front of military cameras after the United States government threatened to charge the POWs with treason for cooperating with their captors.[citation needed] When Kenneth Enoch, one of the former POWs who retracted his confession, was tracked down in 2010 by Al Jazeera reporters he denied being ill-treated or indoctrinated by the North Korean or Chinese guards.[17] International Scientific Commission International Scientific Commission for the Facts Concerning Bacterial Warfare in China and Korea, page 403 When the International Red Cross and the World Health Organization ruled out biological warfare, the Chinese government denounced them as being biased by the influence of the US, and arranged an investigation by the Soviet-affiliated World Peace Council.[18][19] The World Peace Council set up the "International Scientific Commission for the Facts Concerning Bacterial Warfare in China and Korea" (ISC). This commission had several distinguished scientists and doctors from France, Italy, Sweden, Brazil and Soviet Union, including renowned British biochemist and sinologist Joseph Needham. The commission's findings included dozens of eyewitnesses, testimonies from doctors, medical samples from the deceased, bomb casings as well as four American Korean War prisoners who confirmed the US use of biological warfare.[20][21][18] On 15 September 1952, the final report was signed, stating that the US was experimenting with biological weapons in Korea.[20][22] The report suggested a link to the World War II Japanese germ warfare Unit 731.[20][23] Former Unit 731 members Shirō Ishii, Masaji Kitano, and Ryoichi Naito, and other Japanese biological warfare experts were often named in the allegations.[8] Former members of Unit 731 were linked initially, by a Communist news agency, to a freighter that allegedly carried them and all equipment necessary to mount a biological warfare campaign to Korea in 1951.[8] The commission placed credence on allegations that Ishii made two visits to South Korea in early 1952, and another one in March 1953.[8] The official consensus in China was that biological weapons created from an American-Japanese collaboration were used in the Korean episode.[24][8] Citing the claims Ishii had visited South Korea, the report stated: "Whether occupation authorities in Japan had fostered his activities, and whether the American Far Eastern Command was engaged in making use of methods essentially Japanese, were questions which could hardly have been absent from the minds of members of the Commission."[25] The International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) publicized these claims in its 1952 "Report on U.S. Crimes in Korea",[26] as did US journalist John W. Powell.[27] The Sams mission The Communists also alleged that US Brigadier General Crawford Sams had carried out a secret mission behind their lines at Wonsan in March 1951, testing biological weapons.[28] The US government said that he had actually been investigating a reported outbreak of bubonic plague in North Korea, but had determined it was hemorrhagic smallpox. Sams' mission had been launched from the US Navy's LCI(L)-1091, which had been converted to a laboratory ship in 1951.[29] During its time in Korea, the ship was assigned as an epidemiological control ship[30] for Fleet Epidemic Disease Control Unit No. 1, a part of the US effort to combat malaria in Korea.[31] After covert missions in North Korea, from October to September 1951, LSIL-1091 was at Koje-do testing residents and refugees for malaria.[32] Some authors have emphasized Sams' relationship with biological warfare actors, which both China and North Korea found suspicious. According to Japanese historian, Takemae Eiji, Sams had a relationship with the former members of Imperial Japan's biological warfare department, Unit 731. Appointed by General MacArthur as the head of the post-war Occupation government's Public Health & Welfare Section, Sams was instrumental in founding Japan's National Institute of Health, whose first deputy director, Kojima Saburō, was an Ishii associate. Saburō then recruited other former Unit 731 personnel for the new Institute. According to Eiji, "Sams and others in PH&W not only knew of these men's sordid pasts but actively solicited their cooperation to further PH&W goals.... Sams and his staff became, in effect, co-conspirators after the fact in those wartime crimes".[33] Counterclaims The US and its allies responded by describing the allegations as a hoax.[12] The US government declared the IADL to be a Communist front organization since 1950, and charged Powell with sedition.[27][34][35] In a highly publicized 1959 trial, Powell was indicted on 13 counts of sedition for reporting on the allegations, while two of his editors were indicted on one count of sedition each. All charges were dropped after the trial ended in mistrial after five years. However, Powell was then blacklisted and thereafter unable to secure work as a journalist for the rest of his life.[27] According to news reports during the trial, the U.S. Attorney in the case, James B. Schnake, submitted an affidavit in which he stated the U.S. government was prepared to stipulate "that during the period Jan. 1, 1949, through July 27, 1953, the United States Army had a capability to wage both chemical and biological warfare offensively and defensively.... Responsible officials in the Department of Defense have determined the revelations of detailed records on this subject would be highly detrimental to the national security."[36] American authorities long denied the charges of postwar Japanese-United States cooperation in biological warfare developments, despite later incontrovertible proof that the US pardoned Unit 731 in exchange for their research, according to Sheldon H. Harris.[8] But in December 1998, in a letter from Department of Justice official Eli Rosenbaum to Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a U.S. government official admitted that the U.S. had made an amnesty agreement with Shiro Ishii and personnel from Unit 731, despite known crimes committed by Ishii and associates concerning illegal human experimentation. The letter wasn't made public until published by Jeffrey Kaye in May 2017.[37][unreliable source] Australian journalist, Denis Warner, suggested that the story was concocted by Wilfred Burchett as part of his alleged role as a KGB agent of influence. Warner pointed out the similarity of the allegations to a science fiction story by Jack London, a favorite author of Burchett's.[38] However, the notion that Burchett originated the "hoax" has been decisively refuted by one of his most trenchant critics, Tibor Méray.[39] Méray worked as a correspondent for the Hungarian People's Republic during the war but fled the country after the abortive Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Now a staunch anti-Communist, he has confirmed that he saw clusters of flies crawling on ice.[40] Méray has argued the evidence was the result of an elaborate conspiracy: "Now somehow or other these flies must have been brought there ... the work must have been carried out by a large network covering the whole of North Korea."[41] Disease prevention measures Chinese photograph of infected fleas allegedly spread by the United States Recent research has indicated that, regardless of the accuracy of the allegations, the Chinese acted as if they were true.[9] After learning of the outbreaks, Mao Zedong immediately requested Soviet assistance on disease preventions, while the Chinese People's Liberation Army General Logistics Department was mobilized for anti-bacteriological warfare.[42] On the Korean battlefield, four anti-bacteriological warfare research centers were soon set up, while about 5.8 million doses of vaccine and 200,000 gas masks were delivered to the front.[43] Within China, 66 quarantine stations were also set up along the Chinese borders, while about 5 million Chinese in Manchuria were inoculated.[42] The Chinese government also initiated the "Patriotic Health and Epidemic Prevention Campaign" and directed every citizen to kill flies, mosquitoes and fleas.[42] These disease prevention measures soon resulted in an improvement of health for Communist soldiers on the Korean battlefield.[43] Tibor Méray provided eyewitness account of North Korea conducting an "unprecedented campaign of public health" during the allegation.[44] Subsequent evaluation Some historians have offered other explanations to the disease outbreaks during the spring of 1952. For example, it has been noted that spring time is usually a period of epidemics within China and North Korea,[42] and years of warfare had also caused a breakdown in the Korean health care system. US military historians have argued that under these circumstances, diseases could easily spread throughout the entire military and civilian populations within Korea.[45][46] In 1986, Australian historian Gavan McCormack argued that the claim of US biological warfare use was "far from inherently implausible", pointing out that one of the POWs who confessed, Walker Mahurin, was in fact associated with Fort Detrick.[47] He also pointed out that, as the deployment of nuclear and chemical weapons was considered, there is no reason to believe that ethical principles would have overruled the resort to biological warfare.[48] He also suggested that the outbreak in 1951 of viral haemorrhagic fever, which had previously been unknown in Korea, was linked to biological warfare.[49] However, by 2004, McCormack had changed his mind. In a book about North Korea, he wrote that the alleged Soviet archival documents published by Kathryn Weathersby and Milton Leitenberg in 1998 (see discussion in section on "Endicott and Hagerman" below) had “provided a fragmentary, but persuasive, explanation of what had actually happened” in relation to the germ warfare charges. According to McCormack, “Analysis of these documents makes it seem almost certain that there was a vigorous, complex, contrived, and fraudulent international campaign on the part of the North Koreans, the Chinese, and the Russians — a gigantic fraud….”[50] In a 1988 book Korea: The Unknown War, historians Jon Halliday and Bruce Cumings also suggested the claims might be true.[51][52] They questioned whether the North Koreans and the Chinese could have "mounted a spectacular piece of fraudulent theater, involving the mobilization of thousands", getting scores of Chinese doctors, scientists, and senior officials "to fake evidence, lie and invent medical fraud", allocating much of their already stretched logistical resource to defend against biological warfare, all for a propaganda campaign against US.[52] In 1989, a British study of Unit 731 strongly supported the theory of United States–Japanese biological warfare culpability in Korea.[8] In 1995, using available Chinese documents, historian Shu Guang Zhang of the University of Maryland[53] stated that there is little, if any information that currently exists on the Chinese side which explains how the Chinese scientists came up with the conclusion of US biological warfare during the disease outbreak in the spring of 1952. Zhang further theorized that the allegation was caused by unfounded rumors and scientific investigations on the allegation was purposely ignored on the Chinese side for the sake of domestic and international propaganda.[54] Published in Japan in 2001, the book Rikugun Noborito Kenkyujo no shinjitsu or The Truth About the Army Noborito Institute stated that members of Japan's Unit 731 also worked for the "chemical section" of a US clandestine unit hidden within Yokosuka Naval Base during the Korean War as well as on projects inside the United States from 1955 to 1959.[55] According to Jeffrey Kaye's interpretation of a "Memorandum of Conversation" from the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) dated 6 July 1953 (and declassified and released by the CIA in 2006),[56] the US protestations at the United Nations did not mean the US was serious about conducting any investigation into biological warfare charges, despite what the government said publicly. The reason the US didn't want any investigation was because an "actual investigation" would reveal military operations, "which, if revealed, could do us psychological as well as military damage". The memorandum, which had been sent to CIA director Allen Dulles, specifically stated as an example of what could be revealed "Eighth Army preparations or operations (e.g. chemical warfare)."[57][unreliable source?] Investigative journalist Simon Winchester concluded in 2008 that Soviet intelligence was sceptical of the allegation, but that North Korea leader Kim Il Sung believed it.[58] Winchester said the question "has still not been satisfactorily answered".[59] Entomologist Jeffrey A. Lockwood wrote in 2009 that the biological warfare program at Ft. Detrick began to research the use of insects as disease vectors going back to World War II and also employed German and Japanese scientists after the war who had experimented on human subjects among POWs and concentration camp inmates. Scientists used or attempted to use a wide variety of insects in their biowar plans, including fleas, ticks, ants, lice and mosquitoes – especially mosquitoes that carried the yellow fever virus. They also tested these in the United States. Lockwood thinks that it is very likely that the US did use insects dropped from aircraft during the Korean War to spread diseases, and that the Chinese and North Koreans were not simply engaged in a propaganda campaign when they made these allegations, since the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of Defense had approved their use in the fall of 1950 at the "earliest practicable time". At that time, it had five biowarfare agents ready for use, three of which were spread by insect vectors.[60] In March 2010, the allegations were investigated by the Al Jazeera English news program People & Power.[61] In this program, Professor Mori Masataka investigated historical artifacts in the form of bomb casings from US biological weapons, contemporary documentary evidence and eyewitness testimonies. The program also uncovered a crucial document in the US National Archives which showed that in September 1951, the US Joint Chiefs of Staff issued orders to start "large scale field tests ... to determine the effectiveness of specific BW [bacteriological warfare] agents under operational conditions".[61] Masataka concluded that: "Use of germ weapons in war is in breach of the Geneva Convention. I think that's why the Americans are refusing to admit the allegations. But I have no doubt. I'm absolutely sure that this happened.”[61] The program concluded by noting that no conclusive evidence of the US's innocence or culpability has ever been presented.[61] Yanhuang Chunqiu, a liberal monthly journal in China, published an account in 2013 allegedly from Wu Zhili, the former surgeon general of Chinese People's Voluntary Army Logistic Department, which said that the bio warfare allegation was a false alarm, and that he had been forced to fabricate evidence.[62][63][64] This account was published after the author's death in 2008. Its authenticity subsequently has been called into question by the Chinese Memorial of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea as unverifiable, because every single figure involved in the alleged private conversations and insider events from the account who could testify otherwise, had died before the date of publication.[65] The museum also refuted the account's claim that "not one casualty resulted from events associated with biological warfare" as there are many clear records of such casualties, and claimed that it's implausible for a meager medical officer back then to have the technical knowledge to fool dozens of international medical experts signing the ISC report.[65] In 2019, the Pyongyang Times repeated the allegation, and said that the US government was continuing to develop biological warfare capabilities to use against North Korea.[66][67] Endicott and Hagerman In 1998, Canadian researchers and historians Stephen L. Endicott and Edward Hagerman of York University made the case that the accusations were true in their book, The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea.[68] Shanghai-born Endicott, a Communist sympathizer, was the son of clergyman James Gareth Endicott, a prominent member of the Soviet-affiliated World Peace Council.[69] A US Military Academy professor called the book an example of "bad history"[70] and with another review in The New York Times calling the book's lack of direct evidence "appalling".[71] Other reviews praised the book, with the director of East Asian studies at University of Pennsylvania saying "Endicott and Hagerman is far and away the most authoritative work on the subject", a review in Korean Quarterly calling it "a fascinating work of serious scholarship...presenting a compelling argument that the United States did, in fact, secretly experiment with biological weapons during the Korean War", and a review in The Nation calling it "the most impressive, expertly researched and, as far as the official files allow, the best-documented case for the prosecution yet made".[70] A staff writer at state-owned China Daily noted that their book was the only one to have combined research across United States, Japan, Canada, Europe and China, as they were "the first foreigners to be given access to classified documents in the Chinese Central Archives".[70] In response, Kathryn Weathersby and Milton Leitenberg of the Cold War International History Project at the Woodrow Wilson Center released a cache of Soviet and Chinese documents in 1998 that they said revealed the allegations to have been an elaborate disinformation campaign.[72] The handcopied documents are from Russian Presidential Archive, provided to Japanese reporter Yasuo Naito by a Russian researcher, and were published in Japanese in the Sankei Shimbun. Weathersby admitted that due to the way the documents are collected, there is no way to confirm their authenticity as seals, stamps or signature are missing, but due to their complexity and interwoven content, they are "extremely difficult to forge" and thus credible sources.[72] They said that North Korea's health minister traveled in 1952 to the remote Manchurian city of Mukden where he procured a culture of plague bacilli which was used to infect condemned criminals as part of an elaborate disinformation scheme. Tissue samples were then used to fool the international investigators. The papers included telegrams and reports of meetings among Soviet and Chinese leaders, including Mao Zedong. A report to Lavrenti Beria, head of Soviet intelligence, for example, stated: "False plague regions were created, burials ... were organized, measures were taken to receive the plague and cholera bacillus. The advisor of the MVD [Ministry of Internal Affairs] DPRK proposed to infect with the cholera and plague bacilli persons sentenced to execution..." These documents revealed that only after Stalin's death the following year did the Soviet Union halt the disinformation campaign.[73] Weathersby and Leitenberg consider their evidence to be conclusive—that the allegations were disinformation and no biological warfare use occurred.[74][75][76] In 2001, writer Herbert Romerstein supported Weathersby and Leitenberg's position while criticizing Endicott's research on the basis that it is based on accounts provided by the Chinese government.[77] Endicott and Hagerman responded to Weathersby and Leitenberg, noting that the documents are in fact handwritten copies and "the original source is not disclosed, the name of the collection is not identified, nor is there a volume number which would allow other scholars to locate and check the documents". They claimed that even if genuine the documents do not prove the United States did not use biological weapons, and they pointed out what they asserted to be various errors and inconsistencies in Weathersby and Leitenberg's analysis.[78] According to Australian author and judge, Michael Pembroke, the documents associated with Beria (published by Weathersby and Leitenberg) were mostly created during the time of the power struggle after Stalin's death and are therefore questionable.[79] In 2018, he concluded that: "It seems likely that the full story of the United States' involvement in biological warfare in Korea has not yet been told."[80] See also 2001 anthrax attacks - a rogue agent at Fort Detrick was the suspected perpetuator, according to FBI investigations Khabarovsk War Crime Trials Misinformation related to the COVID-19 pandemic Operation Big Buzz Operation Big Itch Operation Drop Kick Operation Sea-Spray - declassified US navy secret experiment in 1950 where supposedly harmless pathogens were sprayed over San Francisco in open-air tests of germ warfare. Project 112 SARS conspiracy theory Unethical human experimentation in the United States United States biological weapons program Yellow rain References Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea Since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. p. 116. Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea Since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. pp. 116–117. "The Crimes of Unit 731". The New York Times. 18 March 1995. Retrieved 21 May 2019. Pembroke, Michael (2018). Korea: Where the American Century Began. Hardie Grant Books. pp. 174, 292. Pembroke, Michael (2018). Korea: Where the American Century Began. Hardie Grant Books. p. 174. Winchester, Simon; The Man Who Loved China: The Fantastic Story of the Eccentric Scientist Who Unlocked the Mysteries of the Middle Kingdom; New York: Harper Collins; 2008; pp. 199–200 McCormack, Gavan; "Korea: Wilfred Burchett's Thirty Year's War"; in Kiernan, Ben (ed.); Burchett: Reporting the Other Side of the World, 1939-1983; London: Quartet Books; 1986; pp. 202–203. Harris, Sheldon H.; Factories of Death: Japanese Biological Warfare, 1932–45, and the American Cover-up; Taylor & Francis; 2002 ISBN 978-0-203-43536-6[page needed] Zhang, Shu Guang (1995). Mao's Military Romanticism: China and the Korean War, 1950-1953. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. p. 181. ISBN 0-7006-0723-4. Zhang 1995, p. 182. Kaye, Jeff (5 January 2021). "Censored: North Korea Accused U.S. of Working with Unit 731 War Criminals on BW Attacks". Medium.com. Medium.com. Retrieved 5 February 2021. Knightley, Phillip; The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-maker from the Crimea to Kosovo, revised ed.; London: Prion; 2000; p. 388. 李, 玮 (4 April 2010). 抗美援朝－反细菌战. NXNews.cn (in Chinese). 宁夏网. Archived from the original on 25 April 2013. Retrieved 3 September 2014. Schwable, Colonel Frank H.; Thomas, Kenn (6 December 1952). "Of Bugs and Bombs". UMSL.edu. University of Missouri–St. Louis. Retrieved 5 April 2013. "Marine Ex-P.O.W. Backs Schwable" (PDF). The New York Times. 3 March 1954. Retrieved 13 March 2020. Lech, Raymond B. (2000). Broken Soldiers. Chicago: University of Illinois. pp. 162–163. ISBN 0-252-02541-5. "Dirty little secrets". Al Jazeera English. Al Jazeera Media Network. 4 April 2010. Archived from the original on 11 November 2020. Retrieved 21 May 2019. Guillemin, Jeanne; Biological Weapons: From the Invention of State-sponsored Programs to Contemporary Bioterrorism (M1, via Google Books), Columbia University Press; 2005; pp. 99–105; ISBN 0-231-12942-4. Dotson, John (15 July 2022). "Beijing's Propaganda Support for Russian Biological Warfare Disinformation, Part 2: Historical Context and Contemporary Motivations". Jamestown Foundation. Retrieved 24 July 2022. International Scientific Commission (20 February 2018) [1952]. "Report of International Scientific Commission for the Investigation of the Facts Concerning Bacterial Warfare in Korea and China". Retrieved 22 May 2019 – via DocumentCloud.org. Kaye, Jeffrey (20 February 2018). "Revealed: The long-suppressed official report on US biowarfare in North Korea". Medium. Archived from the original on 1 January 2019. Retrieved 6 March 2020. Winchester, Simon; The Man Who Loved China: The Fantastic Story of the Eccentric Scientist Who Unlocked the Mysteries of the Middle Kingdom; New York: Harper Collins; 2008; pp. 203–208. Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea Since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. p. 116. "China's False Allegations of the Use of Biological Weapons by the United States during the Korean War". WilsonCenter.org. Wilson Center. 8 March 2016. Retrieved 30 May 2019. [Report of the International Scientific Commission for the Investigation of the Facts Concerning Bacterial Warfare in Korea and China (Peking and Prague, 1952), p. 14] "Report on U.S. Crimes in Korea" (PDF). International Association of Democratic Lawyers. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 October 2013. Retrieved 26 May 2013. "John W. Powell Dies at 89; Journalist was Tried on Sedition Charges in 1950s". Los Angeles Times. 23 December 2008. Archived from the original on 22 June 2018. Retrieved 31 July 2013. Benson, Sonia G.; Korean War: Almanac and Primary Sources; New York: Gale; 2003; p. 182. "FEDCU One Fight an Unseen Enemy", Navy.mil, United States Navy "History of Navy Entomology". United States Navy Medical Entomology. United States Navy. 3 May 2006. Retrieved 11 December 2007. Marshall, Irvine H. (1955). "Malaria in Korea". In Walter Reed Army Institute of Research (ed.). Recent advances in medicine and surgery (19–30 April 1954) based on professional medical experiences in Japan and Korea, 1950–1953. Washington DC: Walter Reed Army Medical Center. p. 282. OCLC 4011756. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 11 December 2007. (See footnote 5.) Marshall, p. 272. Eiji, Takemae (2002). Inside GHQ: The Allied Occupation of Japan and Its Legacy. New York: Continuum. pp. 425–426, 646–647. ISBN 0-8264-6247-2. "Report on the National Lawyers Guild, legal bulwark of the Communist Party". United States Congress House Committee on Un-American Activities. 17 September 1950. "The current international Communist front for attorneys is known as the International Association of Democratic Lawyers. This organization is sometimes referred to as the International Association of Democratic Jurists." Central Intelligence Bulletin (PDF) (Report). United States Central Intelligence Agency. 4 October 1958. p. 5. CIA-RDP79T00975A004000200001. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 July 2013. Retrieved 31 July 2013. "pro-communist International Association of Democratic Lawyers" Unsigned (7 January 1959). ""U.S. Admits Germ Warfare Weapons"". The San Francisco Examiner. p. 16. Retrieved 27 June 2021. Kaye, Jeffrey (14 May 2017). ""Department of Justice Official Releases Letter Admitting U.S. Amnesty of Japan's Unit 731 War Criminals"". Medium.com. Archived from the original on 5 November 2020. Retrieved 27 June 2021. Warner, Denis, Not Always on Horseback: An Australian Correspondent at War and Peace in Asia, 1961–1993; St Leonards: Allen and Unwin; 1997; pp. 196–197. Méray, Tibor; On Burchett; Kallista, Victoria, Australia: Callistemon Publications; 2008; pp. 73–76. Méray, Tibor; On Burchett, Callistemon Publications, Kallista, Victoria, Australia; 2008; p. 51. Méray, Tibor; On Burchett, Callistemon Publications, Kallista, Victoria, Australia; 2008; p. 252. Zhang 1995, p. 184. Zhang 1995, p. 185. Méray, Tibor; On Burchett, Callistemon Publications, Kallista, Victoria, Australia; 2008; pp. 261–262. Eitzen, Edward M.; Takafuji, Ernest T. (1997). Medical Aspects of Chemical and Biological Warfare (PDF). United States Government Printing Office. p. 419. ISBN 9997320913. Lech 2000, p. 162. McCormack, Gavan; "Korea: Wilfred Burchett's Thirty Year's War"; in Kiernan, Ben (ed.); Burchett: Reporting the Other Side of the World, 1939-1983; London: Quartet Books; 1986; pp. 204. Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea Since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. pp. 115–116. Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea Since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. p. 118. McCormack, Gavan (2004). Target North Korea: Pushing North Korea to the Brink of Nuclear Catastrophe. New York, NY, USA: Nation Books. pp. Kindle location 362–364. ISBN 1-56025-557-9. Auster, Bruce B.; "Unmasking an Old Lie" Archived 24 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine; U.S. News & World Report; 16 November 1998; retrieved 7 January 2009. Halliday, Jon; Cumings, Bruce (1988). Korea: The Unknown War. Viking Books. ISBN 0394553667. "Mao's Military Romanticism". University Press of Kansas. Retrieved 6 March 2020. Zhang 1995, p. 186. Central Intelligence Agency review of "Rikugun Noborito Kenkyujo no shinjitsu (The Truth About the Army Noborito Research Institute)" By Shigeo Ban. Tokyo: Fuyo Shobo Shuppan, 2001 Exploitation of Communist BW Charges (PDF) (Report). United States Central Intelligence Agency. 7 July 1953. CIA-RDP80R01731R003300190004-6. Retrieved 8 January 2015. Kaye, Jeff (10 December 2013). "CIA Document Suggests U.S. Lied About Biological, Chemical Weapon Use in the Korean War". The Dissenter. Archived from the original on 7 January 2015. Retrieved 7 January 2015. Winchester, Simon; The Man Who Loved China: The Fantastic Story of the Eccentric Scientist Who Unlocked the Mysteries of the Middle Kingdom; New York: Harper Collins; 2008; pp. 212–214. Winchester 2008, p. 199. Jeffrey Alan Lockwood, Six Legged Soldiers: Using Insects as Weapons of War. Oxford, 2009. Jeffreys, Diarmuid (17 March 2010). "Focus: People and Power: Dirty Little Secrets". Al Jazeera English. Archived from the original on 23 March 2010. Retrieved 6 March 2020. Tong, Bao (10 June 2020). "Failing to Own Up to Mistakes Is Typical CCP Behavior". Radio Free Asia. Retrieved 17 June 2020. Wu, Zhili (吴之理) (1 January 2014). "Why Zhou Enlai Stopped the Biological Warfare Allegation Campaign: Because the Chinese People's Voluntary Army Headquarters Admitted Manipulating Facts (周恩来为何不让再批美军细菌战：志司承认做了手脚)". News.Ifeng.com (in Chinese). Hong Kong: Phoenix Television. Retrieved 31 January 2014. Wu, Zhili (吴之理) (1 October 2013). "The Germ War of 1952 Was a False Alarm (52年的细菌战是一场虚惊)". Yan Huang Historical Review (炎黄春秋) (in Chinese) (11). "坚持唯物史观 历史不容篡改". Kmycjng.com (in Chinese). 抗美援朝纪念馆. 4 April 2020. Archived from the original on 4 February 2020. Retrieved 3 February 2020. "US troops' biochemical warfare plan exposed". Pyongyang Times. 28 March 2019. Choe, Yong Nam (28 April 2019). "US troops' biochemical warfare plan exposed". Pyongyang Times. Archived from the original on 29 August 2021. Endicott, Stephen L.; Hagerman, Edward; The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea (Google Books, relevant excerpt); Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 1998; pp. 75-77; ISBN 0-253-33472-1; retrieved 7 January 2009. "PROFILE: To the church, James Endicott was a China missionary, to the RCMP he was a security threat. At 91, he's still a vociferous fighter for peace - and he says capitalism won't produce it - A Marxist revolutionary marches on" by Coleman Romalis, Globe and Mail, July 16, 1990 "Reviews of The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets of the Early Cold War and Korea". YorkU.ca. York University. Archived from the original on 29 March 2019. Retrieved 6 March 2020. Regis, Ed; "Wartime Lies?"; The New York Times; 27 June 1999; retrieved 7 January 2009. Weathersby, Kathryn; Leitenberg, Milton; "New Evidence on the Korean War" Archived 2 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine; Cold War International History Project; Wilson Center; 1998; retrieved 4 March 2011. Auster, Bruce B. "Unmasking an Old Lie" Archived 24 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine; U.S. News & World Report; 16 November 1998; retrieved 29 October 2013. Leitenberg, Milton (1998), The Korean War Biological Warfare Allegations Resolved. Occasional Paper 36. Stockholm: Center for Pacific Asia Studies at Stockholm University (May issue). Leitenberg, Milton (1998), "New Russian Evidence on the Korean Biological Warfare Allegations: Background and Analysis"; Woodrow Wilson Center Cold War International History Project, Bulletin 11 (Winter issue), pp. 185-199. Weathersby, Kathryn (1998), "Deceiving the Deceivers: Moscow, Beijing, Pyongyang, and the Allegations of Biological Weapons Use in Korea", Woodrow Wilson Center Cold War International History Project, Bulletin 11 (Winter issue), pp. 176–185. Romerstein, Herbert (2001). "Disinformation as a KGB Weapon in the Cold War". The Journal of Intelligence History. International Intelligence History Association. 1: 59. doi:10.1080/16161262.2001.10555046. S2CID 157194049. Endicott, Stephen L.; Hagerman, Edward (1998). "Twelve Newly Released Soviet-era 'Documents' and allegations of U. S. germ warfare during the Korean War". York University. Retrieved 5 May 2019. Pembroke, Michael (2018). Korea: Where the American Century Began. Hardie Grant Books. p. 177. Pembroke, Michael (2018). Korea: Where the American Century Began. Hardie Grant Books. p. 182. Further reading Library resources about Allegations of biological warfare in the Korean War Resources in your library Resources in other libraries Nicholson Baker, Baseless: My Search for Secrets in the Ruins of the Freedom of Information Act (Penguin Press, 2020) ISBN 978-0735215757. Shiwei Chen, "History of Three Mobilizations: A Reexamination of the Chinese Biological Warfare Allegations against the United States in the Korean War," Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16.3 (2009): 213–247. John Clews, The Communists. New Weapon: Germ Warfare (London, 1952) Stephen L. Endicott, "Germ Warfare and "Plausible Denial": The Korean War, 1952–1953", Modern China 5.1 (January 1979): 79–104. Report of the International Scientific Commission for the Investigation of the Facts Concerning Bacterial Warfare in Korea and China (Peking and Prague, 1952); Stanley I. Kutler, The American Inquisition: Justice and Injustice in the Cold War (New York, 1982) Albert E. Cowdrey, "Germ Warfare and Public Health in the Korean Conflict", Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 39 (1984) John Ellis van Courtland Moon, "Biological Warfare Allegations: The Korean War Case", Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 666 (1992) Tom Buchanan, "The Courage of Galileo: Joseph Needham and the Germ Warfare Allegations in the Korean War", History 86 (October 2001) Julian Ryall, "Did the US wage germ warfare in Korea?", Telegraph, (June 10, 2010). Ruth Rogaski, "Nature, Annihilation, and Modernity: China's Korean War Germ-Warfare Experience Reconsidered", Journal of Asian Studies 61 (May 2002) Nianqun Yang, "Disease Prevention, Social Mobilization and Spatial Politics: The Anti Germ-Warfare Incident of 1952 and the Patriotic Health Campaign", Chinese Historical Review 11 (Fall 2004). vte United States biological weapons program Weaponized agents Anthrax Botulism Brucellosis Q fever Enterotoxin type B Rice blast Tularemia VEE Wheat stem rust Researched agents AHF BHF Bird flu CHIKV Dengue fever EEE Glanders Hantavirus Lassa fever Melioidosis VND Plague Potato blight Psittacosis Ricin RVF Rinderpest Smallpox Typhus WEE Yellow fever Munitions E120 bomblet E133 cluster bomb E14 munition E23 munition E48 particulate bomb E61 bomb E77 balloon bomb E86 cluster bomb E96 cluster bomb Flettner rotor bomblet M114 bomb M115 bomb M143 bomblet M33 cluster bomb Operations and testing Operation Sea-Spray Operation Big Buzz Operation Big Itch Operation Dark Winter Operation Dew Operation Drop Kick Operation LAC Operation Magic Sword Operation May Day Operation Polka Dot Operation Whitecoat Project 112 Project Bacchus Facilities U.S. Army Biological Warfare Labs Building 101 Building 257 Building 470 Deseret Test Center Dugway Proving Ground Fort Detrick Fort Douglas Fort Terry Granite Peak Installation Horn Island Testing Station One-Million-Liter Test Sphere Pine Bluff Arsenal Plum Island Animal Disease Center Vigo Ordnance Plant Related topics Biological agent Biological warfare Entomological warfare Soviet biological weapons program Korean War bio-warfare allegations List of topics U.S. biological weapons program U.S. biological defense program U.S. bio-weapons ban War Bureau of Consultants War Research Service vte Korean War 25 June 1950 – 27 July 1953 Background Korea divided (1945–1949) Prelude to war (1950) Belligerents United Nations Republic of Korea Australia Belgium and Luxembourg Canada Colombia Ethiopia France Greece Netherlands New Zealand Philippines Thailand Turkey South Africa United Kingdom United States Arkansas Army National Guard 65th Infantry Regiment (Puerto Rico) Eastern Bloc Democratic People's Republic of Korea China Soviet Union Medical (non-combat) participants Medical support in the Korean War Czechoslovakia Denmark India Italy Norway Sweden Hungary West Germany Political leaders rok Syngman Rhee Shin Song-mo usa Harry S. Truman Dwight D. Eisenhower uk Clement Attlee Winston Churchill ca Louis St. Laurent dprk Kim Il Sung Pak Hon-yong Kim Chaek prc Mao Zedong Zhou Enlai ussr Joseph Stalin Georgy Malenkov Lavrentiy Beria Vyacheslav Molotov Military commanders rok Kim Hong-il Kim Jong-oh Chung Il-kwon Paik Sun-yup usa Douglas MacArthur Matthew Ridgway Mark Wayne Clark dprk Choi Yong-kun prc Peng Dehuai Chen Geng Deng Hua Order of battle Korean People's Army Republic of Korea Armed Forces Australia China United Nations contingents United States Eighth Army United States Seventh Fleet Korean People's Air Force Military operations • North Korean, Chinese and Soviet forces • South Korean, U.S., Commonwealth and United Nations forces North Korean offensive (25 June – 15 September 1950) Pokpoong Chuncheon 1st Seoul Gorangpo Kaesong–Munsan Korea Strait Ongjin Uijeongbu Suwon Airfield Air Campaign Andong Chumonchin Chan Osan Pyongtaek Chonan Chochiwon Kum River Taejon Sangju Yongdong Hwanggan Hadong Notch Pusan Perimeter Masan P'ohang-dong Taegu 1st Naktong Bulge Bowling Alley Battle Mountain Kyongju Haman Nam River Ka-san Tabu-dong Yongsan 2nd Naktong Bulge United Nations Command Counteroffensive (15 September – 30 October 1950) Haeju Inchon 2nd Seoul Hill 282 Sariwon Pyongyang Yongyu Kujin Chongju Chinese Intervention (25 October 1950 – January 1951) Onjong Unsan Pakchon Ch'ongch'on River Wawon Chosin Reservoir Task Force Faith 3rd Seoul Uijeongbu Chaegunghyon 1st and 2nd Wonju Combat around the 38th parallel (January – June 1951) Thunderbolt Roundup Twin Tunnels Hoengsong Chipyong-ni 3rd Wonju Chuam-ni Wonsan Killer Ripper (4th Seoul) Maehwa-san Courageous Tomahawk Rugged Dauntless Spring offensive Imjin River Yultong Kapyong Soyang River UN May–June 1951 counteroffensive Air operations (1950–1953) MiG Alley Sunchon Strangle Sui-ho Dam Bombing of North Korea 1950–1953 Naval operations (1950–1953) Korea Strait Chumonchin Chan Haeju Inchon Blockade of Wonsan Han River Stalemate (July 1951 – 27 July 1953) Bloody Ridge Minden Punchbowl Heartbreak Ridge Han River Commando 1st Maryang-san Haktang-ni Polecharge 2nd Maryang-san Sunchon Hill Eerie Sui-ho Dam Old Baldy Blaze White Horse Hill Triangle Hill 1st Hook 2nd Hook Chatkol Outpost Vegas Pork Chop Hill 3rd Hook Outpost Harry Kumsong Samichon River Korean Armistice Agreement Aftermath Memorial Day Casualties War crimes Prisoners of war Armistice DMZ Korean DMZ Conflict Northern Limit Line Panmunjom Declaration Popular culture Documentary films Films Books Reenactment M*A*S*H Television series Other North Korea–South Korea relations Korean conflict Allegations of biological warfare American and British defectors Flying aces Impact on the economy of the United States MiG Alley Operation Blacklist Forty Operation Glory United Nations Memorial Cemetery Weapons

A film exploring the intersection of politics and advertising in America, particularly delving into the 1976 presidential election. Against a backdrop of economic recession and high unemployment, it exposes the staggering $26 billion annual expenditure on advertising, drawing parallels between selling a politician and marketing consumer products. The film dissects the manipulation of public perception, highlighting how politicians, following Kennedy's lead, utilize image-making tactics akin to advertising campaigns. It contrasts Richard Nixon's transformation from an untrustworthy figure to a believable persona, resembling the selling of a new, unnecessary product with fervor. Through interviews with advertising executives, it reveals the malleability of belief in both products and political figures. The documentary underscores the pivotal role of television advertising in swinging electoral outcomes, citing Nixon's narrow victory as evidence of this influence. The juxtaposition of the colossal expenditure on political campaigns and frivolous products like pre-moisturized toilet tissue serves as a stark commentary on societal priorities. He challenges the allocation of resources, highlighting the irony that the funds spent on campaigns and luxury items could potentially alleviate global issues like agricultural sustainability. In its exploration of the parallels between political image-making and consumerism, the documentary urges viewers to question the authenticity of beliefs sold by both politicians and products, emphasizing the potency of marketing strategies in shaping public opinion. In politics, campaign advertising is advertising through the media to influence a political debate and, ultimately, voters. Political consultants and political campaign staff design these ads. Many countries restrict the use of broadcast media to broadcast political messages. In the European Union, many countries do not permit paid-for TV or radio advertising for fear that wealthy groups will gain control of airtime, making fair play impossible and distorting the political debate. In both the United Kingdom and Ireland, paid advertisements are forbidden, though political parties are allowed a small number of party political broadcasts in the run-up to election time. The United States has a very free market for broadcast political messaging. Canada allows paid-for political broadcasts but requires equitable access to the airwaves.[1] Campaigns can include several different media (depending on local law). The period over which political campaign advertising is possible varies significantly from country to country, with campaigns in the United States lasting a year or more to places like the UK and Ireland, where advertising is restricted by law to just a short period of weeks before the election. Social media has become very important in political messaging, making it possible to message larger groups of constituents with minimal physical effort or expense. Still, the totality of messaging through these channels often needs to be put in the hands of campaign managers. History Globe icon. The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article, discuss the issue on the talk page, or create a new article, as appropriate. (November 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Political advertising has changed drastically over the last several decades. In his campaign for the 1948 United States presidential election, Harry S. Truman was proud of his accomplishment of shaking approximately 500,000 hands and covering 31,000 miles of ground across the nation. But that accomplishment was soon to pale in comparison when in 1952, the 1952 United States presidential election saw a major change in how candidates reached their potential audiences. With the advent of television, war hero and presidential candidate Dwight D. Eisenhower, created forty twenty-second television spot commercials entitled, "Eisenhower Answers America" where he answered questions from "ordinary" citizens in an attempt to appear accessible to "the common man". These questions were filmed in one day using visitors to Radio City Music Hall, who were filmed gazing up at Eisenhower as he answered questions about the Korean War, government corruption, and the state of the economy. He did not have to shake a half a million hands or travel the country extensively. He won the trust of the American people with his direct approach and subsequently the presidential election. His vice president was Richard M. Nixon. In the 1960 United States presidential election, Vice President Nixon used a formal television address in his presidential campaign, designed to answer questions about The Cold War and government corruption, and to show Americans that he was the stronger, more experienced candidate. On the other side of the fence, Catholic born John F. Kennedy created approximately 200 commercials during his campaign, but there were two that made Nixon's efforts futile. The first was a thirty-minute commercial created from a speech he delivered in Houston, where he called for religious tolerance in response to criticism that Catholicism was incompatible with a run for the Oval Office. The second and more memorable was the first Kennedy-Nixon debate. In the first of four televised debates, Kennedy appeared tanned and confident in opposition to Nixon, who looked pale and uncomfortable in front of the camera. Seventy-five million viewers watched the debates, and although Nixon was initially thought to be the natural successor to Eisenhower, the election results proved otherwise, and Kennedy was ultimately declared the winner.[citation needed] In the 1964 United States presidential election, aggressive advertising paved the way for a landslide victory for Lyndon B. Johnson. One of the first negative and maybe the most controversial commercial, perhaps of all time, was an advertisement dubbed "The Daisy Girl." The commercial showed a young girl picking the petals off a daisy. After she finishes counting, a voice off camera begins a countdown to a nuclear explosion. The ad ends with an appeal to vote Johnson, "because the stakes are too high for you to stay home." The commercial used fear and guilt, an effective advertising principle, to make people take action to protect the next generation.[2] The ad ran for under a minute and only aired once, but due to the right wing, pro-war views of Barry Goldwater, the Republican candidate, it resulted in a 44 to 6 state victory for Lyndon B. Johnson.[citation needed] Over the next decade, the United States saw the rise of the televised political attack ad. Richard M. Nixon was especially proficient at this form of advertising, and his commercials proved to be very successful in his reelection campaign during the 1972 United States presidential election, where he won handily with a 49 to 1 state victory. George McGovern ran a campaign free of political attack ads until the very end of his campaign, when he tried to attack Nixon after he realized he was dipping lower in the polls. His attempt proved to be too late, but his neutral style of attack ads against Nixon, featuring white text scrolling across a black background, became what is now seen as a fairly common method used in political and product advertising.[citation needed] Attack ads continued to become the norm in political advertising. Ronald Reagan used them against Jimmy Carter during the 1980 United States presidential election. It was also the first time that a family member was also used to attack the opposing candidate. One particular advertisement showed Nancy Reagan (Reagan's wife) accusing Carter of a weak foreign policy. This campaign also saw the rise of campaign finance issues when Reagan used political action committees to solicit funds on his behalf. However, in Reagan's reelection bid during the 1984 United States presidential election, the United States experienced the beginning of a different form of political advertising; one with a much more positive flow and a stronger, more powerful message. With the country in a relatively prosperous state, advertisements in support of Reagan evoked an emotional bond between the country and its president. Visions of Americans going about their daily lives with relative ease were compiled to convince America that voting against Reagan was a vote against prosperity. The positive and emotionally provocative ads proved more successful than negative attack ads.[3] He was so highly successful that he won against Walter Mondale with a 49 to 1 state victory.[citation needed] In the 1988 United States presidential election, attack ads returned with a renewed vigor. George H. W. Bush used campaign ads that ridiculed his opponent Michael Dukakis, making him appear soft on crime.[4][5] He contrasted these negative ads, with the emotional style commercial used by Ronald Reagan, to capitalize on his connection to the former president. Again borrowing from Reagan's campaign practices, he used free publicity as often as possible, making sure he was photographed in various situations that were likely to be aired in the evening news. Although Michael Dukakis tried to discredit the Bush campaign in many ways, he was ultimately unsuccessful, losing to the former vice president by thirty states.[citation needed] Regulation Candidate placards in New Hampshire, 2013 Political advertising truck in India, 2014 Advertisement from the 2013 Chilean general election for Michelle Bachelet Advert for the Liberal Party of Australia, 2010 United States While there have been some increases in regulation of campaign finance in the United States, there is generally little regulation of political advertising content. The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 addressed the issue of "soft money" or money contributed through political action committees, raised the legal limits of hard money that could be raised for any candidate, and set limits on what funds could be spent on election broadcasts, but it did not mandate verifiability in political campaign advertising. As of this time, there is no pending legislation addressing this issue.[citation needed] Currently the Federal Communications Commission requires that the contracts for political ads shown on broadcast stations be posted online, but the agency is considering a proposal to expand that disclosure requirement to other platforms, including radio and cable.[6] A 2022 study found that candidate-centered campaign advertising became increasingly more prevalent in the United States around 1910. The study linked the increased frequency of candidate-centered advertising to the introduction of direct primaries and nonpartisan elections.[7] European Union In most EU Member States, campaign advertising is heavily regulated.[citation needed] In some Member States, the United Kingdom and Ireland for example, party political advertisements on broadcast media (known as Party Political Broadcasts) are restricted to specific circumstances such as political party conferences and a limited time period before a General Election. In the latter instance political parties are allowed specific time slots on the broadcast media in which the advert may be aired. These are limited in time, offered to all registered parties and must be aired at times during the schedules that have similar levels of viewership. Furthermore, a moratorium on all election coverage is mandated on the day of the ballot.[8] Some Member States regulate the posting of election posters at both national and municipal level. In Ireland there are restrictions on the erection of election posters which mandate the time period after an election by which time the poster must be removed, with fines as a potential sanction. Some local councils have voted to ban the placement of election posters, citing the cost of removal and the waste generated.[9] Many municipalities in France restrict the placement of election posters to specific areas, often erecting stands specifically for that purpose.[citation needed] Turkey Campaign advertisement for all elections is heavily regulated in Turkey through The 1961 Law on Basic Provisions on Elections and Voter Registers (Law on Basic Provisions). The Turkish Constitution reformed under coup d'état regime in 1982, contains a number of restrictions to fundamental civil and political rights directly affecting the conduct of elections. The Law on Presidential Elections (LPE), adopted in January 2012, (following the constitutional referendum in 2007 that changed the indirect presidential election system to a direct election of the president by popular vote with an absolute majority of valid votes) regulates aspects of the new presidential election system. It was adopted in an expedited manner with limited debate and no public consultation nor support of opposition parties.[10] OSCE stated in their election report that LPE and Law on Basic Provisions are not harmonized and LPE lacks clarity.[11] Regulation of political advertising See also: Party political broadcast European Union In contrast to advertising in the print, radio and internet media, many Member States of the European Union have consistently restricted advertising on broadcast media which are aimed at political ends, both party political advertising and political advocacy by non-partisan groups. These restrictions have been justified on the basis that the ban offers a level playing field in which money interests cannot gain an unfair advantage in the political discourse of a Member State. The broadcast media has been singled out due to its historical reach and influence.[citation needed] Outright bans on advertising engaged in political advocacy have been referred to the European Court of Human Rights, which has held that such restrictions may be a breach of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.[12] But the Court has also held that restrictions on political advertising can be justified in certain circumstances, provided they were proportionate to the public interest they aimed to protect. Certain Member States including the United Kingdom, Ireland[13] and Switzerland have repeatedly refused to remove their blanket bans. An attempted television ad campaign by the Association against Industrial Animal Production (VGT) which drew a comparison between battery farming and the Holocaust was persistently refused in line with Swiss law, and was the subject of two ECtHR cases, the second case resulting from the persistent refusal by Switzerland to modify its laws on political advertising. However, in a similar UK case involving Animal Rights advertising, the Court upheld the UK ban on political advertising on several grounds. It held the UK had consulted widely before legislating, the court recognized the legitimacy of limiting political advertising on television, acknowledging the argument that there was a "risk of distortion" of public debate by wealthy groups having unequal access to advertising, and accepted that the ban was not a ban on free speech given that other methods of communication were available. The court thus recognized that television advertising is especially powerful and thus wealthy groups could block out the valid arguments of less wealthy groups and thus distort public debate.[14] India Campaigning is done through medias, newspapers and radios. By ruling of The Cable Television Network Rules of 1994,[15] political advertisements were prohibited. However, a Supreme Court ruling in 2004 dictated that one may apply for an advertisement to be displayed on TV, but it must be approved by a committee created by the Chief Electoral Officer; the committee consists of The Joint Chief Electoral Officer, a Returning Officer, and one expert. Additionally, the committee will only consider advertisements from registered political parties or groups or organizations whose headquarter are in the National Capital Territory of Delhi. This model was also spread to other states; they are to have a committee consisting of a Joint Chief Electoral Officer, a Returning Officer, and one expert. Just as with Delhi, the other territories are to consider applications from registered political parties or groups or organizations whose headquarter are in the territory. In all cases, the Returning Officer is the one who considers applications for advertisements. Additionally, there is a committee within every state, designated by The Chief Electoral Officer, to handle and complaints. This committee consists of The Chief Electoral Officer, an observer, and an expert. In addition to these 2004 decisions, it was decided in 2007 that these procedures would be extended national parties for the elections in the states of Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. The parties are not permitted to take funds from corporate houses and the funds of the parties are non- taxable. The election commission which conducts the election sets out the rules and regulations for every election and enforces these rules as well. For example, all political parties have to stop campaigning forty eight hours before the election. Similarly, politicians facing criminal charges are often disqualified and communal content in speeches are also not permitted. [16] Japan Japan distinguishes between party advertisements and candidate advertisements. There are few restrictions on political advertisements made by parties. One restriction is that party advertisements cannot mention specific candidates.[17] Candidate advertisements have greater limitations and are paid for by the government. Candidates are not allowed to purchase their own advertisements. The number and type of candidate advertisements are also limited, including the size of newspaper advertisements, and length of television and radio advertisements.[18] Japanese election law discourages negative campaign advertising directed at other candidates, parties, or political organizations.[19] Campaign advertisements can only be broadcast during the two-week official campaign period and are closely monitored for violations of election law. Australia Australia has five advertising campaign principles. First, campaigns should be relevant to government responsibilities. Secondly, campaign materials in advertising should be presented in an objective, fair and accessible manner and be designed to meet the objectives of the campaign. Facts presented should be accurate and verifiable. The third principle states that campaign materials should be objective and not directed at promoting party interests. Campaign materials must not mention the party in government by name, or directly attack or scorn the views, policies, or actions of others. Fourth, campaigns should be justified and undertaken in an efficient, effective and relevant manner. The last principle states that campaigns must comply with legal requirements and procurement policies and procedures. This is particularly important in respecting laws with broadcasting and media.[20] When broadcasting political advertisements during an election period, the broadcaster must give all parties contesting the election a reasonable opportunity to have election matter broadcast during the election period. This does not need to be done for free. Sponsors or current affair programs must be identified during political advertising. While Australia does not exactly have a right to free speech, they have an implied freedom of political communication. There are regulations on the format and presentation of political advertising, but little regulation on the content.[21] Iran Iran is made up of mainly Shiite Muslims and a small minority of Sunni Muslims.[22] The history of censorship in Iranian political advertising and campaign tactics has followed the ebb and flow of the country's religiously conservative state, dating back to the birth of the Islamic regime during the Iranian Revolution of 1979. One of the most recent examples of this censorship dates back to 2007, when Iran's "fundamentalist-based parliament" passed legislation that severely restricted the content and presentation of political advertising. The restrictions limited candidates in the presidential election from displaying posters, especially with their own image on them, and greatly limited the use of other publicity tools in an effort to urge candidates to give their messages through government organizations.[23] Critics suggest that this limitation of advertising venue and medium was an attempt by the state to keep standing politicians in office and limit the information available on new candidates.[23] Outside reports from more recent elections and campaigns claim actions such as physical attacks on journalists and campaign heads by unknown parties and the modification of campaign websites and documentaries by state agencies.[24] Argentina Argentina passed regulations on the allocation of television and radio campaigns in preparation for the 2013 primary and legislative elections. The regulation divides programming into 4 blocks throughout the day and allocates a certain percentage of time during the slots for campaign advertisement. For television during the blocks from 7–11am and from 4–8pm, 30% percent of the time will be allocated to campaign advertisement. For the slots from 11am–4pm and 8pm–1am, 20% percent of the time will be allocated for campaign advertisement. For radio the percentage of allocation during these 4 time blocks is flipped, 11am–4pm and 8pm–1am receiving 30% of the time for campaign advertisement, and 20% for the 7–11am and 4–8pm time blocks.[25] South Africa Independent Communication Authority of South Africa (ICASA) established in 2000 is the regulatory body of broadcast political advertisements. It also serves to protect the message of the political advertisement from the broadcasting service. ICASA's regulations dictate the nature and acceptable content for aired political advertisements. Political party advertisements may only be authorized to be broadcast during the period of elections. A broadcasting service that airs a licensed ad must clearly state that this is in fact a political advertisement. The commercial cannot be longer than 1 minute in duration and cannot exceed 8 time slots within the designated period of elections. There is a required screening process of all political advertisements before being nationally aired. Failure to comply with these restrictions will result in maximum fine of one million Rand.[26] Russia Russia, as well as many other countries, does not have a legal definition of "political advertising". Current Russian legislation regulates the form of political advertising such as election campaigns. This form involves activities to disseminate information about political forces and candidates to influence voting behaviour. Election campaign is defined as paid by a candidate, an electoral association, or other person acting in the interest of the candidate messages and materials, which encourage citizens to make the proposed action. Political advertising in a broad sense is not regulated by a special law and follows the general rules governing freedom of speech, freedom of information, and freedom of association. Lack of legal definition of political advertising leads to the ambiguity of its understanding, which generates conflict situations in legal relations of advertising. Moreover, this kind of advertising in Russia has evolved relatively recently, because from 1917 to 1991 there was only one political force in the country, which had no political opponents, and used ideological propaganda as the primary means of political communication.[27] Canada According to the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, the key role of broadcasters is to inform potential voters on issues, political parties and candidates during an election period. This means ensuring equitable airtime for all candidates on each broadcast network. 6.5 hours of prime programing should be available for the purchase by all parties. On-air personalities running as a candidate in a provincial or federal election are required halt any on-air duties as soon as his or her candidacy is announced or the election is called.[28] According to Elections Ontario, there are restrictions regarding when political advertising may be aired and restrictions on the rates broadcasters and publishing facilities can charge for said advertising.[29] Effects of political advertising Political science research generally finds negative advertisement (which has increased over time)[30] to be ineffective both at reducing the support and turnout for the opponent.[31] A 2021 study in the American Political Science Review found that television campaign ads do affect election outcomes, in particular in down-ballot races.[32] According to political scientists Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar, negative ads do succeed at driving down overall turnout though.[33] They also find that "negative ads work better for Republicans than for Democrats, and better for men than for women; unfortunately, negative ads also work better in general than positive ones".[33] Challengers who spend more time campaigning get a higher vote share against incumbents in state house elections.[34] According to political scientist Lynn Vavreck, "the evidence suggests that campaign ads have small effects that decay rapidly—very rapidly—but just enough of the impact accumulates to make running more advertising than your opponent seem a necessity".[35] Her study with Alexander Coppock and Seth J. Hill, which tested 49 political advertisements in 59 experiments on 34,000 people found that the effects of advertising on persuasion were small regardless of context, message, sender, or receiver.[36] President Reagan giving Campaign speech in Austin, Texas, 1984 Direct effects of political campaign advertising include informing voters about candidates' positions and affecting the "preferences and participatory ethos of the electorate".[37] Studies show that voting results are affected by voters' characteristics and the type of ad to which they are exposed.[citation needed] Both positive and negative advertisement have been proven to play different roles in regards to candidate evaluation. Positive ads, which usually start at the beginning of a campaign aim at introducing or reintroducing a candidate through reinforcing his or her positive image and qualities.[citation needed] Whereas a strictly political advertisement would inform the viewer, positive campaign ads become an ongoing discussion of character—people understand more than simply just political identity. In an analysis of the dynamics that exist in campaign advertising, Jim Granato and M.C. Sunny Wong argue that "Not only do voters associate a candidate with a particular party and its policies, but they also assess character and competence of a candidate."[38] Instead of simply representing a candidate by their issues, a candidate is almost created as a character on the screen. These campaigns become affirmations of competency; they give the viewer a multi-faceted understanding of who the candidate is and who the candidate is trying to portray themselves as. Negative or attack ads have been studied for their effects on memory and ability to shape attitude towards candidates. Both variables are measured to determine the effectiveness of negative ads, which tend to be well remembered. The limitation of this technique is that it can sometimes be highly counterproductive as ads turn out to harm the attacking candidate.[39] One other effect of political campaign advertising includes greater attitude polarization among voters. In fact one study conducted by Gina Garramone on the effects of political advertising on the political process shows that "by discerning clear differences between candidates, voters may be more likely to strongly like one candidate while strongly disliking the other".[40] This typically leads to higher levels of confidence within voters choices and can widen the degree of participation in the electoral process.[citation needed] The name of an organization can allow campaigners to separate their political interests from their individual identity. For example, American Civil Rights Institute is an anti-affirmative action group that sounds similar to the American Civil Liberties Union. The two organizations have opposing views on the issue in realty, but the public may confuse the two as sharing the same interests due to their names. These unknown groups also have an advantage of seemingly having no previous associations with voters, as it does not readily reveal the leadership of the organizations to the public. Unknown interests groups are generally perceived as credible. They can also have names that project a sense of shared, common values or interests. However, they can be deceiving as many of these groups' leadership and/or sponsors is actors with less democratic policy than it seems. For example, Californians to Protect Our Right to Vote is sponsored by Pacific Gas & Electronic Company. In these cases, the nonprofits names are able to project trustworthiness and expertise while shielding its deceiving donors operating it.[41] Chile One of the most historically effective and unprecedented uses of campaign advertising took place in Chile in 1988.[42] Chile's president, General Augusto Pinochet, who was notorious for ordering the torture and killing of political enemies, issued a referendum in which the Chilean people could vote "yes" or "no" on the continuation of his regime. Overconfident in the idea that the majority of Chileans viewed him as a benevolent leader, Pinochet allowed his opposition fifteen minutes of airtime on the national television station each day for the twenty-seven days preceding the October 5 referendum. A creative team composed of Eugenio García, Francisco Celedón, and other members of Chile's Christian Democratic Party undertook the effort to air a hard-hitting and impactful political ad campaign against Pinochet. This campaign differed from many others in that it lacked a candidate or central ideology around which to base itself. Instead of using negative attack ads, the campaign's creators imbued their advertisements with a sense of joy, or "alegría". The campaign was overwhelmingly successful;[43] 3.96 out of 7.2 million votes cast opposed the Pinochet regime. Pinochet stepped down peacefully in 1990, passing on leadership to a democratic civilian government. The results for this election were believed to have large-scale effects for worldwide democracy.[44] List of election advertising techniques Attack ad Bumper sticker Campaign button Canvassing Direct marketing Election promise Get out the vote Lawn sign Negative campaigning Opposition research Personalized audio messaging Posters Push poll See also Election promise I approve this message References "ARCHIVED - Broadcasting Information Bulletin CRTC 2011-218". Crtc.gc.ca. 29 March 2011. Retrieved 2016-09-16. J. Scott Armstrong. Persuasion Principles Principles for Making Applications. A Creativity Exercise. J. Scott Armstrong. Advertising Principles. Simon, Roger (November 11, 1990). "How A Murderer And Rapist Became The Bush Campaign's Most Valuable Player". The Baltimore Sun. Germond, Jack W.; Jules Witcover (1989). Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars: The Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988. Warner Books. pp. 159–161. ISBN 978-0-446-51424-8. Schwarz, Hunter. "The FCC could start posting more information about political ads online". The Washington Post. Retrieved 11 August 2014. Hirano, Shigeo; Kaslovsky, Jaclyn; Olson, Michael P.; Snyder, James M. (2022). "The Growth of Campaign Advertising in the United States, 1880–1930". The Journal of Politics. 84 (3): 1482–1496. doi:10.1086/719008. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 246058872. Broadcasting Authority of Ireland, Broadcasting Code on Referenda and Election Coverage pursuant to the Broadcasting Act 2009 [1] "Town bans election posters". Breakingnews.ie. 8 April 2009. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Radikal-çevrimiçi / Politika / Referandumdan 'Evet' çıktı, CHP'nin itirazı var". Radikal.com.tr. Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION : Republic of Turkey – Presidential Election, 10 August 2014 : STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS" (PDF). Osce.org. Retrieved 2016-09-16. "European Court of Human Rights : Case of VGT Verein gegen Tierfabriken v. Switzerland". Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Colgan v. Independent Radio and Television Commission [1998] IEHC 117; [2000] 2 IR 490; [1999] 1 ILRM 22 (20th July, 1998)". Bailii.org. Retrieved 2016-09-16. "Ban on Political Advertising Does Not Violate Article 10: Animal Defenders International v. UK". Strasbourg Observers. Six Ph.D. researchers at the Human Rights Centre of the Faculty of Law of Ghent University, Belgium, who work on the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights under the supervision of Prof. Eva Brems. 24 April 2013. Retrieved June 7, 2014. "The Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995". Archived from the original on 2014-11-10. Retrieved 2014-10-23. "Political Advertisements on Television and Cable Networks : Review of relevant regulations" (PDF). Indiatogether.org. Retrieved 2016-09-16. Christensen, Ray. "The Rules of the Election Game in Japan." Party Politics in Japan: Political Chaos and Stalemate in the 21st Century. Hrebenar, Ronald A., and Nakamura, Akira, eds. Routledge, 2014. Akuto, Hiroshi. "Media and Electoral Campaigning in Japan and the United States." Media and Politics in Japan. Krauss, Ellis S., and Pharr, Susan J., eds. University of Hawaii Press, 1996. Kaid, Lynda Lee, and Christina Holtz-Bacha. The Sage handbook of political advertising. Sage Publications, 2006. "Short-term Interim Guidelines on Information and Advertising Campaigns by Australian Government Departments and Agencies." Australian Government Department of Finance. Commonwealth of Australia, June 2014. Web. 27 Oct. 2014. "Campaign Finance: Australia." Library of Congress Home. Library of Congress, 16 Sept. 2014. Web. 27 Oct. 2014. "Iran". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 September 2016. Tait, Robert (13 July 2007). "Iran bans political campaigning". Theguardian.com. Retrieved 15 September 2016 – via The Guardian. "Iran Human Rights Documentation Center - Harassment and Censorship Continue on Election Day". Iranhrdc.org. Archived from the original on 5 July 2016. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Government Outlines Election Campaign Media Regulations". Argentinaindependent.com. Archived from the original on 1 May 2015. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Government Gazette : No. 37350" (PDF). Icasa.org.za. 2014-02-17. Retrieved 2016-09-16. "Политическая реклама - Индустрия рекламы". Adindustry.ru. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Elections and Political Advertising on TV and Radio | CRTC". Archived from the original on 2015-02-17. Retrieved 2014-12-15. "Advertising Guidelines". Archived from the original on 2014-06-09. Retrieved 2014-12-15. Dowling, Conor M.; Krupnikov, Yanna (2016-11-22). "The Effects of Negative Advertising". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.51. ISBN 9780190228637. Lau, Richard R.; Sigelman, Lee; Rovner, Ivy Brown (2007-11-01). "The Effects of Negative Political Campaigns: A Meta-Analytic Reassessment". Journal of Politics. 69 (4): 1176–1209. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00618.x. ISSN 1468-2508. S2CID 155001726. Sides, John; Vavreck, Lynn; Warshaw, Christopher (2021). "The Effect of Television Advertising in United States Elections". American Political Science Review. 116 (2): 702–718. doi:10.1017/S000305542100112X. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 232333920. Ansolabehere, Stephen; Iyengar, Shanto (1997-08-01). Going Negative. Free Press. ISBN 9780684837116. Miller, Michael G. (2016-05-01). "The Power of an Hour: Effects of Candidate Time Expenditure in State Legislative Elections". Legislative Studies Quarterly. 41 (2): 327–359. doi:10.1111/lsq.12116. ISSN 1939-9162. Vavreck, Lynn (2016-06-20). "Yes, Political Ads Are Still Important, Even for Donald Trump". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2016-06-20. Coppock, Alexander; Hill, Seth J.; Vavreck, Lynn (2020-09-01). "The small effects of political advertising are small regardless of context, message, sender, or receiver: Evidence from 59 real-time randomized experiments". Science Advances. 6 (36): eabc4046. doi:10.1126/sciadv.abc4046. ISSN 2375-2548. PMC 7467695. PMID 32917601. Ansolabehere, S.; Iyengar, S. (1995). Going negative: How campaign advertising shrinks and polarizes the electorate. New York: The Free Press.p.3. ISBN 9781439118757. Granato, Jim; Wong, M. C. Sunny (1 January 2004). "Political Campaign Advertising Dynamics". Political Research Quarterly. 57 (3): 349–361. doi:10.2307/3219846. JSTOR 3219846. Biocca, Frank. (1990). Television and Political Advertising. Psychological Processes, Volume 1. ISBN 9780805806557. Garamone, Gina M.; Charles K. Atkin; Bruce E. Pinkleton; Richard T. Cole (Summer 1990). "Effects of Negative Political Advertising on the Political Process". Journal of Broadcasting. 34 (3): 299–311. doi:10.1080/08838159009386744. Lesenyie, Matthew (January 2020). "Reading the Fine Print: Issue Advertisements and the Persuasive Effects of Campaign Finance Disclosures". American Politics Research. 48 (1): 155–174. doi:10.1177/1532673X19865881. ISSN 1532-673X. Kendall, Paul (7 February 2013). "How Chile's ad men ousted Pinochet: the real life story behind new film 'No'". Telegraph.co.uk. Retrieved 15 September 2016. Christian, Shirley (6 October 1988). "Foes of Pinochet win referendum; regime condedes". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 September 2016. "Voting for Democracy: Campaign Effects in Chile's Democratic Transition" (PDF). People.bu.edu. Retrieved 2016-09-16. Sources Croteau, D., & Hoynes, W. (2003). Media Society. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Diamond, E., & Bates, S. (1992). The Spot: The Rise of Political Advertising on Television, 3rd Edition. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dretzin, R. (Director), & Goodman, B. (Director). (2004). The Persuaders. [Frontline Documentary]. United States: Public Broadcasting Systems. Museum of the Moving Image. (2010). The Living Room Candidate. Retrieved March 18, 2011 Straubhaar, J., LaRose, R., & Davenport, L. (2010). Media Now: Understanding Media, Culture, and Technology. Boston: Cengage Learning. vte Media manipulation Context Bias Crowd psychology Deception Dumbing down False balance Half-truths Machiavellianism Media Obfuscation Orwellian Persuasion Manipulation (psychology) Activism Alternative media Boycott Call-out culture Cancel culture Civil disobedience Culture jamming Demonstrations Deplatforming Guerrilla communication Hacktivism Internet Media Occupations Petitions Protests Youth Advertising Billboards False Infomercials Mobiles Modeling Radio Sex Slogans Testimonials TV Criticism of advertising Annoyance factor CensorshipMedia regulation Books Broadcast law Burying of scholars Catch and kill Corporate Cover-ups Euphemism Films Historical negationism Internet Political Religious Self Hoaxing Alternative facts April Fools' Deepfake Fake news websites Fakelore False document Fictitious entries Forgery Gaslighting List Literary Lying press Photograph manipulation Racial Urban legend Virus Marketing Branding Loyalty Product Product placement Publicity Research Word of mouth News media Agenda-setting Broadcasting Circus Cycle False balance Infotainment Managing Narcotizing dysfunction Newspeak Pseudo-event Scrum Sensationalism Tabloid journalism Political campaigning Advertising Astroturfing Attack ad Canvassing Character assassination Dog whistle Election promises Lawn signs Manifestos Name recognition Negative Push polling Smear campaign Wedge issue Propaganda Bandwagon Crowd manipulation Disinformation Fearmongering Framing Indoctrination Loaded language National mythology Rally 'round the flag effect Techniques Psychological warfare Airborne leaflets False flag Fifth column Information (IT) Lawfare Political Public diplomacy Sedition Subversion Public relations Cult of personality Doublespeak Non-apology apology Reputation management Slogans Sound bites Spin Transfer Understatement Weasel words Corporate propaganda Sales Cold calling Door-to-door Pricing Product demonstrations Promotion Promotional merchandise Telemarketing Related Influence-for-hire Media bias United States Media concentration Media democracy Media ecology Media ethics Media franchise Media influence Media proprietor

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This video featuring former CIA official John Stockwell delves into a critical examination of Reagan-era policies in Nicaragua, shedding light on the stark contrast between the American government's portrayal of the Contras as "Freedom Fighters" and the grim reality of their violent actions. Stockwell highlights the brutalities and human rights abuses carried out by US-backed mercenaries while discussing the detrimental impact of these policies on Nicaraguan society. Moreover, Stockwell delves into the erosion of civil liberties through various laws, court decisions, and Executive Orders, elucidating their underlying purpose of stifling public dissent in potential wartime scenarios. He expounds on the historical pattern of war preparations in the US, Reagan's purported plans to invade Nicaragua, including the dubious MIG scare, and the relentless dissemination of propaganda and disinformation by the Reagan Administration aimed at garnering public support for war. The discussion extends to the media's role in handling such sensitive subjects, offering an analysis of its portrayal and dissemination of information. Recorded in March 1985, this insightful discourse provides a critical perspective on the geopolitical landscape of the time and the manipulative tactics employed in shaping public opinion regarding conflict and foreign policy.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ John Wesley Dean III (born October 14, 1938) is an American attorney who served as White House Counsel for U.S. President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973. Dean is known for his role in the cover-up of the Watergate scandal and his subsequent testimony to Congress as a witness. His guilty plea to a single felony in exchange for becoming a key witness for the prosecution ultimately resulted in a reduced sentence, which he served at Fort Holabird outside Baltimore, Maryland. After his plea, he was disbarred. Shortly after the Watergate hearings, Dean wrote about his experiences in a series of books and toured the United States to lecture. He later became a commentator on contemporary politics, a book author, and a columnist for FindLaw's Writ. Dean had originally been a proponent of Goldwater conservatism, but he later became a critic of the Republican Party. Dean has been particularly critical of the party's support of Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump, and of neoconservatism, strong executive power, mass surveillance, and the Iraq War. Personal life Dean was born in Akron, Ohio, and lived in Marion, the hometown of the 29th President of the United States, Warren Harding, whose biographer he later became.[1] His family moved to Flossmoor, Illinois, where he attended grade school. For high school, he attended Staunton Military Academy with Barry Goldwater Jr., the son of Sen. Barry Goldwater, and became a close friend of the family.[2] He attended Colgate University and then transferred to the College of Wooster in Ohio, where he obtained his B.A. in 1961. He received a Juris Doctor (J.D.) from the Georgetown University Law Center in 1965.[3] Dean married Karla Ann Hennings on February 4, 1962; they had one child, John Wesley Dean IV, before divorcing in 1970. Dean married Maureen (Mo) Kane on October 13, 1972.[4] Washington lawyer After graduation, Dean joined Welch & Morgan, a law firm in Washington, D.C., where he was soon accused of conflict of interest violations and fired:[2] he was alleged to have started negotiating his own private deal for a TV station broadcast license, after his firm had assigned him to complete the same task for a client.[5] Dean was employed from 1966 to 1967 as chief minority counsel to the Republicans on the United States House Committee on the Judiciary. Dean then served as associate director of the National Commission on Reform of Federal Criminal Laws for approximately two years.[6] Nixon campaign and administration External videos video icon 1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-25; Part 1 of 6, 1:07:59, Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC[7] Dean volunteered to write position papers on crime for Richard Nixon's presidential campaign in 1968. The following year, he became an associate deputy in the office of the Attorney General of the United States, serving under Attorney General John N. Mitchell, with whom he was on friendly terms. In July 1970, he accepted an appointment to serve as counsel to the president, after the previous holder of this post, Chuck Colson, became the president's director of the Office of Public Liaison. Watergate scandal Start of Watergate Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP White House Richard Nixon Alexander Butterfield Charles Colson John Dean John Ehrlichman Gerald Ford H. R. Haldeman E. Howard Hunt Egil Krogh G. Gordon Liddy Gordon C. Strachan Rose Mary Woods Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte On January 27, 1972, Dean, the White House Counsel, met with Jeb Magruder (Deputy Director of the Committee to Re-Elect the President, or CRP and CREEP) and Mitchell (Attorney General of the United States, and soon-to-be Director of CRP), in Mitchell's office, for a presentation by G. Gordon Liddy (counsel for CRP and a former FBI agent). Liddy presented a preliminary plan for intelligence-gathering operations during the campaign. Reaction to Liddy's plan was highly unfavorable. Liddy was ordered to scale down his ideas, and he presented a revised plan to the same group on February 4, which was also left unapproved.[8] In late March in Florida, Mitchell approved a scaled-down plan. This revised plan eventually led to attempts to eavesdrop on the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C., and to the Watergate scandal. The burglars' first break-in attempt in late May was successful, but several problems had arisen with poor-quality information from their bugs, and they wanted to photograph more documents. Specifically, the burglars were interested in information they thought was held by DNC head Lawrence F. O'Brien. On their second break-in, on the night of June 16, hotel security discovered the burglars. After the burglars' arrest, Dean took custody of evidence and money from the White House safe of E. Howard Hunt, who had been in charge of the burglaries, and destroyed some of the evidence before investigators could find it.[9][page needed] Link to cover-up On February 28, 1973, Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee during his nomination to replace J. Edgar Hoover as director of the FBI. Armed with newspaper articles indicating the White House had possession of FBI Watergate files, committee chair Sam Ervin asked Gray what he knew about the White House obtaining the files. Gray said he had given FBI reports to Dean, and had discussed the FBI investigation with Dean on many occasions. It also came out that Gray had destroyed important evidence Dean entrusted to him. Gray's nomination failed and Dean was directly linked to the Watergate cover-up. White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman later claimed that Nixon appointed Dean to take the lead role in coordinating the Watergate cover-up from an early stage and that this cover-up was working very well for many months. Certain aspects of the scandal came to light before Election Day, but Nixon was reelected by a landslide.[10] Cooperation with prosecutors On March 22, 1973, Nixon requested that Dean put together a report with everything he knew about the Watergate matter, inviting him to take a retreat to Camp David to do so. Dean went to Camp David and did some work on a report, but since he was one of the cover-up's chief participants, the task put him in the difficult position of relating his own involvement as well as that of others; he correctly concluded that higher-ups were fitting him for the role of scapegoat. Dean did not complete the report.[11] On March 23, the five Watergate burglars, along with G. Gordon Liddy and E. Howard Hunt, were sentenced with stiff fines and prison time of up to 40 years.[citation needed] On April 6, Dean hired an attorney and began cooperating with Senate Watergate investigators, while continuing to work as Nixon's Chief White House Counsel and participating in cover-up efforts, not disclosing this obvious conflict to Nixon until some time later. Dean was also receiving advice from the attorney he hired, Charles Shaffer, on matters involving the vulnerabilities of other White House staff.[citation needed] Dean continued to provide information to the prosecutors, who were able to make enormous progress on the cover-up, which until then they had virtually ignored, concentrating on the actual burglary and events preceding it. Dean also appeared before the Watergate grand jury, where he took the Fifth Amendment numerous times to avoid incriminating himself, and in order to save his testimony for the Senate Watergate hearings.[11] Firing by Nixon Dean at the Miami Book Fair 2014 during the presentation of his book The Nixon Defense Coupled with his sense of distance from Nixon's inner circle, the "Berlin Wall" of advisors Haldeman and Ehrlichman, Dean sensed he was going to become the Watergate scapegoat and returned to Washington without completing his report. Nixon fired Dean on April 30, the same day he announced the resignations of Haldeman and Ehrlichman. When Nixon learned that Dean had begun cooperating with federal prosecutors, he pressed Attorney General Richard Kleindienst not to give Dean immunity from prosecution by telling Kleindienst that Dean was lying to the Justice Department about his conversations with the president. On April 17, 1973, Nixon told Assistant Attorney General Henry Petersen (who was overseeing the Watergate investigation) that he did not want any member of the White House granted immunity from prosecution. Petersen informed Nixon that this could cause problems for the prosecution of the case, but Nixon publicly announced his position that evening.[12] It was alleged[who?] that Nixon's motivation for preventing Dean from getting immunity was to prevent him from testifying against key Nixon aides and Nixon himself.[citation needed] Testimony to Senate Watergate Committee This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libelous. Find sources: "John Dean" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (October 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) On June 25, 1973, Dean began his testimony before the Senate Watergate Committee. The committee had voted to grant him use immunity (doing so in a divided vote in a private session that was then changed to a unanimous vote and announced that way to the public). In his testimony, he implicated administration officials, including Mitchell, Nixon, and himself. His testimony attracted very high television ratings since he was breaking new ground in the investigation, and media attention grew apace, with more detailed newspaper coverage. Dean was the first administration official to accuse Nixon of direct involvement with Watergate and the resulting cover-up in press interviews. Such testimony against Nixon, while damaging to the president's credibility, had little legal impact, as it was merely his word against Nixon's. Nixon vigorously denied all accusations that he had authorized a cover-up, and Dean had no corroboration beyond various notes he had taken in his meetings with the president. It was not until it was revealed that Nixon had made secret White House tape recordings (disclosed in testimony by Alexander Butterfield on July 16) and the tapes were subpoenaed and analyzed that many of Dean's accusations were largely substantiated. Dean had had suspicions that Nixon was taping conversations, and he tipped prosecutors to question witnesses along this line, leading to Butterfield's revelations. Dean’s words on tape can be heard in the British documentary TV series Watergate.[13] Research on accuracy of Dean's memory When it was revealed that Nixon had secretly recorded all meetings in the Oval Office, famous psychologist and memory researcher Ulric Neisser analyzed Dean's recollections of the meetings, as expressed through his testimony, in comparison to the meetings' actual recordings.[14] A sharp critic of studying memory in a laboratory setting, Neisser saw "a valuable data trove" in Dean's recall.[15] Neisser found that, despite Dean's confidence, the tapes proved that his memory was anything but a tape recorder.[16] Dean failed to recall any conversations verbatim, and often failed to recall the gist of conversations correctly.[16] Neisser did not explain the difference as one of deception; rather, he thought that the evidence supported the theory that memory is not akin to a tape recorder and instead should be thought of as reconstructions of information that are greatly affected by rehearsal, or attempts at replay.[14] Criminal trial Dean pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice before Watergate trial judge John Sirica on October 19, 1973. He admitted supervising payments of "hush money" to the Watergate burglars, notably E. Howard Hunt, and revealed the existence of Nixon's enemies list. Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox was interested in meeting with Dean and planned to do so a few days later, but Cox was fired by Nixon the next day; it was not until a month later that Cox was replaced by Leon Jaworski. On August 2, 1974, Sirica handed down a sentence to Dean of one to four years in a minimum-security prison. But when Dean surrendered as scheduled on September 3, he was diverted to the custody of U.S. Marshals and kept instead at Fort Holabird (near Baltimore, Maryland) in a special "safe house" primarily used for witnesses against the Mafia. He spent his days at the offices of Jaworski, the Watergate Special Prosecutor, and testifying in the trial of Watergate conspirators Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson, which concluded in December. All except Parkinson were convicted, largely based upon Dean's evidence. Dean's lawyer moved to have his sentence reduced and on January 8, Sirica granted the motion, adjusting Dean's sentence to time served, which was four months. With his plea to felony offenses, Dean was disbarred as a lawyer in Virginia and the District of Columbia.[17][18] Life after Watergate John Dean in 2008 at the annual conference of the Society of American Archivists. Shortly after Watergate, Dean became an investment banker, author and lecturer based in Beverly Hills, California. He chronicled his White House experiences, with a focus on Watergate, in the memoirs Blind Ambition (1976) and Lost Honor (1982). Blind Ambition was ghostwritten by future Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Taylor Branch[19] and later made into a 1979 TV miniseries. In 1992, Dean hired attorney Neil Papiano and brought the first in a series of defamation suits against G. Gordon Liddy for claims in Liddy's book Will and St. Martin's Press for its publication of the book Silent Coup by Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin. Silent Coup alleged that Dean masterminded the Watergate burglaries and the Watergate coverup and that the true aim of the burglaries was to seize information implicating Dean and the former Maureen "Mo" Biner (his then-fiancée) in a prostitution ring. After hearing of Colodny's work, Liddy issued a revised paperback version of Will supporting Colodny's theory.[20] This theory was subsequently the subject of the 1992 A&E Network Investigative Reports series program The Key to Watergate.[21][22] In the preface to his 2006 book Conservatives Without Conscience, Dean strongly denied Colodny's theory, pointing out that Colodny's chief source (Phillip Mackin Bailley) had been in and out of mental institutions. Dean settled the defamation suit against Colodny and his publisher, St. Martin's Press, on terms that Dean wrote in the book's preface he could not divulge under the conditions of the settlement, other than that "the Deans were satisfied." The case of Dean vs. Liddy was dismissed without prejudice.[23] Also in 2006, Dean appeared as an interviewee in the documentary The U.S. vs. John Lennon, about the Nixon administration's efforts to keep John Lennon out of the United States. Dean retired from investment banking in 2000 while continuing to work as an author and lecturer, becoming a columnist for FindLaw's Writ online magazine. He resides in Beverly Hills, California. In 2001, Dean published The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court, an exposé of the White House's selection process for a new Supreme Court justice in 1971, which led to the appointment of William Rehnquist.[24] Three years later, Dean wrote a book heavily critical of the administration of George W. Bush, Worse than Watergate, in which he called for the impeachment of Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney for allegedly lying to Congress.[25] His next book, released in 2006, was Conservatives without Conscience, a play on Barry Goldwater's book The Conscience of a Conservative. In it, he asserts that post-Goldwater conservatism has been co-opted by people with authoritarian personalities and policies, citing data from Bob Altemeyer. According to Dean, modern conservatism, specifically on the Christian Right, embraces obedience, inequality, intolerance, and strong intrusive government, in stark contrast to Goldwater's philosophies and policies. Using Altemeyer's scholarly work, he contends that there is a tendency toward ethically questionable political practices when authoritarians are in power and that the current political situation is dangerously unsound because of it. Dean cites the behavior of key members of the Republican leadership, including George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Tom DeLay, Newt Gingrich and Bill Frist, as clear evidence of a relationship between modern right-wing conservatism and this authoritarian approach to governance. He places particular emphasis on the abdication of checks and balances by the Republican Congress and on the dishonesty of the conservative intellectual class in support of the Republican Party, as a result of the obedience and arrogance innate to the authoritarian mentality.[26] After it became known that Bush authorized NSA wiretaps without warrants, Dean asserted that Bush is "the first President to admit to an impeachable offense".[27] On March 31, 2006, Dean testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee during hearings on censuring Bush over the issue. Senator Russell Feingold, who sponsored the censure resolution, introduced Dean as a "patriot" who put "rule of law above the interests of the president." In his testimony, Dean asserted that Nixon covered up Watergate because he believed it was in the interest of national security. This sparked a sharp debate with Republican South Carolina senator Lindsey Graham, who repeatedly asserted that Nixon authorized the break-in at Democratic headquarters. Dean finally replied, "You're showing you don't know that subject very well." Spectators laughed, and soon the senator was "sputtering mad".[28] Dean's 2007 book Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches is, as he wrote in its introduction, the third volume of an unplanned trilogy. In this latest book, Dean, who has repeatedly called himself a "Goldwater conservative", built on Worse Than Watergate and Conservatives Without Conscience to argue that the Republican Party has gravely damaged all three branches of the federal government in the service of ideological rigidity and with no attention to the public interest or the general good. Dean concludes that conservatism must regenerate itself to remain true to its core ideals of limited government and the rule of law.[29] In 2008, Dean co-edited Pure Goldwater, a collection of writings by the 1964 Republican presidential nominee and former U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater, in part as an act of fealty to the man who defined his political ideals. His co-editor was Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater, Jr.[30] Historian Stanley Kutler was accused of editing his transcripts of the Nixon tapes to make Dean appear in a more favorable light.[31] On September 17, 2009, Dean appeared on Countdown with new allegations about Watergate. He said he had found information via the Nixon tapes that showed what the burglars were after: information on a kickback scheme involving the Democratic National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida. Dean also asserts that Nixon did not directly order the break-in, but that Ehrlichman ordered it on Nixon's behalf.[32] In speaking engagements in 2014, Dean called Watergate a "lawyers' scandal" that, for all the bad, ushered in needed legal ethics reforms.[33] Dean later emerged as a strong critic of Donald Trump, saying in 2017 that he was even worse than Nixon. He said, "It's a nightmare. They don't know what their jeopardy is. They don't know what they're looking at. They don't know if they're a part of a conspiracy that might unfold. They don't know whether to hire lawyers or not, how they're going to pay for them if they do. It's an unpleasant place."[34][35] In February 2018, Dean warned that Rick Gates's testimony may be "the end" of Trump's presidency.[36][37] In September 2018, Dean warned against Brett Kavanaugh's confirmation to the United States Supreme Court,[38][39][40] a main concern being that the appointment would result in "the most presidential-powers-friendly court" in modern times.[41][42] On November 7, 2018, the day after the midterm elections, Trump forced Attorney General Jeff Sessions to resign. Dean commented on the removal in colorful terms, saying it "seems to be planned like a murder" and that Special Counsel Robert Mueller likely had contingency plans, possibly including sealed indictments.[43][44] In early June 2019, Dean testified, along with various U.S. attorneys and legal experts, before the House Judiciary Committee on the implications of, and potential actions as a result of, the Mueller report.[45][46] In 2022, Dean said the January 6 Committee had an overwhelming case against Trump.[47] Media appearances and portrayals Dean frequently served as a guest on the former MSNBC and Current TV news program, Countdown with Keith Olbermann, and The Randi Rhodes Show on Premiere Radio Networks. In the 1979 TV mini-series Blind Ambition, Dean was played by Martin Sheen. In the 1995 film Nixon, directed by Oliver Stone, Dean was played by David Hyde Pierce. In the 1999 film Dick, Dean was played by Jim Breuer. In the 2022 TV mini-series Gaslit, Dean was played by Dan Stevens. In the 2023 TV mini-series White House Plumbers, Dean was played by Domhnall Gleeson. Bibliography External videos video icon Presentation by Dean on The Rehnquist Choice, October 10, 2001, C-SPAN video icon Booknotes interview with Dean on Warren G. Harding, March 14, 2004, C-SPAN video icon Presentation by Dean on Conservatives Without Conscience, July 13, 2006, C-SPAN video icon Presentation by Dean on Conservatives Without Conscience, September 5, 2006, C-SPAN video icon Presentation by Dean on Broken Government, October 28, 2007, C-SPAN video icon Presentation by Dean and Barry Goldwater, Jr. on Pure Goldwater, April 17, 2008, C-SPAN video icon After Words interview with Dean on The Nixon Defense, August 8, 2014, C-SPAN video icon Interview with Dean on The Nixon Defense, November 22, 2014, C-SPAN video icon Presentation by Dean on Authoritarian Nightmare, October 15, 2020, C-SPAN Dean, John W. (1976). Blind Ambition: The White House Years. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-22438-7. Dean, John W. (1982). Lost Honor: The Rest of the Story. Los Angeles: Stratford Press. ISBN 0-936906-15-4. Dean, John W. (2001). The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court. New York: Free Press. ISBN 0-7432-2607-0. Dean, John W. (2002). Unmasking Deep Throat. [S.l.]: Salon Media. ISBN 0-9721874-1-3. Dean, John W. (2004). Warren G. Harding (The American Presidents). New York: Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-6956-9. Dean, John W. (2004). Worse than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush. New York: Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-00023-X. Dean, John W. (2006). Conservatives without Conscience. New York: Viking Adult. ISBN 0-670-03774-5. Dean, John W. (2007). Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches. New York: Viking Adult. ISBN 978-0-670-01820-8. Dean, John W.; Barry M. Goldwater, Jr. (2008). Pure Goldwater. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-7741-0. Dean, John W. (2009). Blind Ambition: The Updated Edition: The End of the Story. New York: Polimedia. ISBN 978-0-9768617-5-1. Dean, John W. (2014). The Nixon Defense: What He Knew and When He Knew It. New York: Viking. ISBN 978-0-670-02536-7. Dean, John W. (2020). Authoritarian Nightmare: Trump and His Followers. New York: Melville House. ISBN 978-1-6121990-5-4. References Dean, John W. (2004). Warren G. Harding (The American Presidents). New York: Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-6956-9. Russ Baker (2009). Family of Secrets (Paperback ed.). Bloomsbury Press. p. 224. ISBN 978-1-59691-557-2. "John Wesley Dean III". Britannica.com. Retrieved August 22, 2012. Dean, Maureen; Gorey, Hays (1975). "Mo": A Woman's View of Watergate. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-22161-4. "The Nation: How John Dean Came Center Stage". TIME Magazine. 101 (26). June 25, 1973. Retrieved January 26, 2017. "John W. Dean III". www.nixonlibrary.gov. Archived from the original on December 31, 2016. Retrieved January 13, 2017. "1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-25; Part 1 of 6". Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. June 25, 1973. Retrieved January 20, 2018. Episode Guide Magruder, Jeb Stuart (1974). An American Life: One Man's Road to Watergate. New York: Atheneum. pp. 192–197. ISBN 0-689-10603-3. Blind Ambition, by John Dean, Simon & Schuster 1976; Watergate, by Fred Emery, Touchstone Publishers 1994. Haldeman, H.R.; Joseph DiMona (1978). The Ends of Power. New York: Times Books. ISBN 0-8129-0724-8. Blind Ambition: The White House Years, by John Dean, New York 1976, Simon & Schuster, pp. 196–274. 93rd Congress (1974). House Judiciary Committee Hearings: Statement of Information. Washington D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office. pp. 84–86. "Watergate, Series1:5 Impeachment". BBC. June 5, 1994. Retrieved May 5, 2021. Neisser, U. (1981). John Dean's memory: A case study. Cognition, 9(1), 1–22. Foer, J. (2011). Moonwalking with Einstein: The art and science of remembering everything; Penguin. Schacter, D. L. (1996). Searching for Memory: The Brain, The Mind, and the Past; Basic Books. "Virginia State Bar Attorney Records Search (citing to 12 November 1973 revocation of license following hearing of Disciplinary Board, VSB Docket No. 74-CCC-7004)". www.vsb.org. Archived from the original on August 8, 2021. Retrieved January 26, 2018. Blind Ambition: The White House Years, by John Dean, New York 1976, Simon & Schuster, pp. 274–390. "Taylor Branch | Biography". taylorbranch.com. Retrieved May 2, 2018. Stephen Bates (February 5, 2001). "Flipping His Liddy". Slate. Archived from the original on November 15, 2009. Retrieved July 19, 2011. Mario Ricciardi (December 27, 2010), The Key to Watergate (pt. 1), archived from the original on November 18, 2021, retrieved May 2, 2018 Dean, John Doing Legal, Political, and Historical Research on the Internet: Using Blog Forums, Open Source Dictionaries, and More, Findlaw, September 9, 2005. Taylor Branch states Archived February 20, 2009, at the Wayback Machine: "Blind Ambition (ghostwriter for John Dean) (Simon & Schuster: 1979)" under the heading "Past Writing". "Liddy Case Dismissed". CBS News. January 29, 2001. Dean, John (2002). The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon Appointment That Redefined the Supreme Court. United States: Free Press. ISBN 978-0743233200. Dean, John (2004). Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush. United States: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0316000239. Dean, John (2006). Conservatives Without Conscience. United States: Viking Press. ISBN 978-0670037742. Jackson, David (December 28, 2005). "War-powers debate on front burner". USA Today. Retrieved July 19, 2011. Milbank, Dana (April 1, 2006). "Watergate Remembered, After a Fashion". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 19, 2011. Dean, John (2008). Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Branches. United States: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0143114215. Dean, John (2008). Pure Goldwater. United States: St. Martin's Press. ASIN B00FO9R8HU. Patricia Cohen (January 31, 2009). "John Dean's Role at Issue in Nixon Tapes Feud". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 29, 2011. Retrieved July 19, 2011. "'Countdown with Keith Olbermann' for Thursday, September 17, 2009". NBC News. September 18, 2009. "Watergate's lasting legacy is to legal ethics reform, says John Dean". abajournal.com. Barabak, Mark Z. (June 1, 2017). "John Dean helped bring down Richard Nixon. Now he thinks Donald Trump is even worse". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved July 20, 2017. Buie, Jordan (August 28, 2017). "Former White House counsel for Nixon: Trump scarier than Nixon". The Tennessean. Retrieved June 21, 2018. Savransky, Rebecca (February 26, 2018). "John Dean warns Gates's testimony may be 'the end' of Trump's presidency". TheHill. Retrieved February 26, 2018. Mazza, Ed (February 26, 2018). "Watergate Figure John Dean Says Rick Gates' Testimony Could Be The End Of The Trump Presidency". Huffington Post. Retrieved February 26, 2018. Terkel, Amanda (September 16, 2018). "Here Is What Brett Kavanaugh Said About Sexual Misconduct In His Hearings". Huffington Post. Retrieved September 19, 2018. "Kavanaugh hearing: John Dean warns of a Supreme Court overly deferential to presidential power". Washington Post. Retrieved September 19, 2018. "John Dean: If Kavanaugh's confirmed, a president who shoots someone on Fifth Avenue can't be prosecuted in office". NBC News. Retrieved September 19, 2018. CBS News (September 7, 2018), John Dean testifies on presidential powers at Kavanaugh hearing, archived from the original on November 18, 2021, retrieved June 3, 2019 "Former Nixon White House Counsel Case Against Kavanaugh". IJR. September 7, 2018. Retrieved June 3, 2019.[permanent dead link] Haltiwanger, John (November 7, 2018). "Richard Nixon's White House counsel says Jeff Sessions' ousting 'like a planned murder'". Business Insider. Retrieved November 7, 2018. Fenwick, Cody (November 7, 2018). "Watergate's John Dean Explains How Trump Planned Sessions' Firing 'Like a Murder' — And Details How Mueller Could Protect the Probe". AlterNet. Retrieved November 7, 2018. Breuninger, Kevin (June 3, 2019). "House Judiciary Committee sets hearing on Mueller report with Nixon White House counsel John Dean". CNBC. Retrieved June 3, 2019. Cheney, Kyle (June 3, 2019). "Dems to call Watergate star John Dean to testify on Mueller report". POLITICO. Retrieved June 3, 2019. Mitchell, Taiyler Simone. "Nixon's Watergate lawyer says Trump's 2024 bid is 'a defense of sorts' against Jan 6 indictment but it won't matter because the committee has an 'overwhelming case'". Business Insider. Retrieved December 19, 2022. Further reading Colodny, Len; Robert Gettlin (1991). Silent Coup (First ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 9780312051563. Sussman, Barry (1992). The Great Coverup: Nixon and the Scandal of Watergate (Third ed.). Seven Locks Press. ISBN 0-929765-09-5. "The Watergate Files". The Gerald R. Ford Museum & Library. Retrieved July 19, 2011. "The Key To Watergate". Barbara Newman Productions. 1992. Retrieved July 19, 2011. External links Wikiquote has quotations related to John Dean. Wikimedia Commons has media related to John Dean. John Dean testifying at the Watergate Hearings WETA-TV Public Television, 1973 Watergate Hearings. Worse Than Watergate: Former Nixon Counsel John Dean Says Bush Should Be Impeached Archived November 14, 2007, at the Wayback Machine Democracy Now!, April 6, 2004, interview with John Dean. Doing Legal, Political, and Historical Research on the Internet Using Blog Forums, Open Source Dictionaries, and More John Dean, Findlaw, September 9, 2005. Video of John Dean interview by Keith Olbermann on Countdown with Keith Olbermann about Dean's book Conservatives Without Conscience on July 11, 2006, at Crooks and Liars, Video on YouTube. "Former White House Counsel John Dean". The Tavis Smiley Show. April 11, 2017. Public Radio International. Retrieved August 26, 2017. Interview comparing Nixon and Donald Trump. Spartacus Educational Biography Appearances on C-SPAN Booknotes interview with Dean on Warren G. Harding, March 14, 2004. In Depth interview with Dean, April 4, 2010 Legal offices Preceded by Chuck Colson White House Counsel 1970–1973 Succeeded by Leonard Garment vte White House Counsels Rosenman Clifford Murphy Stephens (leave) Shanley Morgan Kendall Sorensen Feldman White Semer McPherson Temple Colson Ehrlichman Dean Garment Buchen Lipshutz Cutler Fielding Wallison Culvahouse Gray Nussbaum Cutler Mikva Quinn Ruff Mills (Acting) Nolan Gonzales Miers Fielding Craig Bauer Ruemmler Eggleston McGahn Flood (acting) Cipollone Remus Delery Siskel Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway France BnF data Germany Israel Belgium United States Sweden Japan Czech Republic Netherlands Poland Academics CiNii People Deutsche Biographie Other NARA SNAC IdRef Categories: 1938 births20th-century American male writers20th-century American non-fiction writers21st-century American male writers21st-century American non-fiction writersAmerican anti–Iraq War activistsAmerican male non-fiction writersAmerican memoiristsAmerican political writersAmerican people convicted of obstruction of justiceColgate University alumniCollege of Wooster alumniGeorgetown University Law Center alumniLawyers disbarred in the Watergate scandalLawyers from Washington, D.C.Living peopleOhio IndependentsOhio politicians convicted of crimesOhio RepublicansPeople convicted in the Watergate scandalPeople from Flossmoor, IllinoisPeople from Marion, OhioStaunton Military Academy alumniUnited States presidential advisorsVirginia lawyersWhite House CounselsWriters from Akron, Ohio

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Black September (Arabic: أيلول الأسود Aylūl al-ʾAswad), also known as the Jordanian Civil War,[9] was an armed conflict between Jordan, led by King Hussein, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), led by chairman Yasser Arafat. The main phase of the fighting took place between 16 and 27 September 1970, though certain aspects of the conflict continued until 17 July 1971. After the 1967 Six-Day War, Palestinian fedayeen guerrillas relocated to Jordan and stepped up their attacks against Israel and the occupied territories. They were headquartered at the Jordanian border town of Karameh, which Israel targeted during a battle in 1968, leading to a surge of Arab support for the fedayeen. The PLO's strength grew, and by early 1970, groups within the PLO began calling for the overthrow of Jordan's Hashemite monarchy, leading to violent clashes in June 1970. Hussein hesitated to oust them from the country, but continued PLO activities in Jordan culminated in the Dawson's Field hijackings of 6 September 1970. This involved the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) seizing three civilian passenger flights and forcing their landing in the Jordanian city of Zarqa, where they took foreign nationals as hostages and blew up the planes in front of international press. Hussein saw this as the last straw and ordered the Jordanian Army to take action.[10] On 17 September 1970, the Jordanian Army surrounded all cities with a significant PLO presence, including Amman and Irbid, and began shelling fedayeen posts that were operating from Palestinian refugee camps. The next day, 10,000 Syrian troops bearing Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) markings began an invasion by advancing towards Irbid, which the fedayeen had occupied and declared to be a "liberated" city. On 22 September, the Syrians withdrew from Irbid after suffering heavy losses to a coordinated aerial–ground offensive by the Jordanians. Mounting pressure from other Arab countries (such as Iraq) led Hussein to halt his offensive. On 13 October, he signed an agreement with Arafat to regulate the fedayeen's presence in Jordan. However, the Jordanian military attacked again in January 1971, and the Palestinians were driven out of the cities, one by one, until 2,000 fedayeen surrendered after they were encircled during the Ajlun offensive on 23 July, formally marking the end of the conflict.[11] Jordan allowed the fedayeen to relocate to Lebanon via Syria. Four years later, the fedayeen became involved in the Lebanese Civil War, which would continue until 1990. The Palestinian Black September Organization was founded after the conflict to carry out attacks against Jordanian authorities in response to the fedayeen's expulsion; their most notable attack was the assassination of Jordanian prime minister Wasfi Tal in 1971, as he had commanded parts of the military operations against the fedayeen. The organization then shifted its focus to attacking Israeli targets and later carried out the Munich massacre of 11 Israeli athletes. Though the events of Black September did not reflect a Jordanian–Palestinian divide, as there were Jordanians and Palestinians on both sides of the conflict, it paved the way for such a divide to emerge subsequently.[12] History Background Palestinians in Jordan Main article: Palestinians in Jordan View of Jabal Al-Hussein Palestinian refugee camp in Amman After Jordan annexed the West Bank in 1950, it conferred its citizenship on the West Bank Palestinians.[13] The combined population of the West Bank and Jordan consisted of two-thirds Palestinians (one-third in the West Bank and one-third in the East Bank) and one-third Jordanians.[14][13] Jordan provided Palestinians with seats amounting to half the parliament,[14] and Palestinians enjoyed equal opportunities in all sectors of the state.[14] This demographic change influenced Jordanian politics.[15] King Hussein considered that the Palestinian problem would remain the country's overriding national security issue;[15] he feared an independent West Bank under PLO administration would threaten the autonomy of his Hashemite kingdom.[16] The Palestinian factions were supported vicariously by many Arab governments, most notably Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who gave them political support.[16] The Palestinian nationalist organization Fatah started organizing cross-border attacks against Israel in January 1965, often drawing severe Israeli reprisals upon Jordan.[17] The Samu incident launched by Israel on 13 November 1966 was one such reprisal, taking place after three Israeli soldiers were killed by a Fatah landmine.[18] The Israeli assault on the Jordanian-controlled West Bank town of As-Samu inflicted heavy casualties on Jordan.[18] Israeli writer Avi Shlaim argued that Israel's disproportionate retaliation exacted revenge on the wrong party, as Israeli leaders knew from their interaction with Hussein that he was doing everything he could to prevent such attacks.[18] Hussein, who felt he had been betrayed by the Israelis, drew fierce local criticism because of this incident. It is thought that this contributed to his decision to join Egypt and Syria's war against Israel in 1967.[19] In June 1967 Israel captured the West Bank from Jordan during the Six-Day War.[20] PLO's growing strength after the Battle of Karameh Main article: Battle of Karameh After Jordan lost the West Bank, Fatah (under the PLO) stepped up their guerrilla attacks against Israel from Jordanian soil, making the border town of Karameh their headquarters.[21] On 18 March 1968, an Israeli school bus was blown up by a mine near Be'er Ora in the Arava, killing two adults and wounding ten children—the 38th Fatah operation in little more than three months.[22] On 21 March, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) units entered Jordan and launched a reprisal attack on Karameh that developed into a full-scale battle that lasted a day.[23] The PLO suffered some 200 casualties and another 150 taken prisoner; 40–84 Jordanian soldiers were also killed. Israeli losses stood at around 30 killed and 69–161 wounded, and they also left behind several vehicles.[24] King Hussein after checking an abandoned Israeli tank on 21 March 1968 during the Battle of Karameh. The perceived joint Palestinian-Jordanian victory led to an upsurge in support for the fedayeen in Jordan. Both sides declared victory: Israel had fulfilled its objective of destroying the Karameh camp, but failed to capture Arafat; while Jordan and the PLO had exacted relatively heavy Israeli casualties.[25] Although the Palestinians had limited success in inflicting Israeli casualties, King Hussein let them take the credit.[25] The fedayeen used the battle's wide acclaim and recognition in the Arab world to establish their national claims.[26] The Karameh operation also highlighted the vulnerability of bases close to the Jordan River, so the PLO moved them farther into the mountains. Further Israeli attacks targeted Palestinian militants residing among the Jordanian civilian population, giving rise to friction between Jordanians and guerrillas.[27] Palestinians and Arabs generally considered the battle a psychological victory over the IDF, which had been seen as "invincible" until then, and recruitment into guerilla units soared.[28] Fatah reported that 5,000 volunteers had applied to join within 48 hours of the events at Karameh.[26] By late March, there were nearly 20,000 fedayeen in Jordan.[29] Iraq and Syria offered training programs for several thousand guerrillas.[29] The Persian Gulf states, led by Kuwait, raised money for them through a 5% tax on the salaries of their tens of thousands of resident Palestinian workers, and a fund drive in Lebanon raised $500,000 from Beirut alone.[29] The Palestinian organizations also began to guarantee a lifetime support for the families of all guerrillas killed in action.[29] Within a year after the battle, Fatah had branches in about eighty countries.[30] After the battle, Fatah gained control of the PLO in Egypt.[31] Palestinian fedayeen from Syria and Lebanon started to converge on Jordan, mostly in Amman.[32] In Palestinian enclaves and refugee camps in Jordan, the police and army were losing their authority.[31] The Wehdat and Al-Hussein refugee camps came to be referred to as "independent republics" and the fedayeen established administrative autonomy by establishing local government under the control of uniformed PLO militants—setting up checkpoints and attempting to extort "taxes" from civilians.[32][33] Seven-point agreement Main article: Seven-point agreement (Jordan) In early November 1968, the Jordanian army attacked a fedayeen group named "Al-Nasr" (meaning victory) after the group had attacked Jordanian police.[32] Not all Palestinians were supportive of Al-Nasr's actions, but the Jordanian response was meant to send a message that there would be consequences for challenging the government's authority.[32] Immediately after the incident, a seven-point agreement was reached between King Hussein and Palestinian organizations that restrained unlawful and illegal fedayeen behavior against the Jordanian government.[34] Fedayeen of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in Jordan, early 1969 The PLO would not live up to the agreement, and came to be seen more and more as a state within a state in Jordan.[32] Fatah's Yasser Arafat replaced Ahmad Shukeiri as the PLO's leader in February 1969.[32] Discipline in the different Palestinian groups was poor, and the PLO had no central power to control the different groups.[35] A situation developed of fedayeen groups rapidly spawning, merging, and splintering, sometimes trying to behave radically in order to attract recruits.[35] Hussein went to the United States in March 1969 for talks with Richard Nixon, the new American president.[36] He argued for Israel's adherence to United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, in which it was required to return territories it had occupied in 1967 in return for peace.[37] Palestinian factions were suspicious of Hussein as this meant the withdrawal of his policy of forceful resistance towards Israel. These suspicions were further heightened by Washington's claim that Hussein would be able to liquidate the fedayeen movement in his country upon resolution of the conflict.[37] Fatah favored not intervening in the internal affairs of other Arab countries. However, although it assumed the leadership of the PLO, more radical left-wing Palestinian movements refused to abide by that policy.[38] By 1970, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) led by George Habash and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) led by Nayef Hawatmeh, began to openly question the legitimacy of the Hashemite monarchy, and called for its overthrow and replacement with a revolutionary regime.[38] Other radical groups included the Syrian Ba'ath's As-Sa'iqa, and the Iraqi Ba'ath's Arab Liberation Front:[38] these saw Hussein as "a puppet of Western imperialism", " a reactionary", and "a Zionist tool".[38] They claimed that the road to Tel Aviv passed through Amman, which they sought to transform into the Hanoi of Arabia.[38] They also stirred up conservative and religious feelings with provocative anti-religious statements and actions, such as putting up Marxist and Leninist slogans on mosque walls.[35] PFLP patrol in Amman, 12 June 1970 According to Shlaim, their growing power was accompanied by growing arrogance and insolence.[38] He quotes an observer describing the PLO in Jordan,[38] They drove noisily around Amman in jeeps with loaded weapons, like an army of occupation; they extorted financial contributions from individuals, sometimes foreigners, in their homes and in public places; they disregarded routine traffic regulations, failed to register and license their vehicles, and refused to stop at army checkpoints; they boasted about their role of destiny against Israel and belittled the worth of the army. Their very presence in Amman, far from the battlefield, seemed like a challenge to the regime. Palestinians claimed there were numerous agents provocateurs from Jordanian or other security services present among the fedayeen, deliberately trying to upset political relations and provide justification for a crackdown.[35] There were frequent kidnappings and acts of violence against civilians:[35] Chief of the Jordanian Royal Court (and subsequently Prime Minister) Zaid al-Rifai claimed that in one extreme instance "the fedayeen killed a soldier, beheaded him, and played football with his head in the area where he used to live".[35] Ten-point edict and June confrontations The situation placed Hussein in a severe dilemma: if he used force to oust the fedayeen, he would alienate himself from the Palestinians in the country and the Arab World.[39] However, if he refused to act to strike back at the fedayeen, he would lose the respect of Jordanians, and more seriously, that of the army, the backbone of the regime, which already started to pressure Hussein to act against them.[39] In February 1970, King Hussein visited Egyptian President Nasser in Cairo and won his support for taking a tougher stance against the fedayeen.[39] Nasser also agreed to influence the fedayeen to desist from undermining Hussein's regime.[39] Upon his return, he published a ten-point edict restricting activities of the Palestinian organizations, which included prohibition of the following: carrying arms publicly, storing ammunitions in villages, and holding demonstrations and meetings without prior governmental consent.[39] The fedayeen reacted violently to these efforts aimed at curbing their power, which led Hussein to freeze the new regulation;[39] he also acquiesced to fedayeen demands of dismissing the perceived anti-Palestinian interior minister Muhammad Al-Kailani.[39] Hussein's policy of giving concessions to the fedayeen was to gain time, but Western newspapers started floating sensationalized stories that Hussein was losing control over Jordan and that he might abdicate soon.[39] PLO leaders Yasser Arafat, Nayef Hawatmeh and Kamal Nasser speaking at a press conference in Amman after the June events, 1970 Libya, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, who were openly supporting the fedayeen, sent Jordan financial subsidies, placing Hussein in a difficult position.[40] Hussein saw no external forces to support him other than the United States and Israel,[39] but that would act as fuel for fedayeen propaganda against him.[39] On 17 February 1970, the American embassy in Tel Aviv relayed three questions from Hussein to Israel asking about Israel's stance if Jordan chose to confront the fedayeen.[41] Israel replied positively to Hussein, and committed that they would not take advantage if Jordan withdrew its troops from the borders for a potential confrontation.[41] Israeli artillery and airforce attacked Irbid on 3 June as reprisal for a fedayeen attack on Beit Shean, killing one soldier, as well as killing seven and injuring twenty-six civilians.[41] The Jordanian army retaliated and shelled Tiberias for the first time in 22 years; Hussein ordered the shelling but realized it was the start of a dangerous cycle of violence.[41] Consequently, he requested, through the American embassy in Amman, a ceasefire with the Israelis to buy time so that he could take strong measures against the fedayeen.[41] The message to Israel stated that "the Jordanian government was doing everything it could to prevent fedayeen rocket attacks on Israel. King deeply regrets the rocket attacks. Jordan Army under orders to shoot to kill any fedayeen attempting to fire rockets and fedayeen leaders had been told again evening of 3 June that violators would be shot on sight".[42] Israel accepted Hussein's request following pressure from the Americans.[42] We had thousands of incidents of breaking the law, of attacking people. It was a very unruly state of affairs in the country and I continued to try. I went to Egypt, I called in the Arabs to help in any way they could – particularly as some of them were sponsoring some of these movements in one form or another – but without much success, and towards the end I felt I was losing control. In the last six months leading up to the crisis the army began to rebel. I had to spend most of my time running to those units that had left their positions and were going to the capital, or to some other part of Jordan, to sort out people who were attacking their families or attacking their soldiers on leave. I think that the gamble was probably the army would fracture along Palestinian-Jordanian lines. That never happened, thank God. Hussein later recalling the events[43] In the summer of 1970, the Jordanian army was on the verge of losing its patience with the fedayeen.[42] After a provocation from the fedayeen, a tank battalion moved from the Jordan Valley without orders from Amman, intending to retaliate against them.[42] It took the personal intervention of the King and that of the 3rd Armored Division commander Sharif Shaker, who blocked the road with their cars, to stop its onslaught.[43] Fighting broke out again between the fedayeen and the army in Zarqa on 7 June.[43] Two days later, the fedayeen opened fire on the General Intelligence Directorate's (mukhabarat) headquarters.[43] Hussein went to visit the mukhabarat headquarters after the incident, but his motorcade came under heavy fedayeen fire, killing one of his guards.[43] Bedouin units of the army retaliated for the assassination attempt against their king by shelling Al-Wehdat and Al-Hussein camps, which escalated into a conflict that lasted three days.[43] An Israeli army meeting deliberated on events in Jordan; according to the director of Israel's Military Intelligence, there were around 2,000 fedayeen in Amman armed with mortars and Katyusha rockets.[44] Hussein's advisors were divided: some were urging him to finish the job, while others were calling for restraint as victory could only be accomplished at the cost of thousands of lives, which to them was unacceptable.[44] Hussein halted the fighting, and the three-day conflict's toll was around 300 dead and 700 wounded, including civilians.[44] A ceasefire was announced by Hussein and Arafat, but the PFLP did not abide by it.[44] It immediately held around 68 foreign nationals hostage in two Amman hotels, threatening to blow them up with the buildings if Sharif Shaker and Sharif Nasser were not dismissed and the Special Forces unit disbanded.[44] Arafat did not agree with the PFLP, but had to play along as he feared public opinion.[44] Hussein compromised and reduced tensions by appointing Mashour Haditha Al-Jazy, who was considered a moderate general, as army chief of staff, and Abdelmunim Al-Rifai as prime minister, who in turn included six Palestinians as ministers in his government.[44] Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's security advisor, gave the following assessment of the events in Jordan:[45] The authority and prestige of the Hashemite regime will continue to decline. The international credibility of Jordan will be further compromised... Greater fedayeen freedom of action will inevitably result in more serious breaches of the ceasefire in the Jordan Valley... Hussein faces an uncertain political future. Duration: 10 minutes and 38 seconds.10:38 Newsreel about King Hussein's challenges in 1970 June 1970 became one of the most uncertain periods for the Hashemite monarchy in Jordan, as most foreign diplomats believed that events favored the fedayeen, and that the downfall of the monarchy was just a matter of time.[45] Although Hussein was confident, members of his family started to wonder for how long the situation would last.[46] 72-year-old Prince Zeid bin Hussein – the only son of Hussein bin Ali (Sharif of Mecca) that did not become a king – was visiting Amman in June and stayed with Hussein in the royal palace.[46] He saw Hussein's management of the affair, and before he left, told his son that he thought Hussein to be the "most genuine, able and courageous Hashemite he had ever met", as well as "the greatest leader among all the Hashemite kings".[47] Another ceasefire agreement was signed between Hussein and Arafat on 10 July. It recognized and legitimized fedayeen presence in Jordan, and established a committee to monitor fedayeen conduct.[47] The American-sponsored Rogers Plan for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict was publicized in July—based on Security Council Resolution 242. Nasser and Hussein accepted the plan, but Arafat rejected it on 26 July, claiming that it was a device to liquidate his movement.[47] The PFLP and DFLP were more uncompromising, vehemently rejecting the plan and denouncing Nasser and Hussein.[47] Meanwhile, a ceasefire was reached between Egypt and Israel on 7 August, formally ending the War of Attrition.[47] On 15 August, Arafat was alleged to have said that "we have decided to convert Jordan into a cemetery for all conspirators—Amman shall be the Hanoi of the revolution."[4] Paradoxically, Arafat had cautioned Habash and Hawatmeh, the respective leaders of the PFLP and the DFLP, from provoking the regime, as it enjoyed military superiority and could terminate their existence in Jordan at any time.[48] But his calls went unheeded, and they started to call more openly for the overthrow of the Hashemites as a "prelude to the launching of a popular war for the liberation of Palestine".[4] Another engagement between the army and the fedayeen occurred at the end of August,[4] after the fedayeen ambushed army vehicles and staged an armed attack on the capital's post office.[48] Black September Aircraft hijackings Main article: Dawson's Field hijackings Jordanian army unit escorts rescued families back to Amman, 9 September 1970. Hussein's motorcade came under fire on 1 September for the second time in three months, triggering clashes between the army and the fedayeen in Amman up until 6 September.[49] On 6 September, three planes were hijacked by the PFLP: SwissAir and TWA jets that landed at Azraq, Jordan, and a Pan Am jet that was flown to Cairo and immediately blown up after passengers were deplaned.[50] The two jets that landed in Jordan had 310 passengers; the PFLP threatened to blow them up if fedayeen from European and Israeli prisons were not released.[50] On 9 September, a third plane was hijacked to Jordan: a BOAC flight from Bahrain with 115 passengers was diverted to Zarqa.[50] The PFLP announced that the hijackings were intended "to bring special attention to the Palestinian problem".[50] After 371 hostages were removed, the planes were dramatically blown up in front of international press on 12 September.[50] However, 54 hostages were kept by the organization for around two weeks.[50] Arab regimes and Arafat were not pleased with the hijackings; the latter considered them to have caused more harm to the Palestinian issue.[50] But Arafat could not dissociate himself from the hijackings, again because of Arab public opinion.[50] Dawson's Field aircraft being blown up in Zarqa by PFLP fedayeen in front of international press, 12 September 1970 Al-Jazy, the perceived pro-Palestinian newly appointed army chief of staff, resigned on 9 September in the midst of the hijacking crisis, and was replaced by Habis Majali, who was brought in from retirement.[51] Natheer Rasheed, the intelligence director who had been appointed a month earlier, claimed that Al-Jazy was paid 200,000 Jordanian dinars, and that his resignation letter was written by the PLO.[51] Shlaim claims that the prelude consisted of three stages: "conciliation, containment and confrontation".[51] He argues that Hussein was patient so that he could demonstrate that he had done everything he could to avoid bloodshed, and that confrontation only came after all other options had been exhausted, and after public opinion (both international and local) had tipped against the fedayeen.[51] Jordanian army attacks King Hussein on the first day of the operation meeting with his advisors, Prime Minister Wasfi Tal (right) and Army Chief of Staff Habis Majali (left), 17 September 1970 On the evening of 15 September, Hussein called in his advisors for an emergency meeting at his Al-Hummar residence on the western outskirts of Amman.[52] Amer Khammash, Habis Majali, Sharif Shaker, Wasfi Tal, and Zaid al-Rifai were among those who were present; for some time they had been urging Hussein to sort out the fedayeen.[52] The army generals estimated that it would take two or three days for the army to push the fedayeen out of major cities.[52] Hussein dismissed the civilian government the following day and appointed Muhammad Daoud, a Palestinian loyalist to head a military government, thereby declaring martial law.[52] Other Palestinians in the military government included figures like Adnan Abu Oudeh, an officer in the mukhabarat.[52] Abu Oudeh later asked Hussein what the most difficult decision was that he had to make, to which the king replied: "The decision to recapture my capital."[52] On 17 September, the 60th Armoured Brigade entered the capital Amman from different directions and shelled the Wehdat and Hussein refugee camps where the fedayeen were based with tanks, artillery and mortars.[52] The fedayeen put up a stiff resistance as they were well prepared, and the fighting lasted the next ten days without break.[52] Simultaneously, the army surrounded and attacked other fedayeen-controlled cities including: Irbid, Jerash, Al-Salt and Zarqa.[3] The three days estimated by Hussein's generals could not be achieved, and the ensuing stalemate led Arab countries to step up pressure on Hussein to halt the fighting.[3] Foreign intervention Jordan feared foreign intervention in the events in support of the fedayeen; this soon materialized on 18 September after a force from Syria with Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) markings marched towards Irbid, which the fedayeen had declared a "liberated" city.[3] The 40th Armoured Brigade managed to block the Syrian forces' advance after heavy fighting.[3] A second, much larger, Syrian incursion occurred on the same day: it consisted of two armored and one mechanized infantry brigades of the 5th Infantry Division, and around 300 tanks.[3] Although the Syrian tanks had PLA markings, the troops were Syrian Army regulars.[3] Syria issued no statement regarding the situation, but it is believed that the purpose of its intervention was to help the fedayeen overthrow the monarchy.[3] Another tentative explanation is that the Syrians wanted to create a haven for the fedayeen in northern Jordan, from where they could negotiate with Hussein.[3] Map showing fedayeen concentrations in Jordan prior to September 1970, and the Syrian invasion There were also concerns of Iraqi interference.[53] A 17,000-man 3rd Armoured Division of the Iraqi Army had remained in eastern Jordan since after the 1967 Six-Day War.[53] The Iraqi government sympathized with the Palestinians, but it was unclear whether the division would get involved in the conflict in favor of the fedayeen.[53] Thus, the Jordanian 99th Brigade had to be detailed to monitor the Iraqis.[53] David Raab, one of the plane hijacking hostages, described the initial military actions of Black September:[54] We were in the middle of the shelling since Ashrafiyeh was among the Jordanian Army's primary targets. Electricity was cut off, and again we had little food or water. Friday afternoon, we heard the metal tracks of a tank clanking on the pavement. We were quickly herded into one room, and the guerrillas threw open the doors to make the building appear abandoned so it wouldn't attract fire. Suddenly, the shelling stopped. Hussein arranged a cabinet meeting on the evening of the Syrian incursion, leaving them to decide if Jordan should seek foreign intervention.[55] Two sides emerged from the meeting; one group of ministers favored military intervention from the United Kingdom or the United States, while the other group argued that it was an Arab affair that ought to be dealt with internally. The former group prevailed as Jordan was facing an existential threat.[55] On 20 September, Hussein requested "Israel or other air intervention or threat thereof" through the British embassy.[55] Britain refused to interfere militarily for fear of getting involved in a region-wide conflict; arguments such as "Jordan as it is is not a viable country" emerged.[56] The British cabinet relayed Hussein's message to the Americans.[56] Nixon and Kissinger were receptive to Hussein's request due to worries about regional escalation and Soviet influence. Nixon ordered the 82nd Airborne Division placed on full alert, and the U.S. Navy's 6th Fleet to be positioned off the coast of Israel, near Jordan. Kissinger favored Israeli intervention, while Nixon wanted America to intervene alone. However, Nixon changed his mind when, on 21 September, Hussein renewed his request.[57][58] "Situation deteriorating dangerously following Syrian massive invasion", Hussein was quoted. "I request immediate physical intervention both land and air... to safeguard sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Jordan. Immediate air strikes on invading forces from any quarter plus air cover are imperative."[59] The Israeli cabinet was divided; some, including Golda Meir, wanted to overlook the Six-Day War and support Jordan, while right-wingers favored letting Jordan become a Palestinian state. Military commanders also prepared contingency plans to occupy Jordanian territory–including the Gilead Heights, Karak and Aqaba–in case the country disintegrated and there was a land-grab by its Iraqi, Syrian and Saudi Arabian neighbors .[60] The pro-Hussein faction won, and, by 22 September, Israel readied its air force, "ostentatiously" deployed troops next to Syria and Jordan,[61] and flew fighter jets over Syrian troops, using sonic booms as a deterrent. While Israel favored a combined ground/air assault (which Nixon authorized), Hussein requested that Israeli ground troops only enter Syria, leading the Israelis to repeatedly seek U.S. assurances in case of a Soviet response.[62][61] Jordanian soldiers surrounding a Centurion tank in Irbid to face off the Syrian invasion, 17 September 1970 On the same day, Hussein ordered the Royal Jordanian Air Force (RJAF) to attack the Syrian forces.[63] A joint air-ground offensive proved successful, partly due to the Syrian Air Force's abstention from the fight. This has been attributed to power struggles within the Syrian Ba'athist government between Syrian Assistant Regional Secretary Salah Jadid, who had ordered the tank incursion, and Syrian Air Force commander Hafez Al-Assad. Al-Assad claimed power after a coup shortly afterwards.[64][65] Iraqi impartiality was attributed to Iraqi general Hardan Al-Tikriti's commitment to Hussein not to interfere—he was assassinated a year later for this.[7] It is thought that the rivalry between the Iraqi and Syrian Ba'ath Party was the real reason for Iraqi non-involvement.[7] The airstrikes inflicted heavy losses on the Syrians, and on the late afternoon of 22 September, the Syrian 5th Division began to retreat.[66] Egyptian-brokered agreement After successes against the Syrian forces, the Jordanian Army steadily shelled the fedayeen's headquarters in Amman, and threatened to also attack them in other regions of the country.[7] The Palestinians suffered heavy losses, and some of their commanders were captured.[7] On the other hand, in the Jordanian army there were around 300 defections,[7] including ranking officers such as Mahmoud Da'as.[67] Hussein agreed to a cease-fire after Arab media started accusing him of massacring the Palestinians.[68] Jordanian Prime Minister Muhammad Daoud defected to Libya after being pressured by Prime Minister Muammar Gaddafi, while the former was in Egypt representing Jordan at an emergency Arab League summit.[68] Hussein himself decided to fly to Cairo on 26 September, where he was met with hostility from Arab leaders.[68] Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser led the first emergency Arab League summit in Cairo on 21 September. Arafat's speech drew sympathy from attending Arab leaders. Other heads of state took sides against Hussein, among them Muammar Gaddafi, who mocked him and his schizophrenic father King Talal.[68] On 27 September, Hussein and Arafat signed an agreement brokered by Egyptian President Nasser.[68] Nasser died the following day, of a heart attack.[68] Three important seated men conferring. The first man from the left is wearing a checkered headdress, sunglasses and jodhpurs, the second man is wearing a suit and tie, and the third is wearing military uniform. Standing behind them are suited men. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser brokering a ceasefire between Yasser Arafat and King Hussein at the emergency Arab League summit in Cairo on 27 September 1970. Nasser died the following day, of a heart attack. The Jordanian army regained control of key cities and intersections in the country before accepting the ceasefire agreement brokered by Egypt's Nasser.[69] Hussein appointed a Palestinian, Ahmad Toukan, as prime minister, instructing him to "bandage the wounds".[68] In the period following the ceasefire, Hussein publicly revealed that the Jordanian army had uncovered around 360 underground PLO bases in Amman, and that Jordan held 20,000 detainees, among whom were "Chinese advisors".[70] Role of Zia-ul-Haq and Iranian leftist guerillas The head of a Pakistani training mission to Jordan, Brigadier Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (later Chief of Army Staff and President of Pakistan), was involved on the Jordanian side.[71] Zia had been stationed in Amman for three years prior to Black September. During the events, according to CIA official Jack O'Connell, Zia was dispatched by Hussein north to assess Syria's military capabilities. The Pakistani commander reported back to Hussein, recommending the deployment of a RJAF squadron to the region.[i] O'Connell also said that Zia personally led Jordanian troops during the battles.[73] Two Iranian leftist guerilla organizations, the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG) and the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI), were involved in the conflict against Jordan.[74] Their "collaboration with the PLO was particularly close, and members of both movements even fought side by side in Jordan during the events of Black September and trained together in Fatah camps in Lebanon".[74] On 3 August 1972, PMOI operatives bombed the Jordanian embassy in Tehran during King Hussein's state visit as an act of "revenge" for the events of Black September.[75][74] Casualties See also: Palestinian casualties of war Arafat claimed that the Jordanian Armed Forces killed 25,000 Palestinians—other estimates put the number at between 2,000 and 3,400.[76] The Syrian invasion attempt ended with 120 tanks lost, and around 600 Syrian casualties.[7] The Jordanian Armed Forces suffered around 537 dead.[8] Post-September 1970 See also: Ajlun offensive A group of fedayeen surrendering to an Israeli border patrol after having fled across the Jordan River, 21 July 1971 Another agreement, called the Amman agreement, was signed between Hussein and Arafat on 13 October. It mandated that the fedayeen respect Jordanian sovereignty and desist from wearing uniforms or bearing arms in public.[65] However it contained a clause requiring that Jordan recognize the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinians;[77] Wasfi Tal rejected this clause.[77] Habash and Hawatmeh continued their attacks on the monarchy in spite of the Amman agreement.[77] Hussein appointed Tal to form a government. Tal was seen as anti-Palestinian;[77] however, he had made pro-Palestinian gestures during his previous two tenures as prime minister.[77] Tal viewed Arafat with suspicion as he considered that the PLO concentrated its efforts against the Jordanian state rather than against Israel.[77] On one occasion, Tal lost his temper and shouted at Arafat "You are a liar; you don't want to fight Israel!".[77] Shlaim describes Tal as a more uncompromising figure than Hussein, and very popular with the army.[77] Clashes between the army, and the PFLP and DFLP, ensued after Tal was instated.[77] Tal launched an offensive against fedayeen bases along the Amman-Jerash road in January 1971, and the army drove them out of Irbid in March.[78] In April, Tal ordered the PLO to relocate all its bases from Amman to the forests between Ajloun and Jerash.[79] The fedayeen initially resisted, but they were hopelessly outnumbered and outgunned.[78] In July, the army surrounded the last remaining 2,000 fedayeen from the Ajloun-Jerash area.[78] The fedayeen finally surrendered and were allowed to leave to Syria, but some 200 fighters preferred to cross the Jordan River to surrender to Israeli forces rather than to the Jordanians.[79] At a 17 July press conference, Hussein declared that Jordanian sovereignty had been completely restored, and that there "was no problem now".[79] Aftermath Jordan In the wake of the conflict, the new civilian government of Tal began a wide-scale purge of the government's bureaucracy and military, freeing them from any supporters of the guerrillas. This effectively meant that large numbers of Palestinian officers, bureaucrats and even some Jordanians were expelled from their jobs. This was accompanied by a war by Tal on the newspapers and massive arrests of the government against the "saboteurs". Many newspapers were closed, their permits withdrawn and their editors rejected.[80] Even though the conflict was not a result of a Jordanian-Palestinian divide, as there were Palestinians and Jordanians on both sides of the conflict, it paved the way for the divide subsequently. Ali Kassay further elaborated:[12] The composition of these two groups right up to September 1970 did not reflect a Jordanian-Palestinian divide. For instance, Nayef Hawatmeh, the head of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), one of the most radical Palestinian organizations, comes from Salt in the East Bank. On the other hand, General Mohammad Rasoul Al-Keilani, who headed Jordan's General Intelligence Directorate, came from a family that originates in Nablus in the West Bank. The point here is that the fighting of 1970 and the events that followed was the cause of a Jordanian-Palestinian divide, and not the result of one. Hussein's resilience in the face of the joint Palestinian-Syrian challenge impressed both the West and Israel.[81] Nixon ordered $10 million in aid to be delivered to Jordan, and another $30 million requested from Congress.[81] Fedayeen Wasfi Tal (right) with Yasser Arafat (left) on 12 December 1970 during ceasefire negotiations. Tal was assassinated on 28 November 1971 in Egypt by the Black September Organization. The Black September Organization was established by Fatah members in 1971 for reprisal operations and international strikes after the September events.[82] On 28 November 1971, four of the group's members assassinated Prime Minister Wasfi Tal in the lobby of the Sheraton Cairo Hotel in Egypt while he was attending an Arab League summit.[82] The group would go on to perform other strikes against Jordan, and against Israeli and Western citizens and property outside of the Middle East, such as the Munich massacre against Israeli athletes in 1972.[82] The Black September Organization was later disbanded in 1973–1974 as the PLO sought to exploit the Yom Kippur War of 1973 and pursue a diplomatic strategy.[82] Fatah has always publicly denied its responsibility for Black September operations, but by the 2000s, some high-ranking Fatah and Black September officials acknowledged the relationship.[82] Lebanon In the September fighting, the PLO lost its main base of operations.[82] Fighters were driven to Southern Lebanon where they regrouped.[82] The enlarged PLO presence in Lebanon and the intensification of fighting on the Israeli–Lebanese border stirred up internal unrest in Lebanon, where the PLO fighters added dramatically to the weight of the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of Muslims, Arab nationalists and leftists who opposed the rightist, Maronite-dominated government.[82] These developments helped precipitate the Lebanese Civil War, in which the PLO would ultimately be expelled to Tunisia.[82] See also flagJordan portal Battle of Karameh King Hussein's federation plan Palestinian political violence LIllehammer affair Explanatory notes According to Pakistani journalist Raja Anwar, the mission may have been a violation of Zia's original assignment in Jordan by the Pakistani military,[72] even though it helped Jordan repel the Syrian offensive.[73] Hussein came to view Zia favorably, and later convinced Pakistani president Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to appoint him as Chief of Army Staff.[72] Citations Katz, Samuel M. (1995). Arab Armies of the Middle East Wars 2. New York: Osprey Publishing. p. 10. ISBN 0-85045-800-5. Dunstan, Simon (2003). The Yom Kippur War 1973: Golan Heights Pt. 1. Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd. ISBN 1-84176-220-2. Shlaim 2008, p. 326. Shlaim 2008, p. 321. Massad, Joseph Andoni (2001). Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 342. ISBN 0-231-12323-X. Bailey, p. 59, The Making of a War, John Bulloch, p. 67. Longman Publisher. First Edition Shlaim 2008, p. 334. "Duty Martyrs". JAF. Archived from the original on 19 October 2017. Retrieved 31 August 2017. "Jordanian Civil War (1970–1971) | Encyclopedia.com". www.encyclopedia.com. Archived from the original on 17 December 2020. Retrieved 7 October 2020. Shlaim 2008, p. 311–340. Shlaim 2008, p. 311-340. Ali Kassay (13 February 2013). The Exclusion of Amman from Jordanian National Identity. Cahiers de l'Ifpo. Presses de l'Ifpo. pp. 256–271. ISBN 978-2-35159-315-8. Archived from the original on 15 July 2018. Retrieved 1 December 2019. "The composition of these two groups right up to September 1970 did not reflect a Jordanian-Palestinian divide. For instance, Nayef Hawatmeh, the head of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), one of the most radical Palestinian organizations, comes from Salt in the East Bank. On the other hand, General Mohammad Rasoul Al-Keilani, who headed Jordan's General Intelligence Directorate, came from a family that originates in Nablus in the West Bank. The point here is that the fighting of 1970 and the events that followed was the cause of a Jordanian-Palestinian divide, and not the result of one." "King Hussein of Jordan". The Telegraph. 8 February 1999. Archived from the original on 7 June 2017. Retrieved 1 July 2017. Nils August Butenschon; Uri Davis; Manuel Sarkis Hassassian (2000). Citizenship and the State in the Middle East: Approaches and Applications. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-2829-3. Archived from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 18 October 2015. "The IDF raid on Samu': the turning-point in Jordan's relations with Israel and the West Bank Palestinians". Moshe Shemesh. Israel Studies. 22 March 2002. Archived from the original on 26 April 2020. Retrieved 9 August 2017. Kissinger, Henry (1999). Years of Renewal. Phoenix Press. p. 1028. ISBN 978-1-84212-042-2. "1970: Civil war breaks out in Jordan". BBC News. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 26 June 2006. Retrieved 9 August 2017. Shlaim 2008, p. 223. Shlaim 2008, p. 224. Shlaim 2008, p. 252. Spencer C. Tucker; Priscilla Roberts (12 May 2005). Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, The: A Political, Social, and Military History: A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. pp. 569–573. ISBN 978-1-85109-842-2. Archived from the original on 30 May 2016. Retrieved 10 August 2017. "1968: Karameh and the Palestinian revolt". The Telegraph. 16 May 2002. Archived from the original on 1 June 2009. Retrieved 3 September 2008. "Debacle in the desert". Haaretz. 29 March 1968. Archived from the original on 17 May 2011. Retrieved 13 May 2011. Chaim Hertsog; Shlomo Gazit (2005). The Arab–Israeli Wars. Knopf Doubleday Publishing. p. 205. ISBN 978-1-4000-7963-6. Archived from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 10 August 2017. "The Israeli Assessment". Time. 13 December 1968. ISSN 0040-781X. Archived from the original on 23 November 2008. Retrieved 3 September 2008.(subscription required) Neff. "Battle of Karameh Establishes Claim of Palestinian Statehood". Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. No. March 1998. pp. 87–88. Archived from the original on 19 July 2008. Retrieved 3 September 2008. Herzog, 205–206 A.I.Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair, Princeton University Press, 2003 p.258 "A Brotherhood of Terror". Time. 29 March 1968. ISSN 0040-781X. Archived from the original on 25 June 2009. Retrieved 3 September 2008.(subscription required) Kurz, Anat (2005). Fatah and the Politics of Violence: The Institutionalization of a Popular Struggle. Brighton, U.K.: Sussex Academic Press. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-84519-032-3. John A. Shoup (2007). Culture and Customs of Jordan. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-313-33671-3. Archived from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 11 August 2017. Salibi 1998, p. 230. Shlaim 2008, p. 311. Boaz Vanetik; Zaki Shalom (1 May 2015). Nixon Administration and the Middle East Peace Process, 1969–1973: From the Rogers Plan to the Outbreak of the Yom Kippur War. Sussex Academic Press. ISBN 978-1-84519-720-9. Archived from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 1 January 2016. Arafat's War by Efraim Karsh, p. 28 Salibi 1998, p. 231. Salibi 1998, p. 232. Shlaim 2008, p. 312. Shlaim 2008, p. 313. Salibi 1998, p. 233. Shlaim 2008, p. 314. Shlaim 2008, p. 315. Shlaim 2008, p. 316. Shlaim 2008, p. 317. Shlaim 2008, p. 318. Shlaim 2008, p. 319. Shlaim 2008, p. 320. Salibi 1998, p. 235. Shlaim 2008, p. 322. Salibi 1998, p. 236. Shlaim 2008, p. 324. Shlaim 2008, p. 325. Mobley, Richard (2009). Syria's 1970 Invasion of Jordan (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 October 2012. Raab 2007, p. 200. Shlaim 2008, p. 328. Shlaim 2008, p. 329. Migdal 2014, p. 77. Shlaim 2008, pp. 330–334. "Jordan asked Nixon to attack Syria, declassified papers show". CNN. 28 November 2007. Archived from the original on 27 August 2017. Retrieved 26 August 2017. Shlaim 2008, pp. 335–336. Shlaim 2008, pp. 334–338. Migdal 2014, pp. 78–80. Shlaim 2008, p. 333. Migdal 2014, pp. 79–80. Shlaim 2008, p. 337. Pollack, Arabs at War, 2002, pp. 339–340. Bison Publisher. Janan Osama al-Salwadi (28 November 2017). "ذكرى رحيل اللواء الركن محمود دعاس "أبو خالد"" [Anniversary of the departure of Major General Mahmoud Daas, "Abu Khaled"]. Amad.ps (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 12 December 2019. Retrieved 12 December 2019. Shlaim 2008, p. 335. "Armed Conflict Year Index". onwar.com. Archived from the original on 4 January 2006. Retrieved 24 March 2006. Shlaim 2008, p. 336. "Islam and imperialism". socialistreviewindex.org.uk. Archived from the original on 19 October 2007. Retrieved 10 April 2008. Kiessling, Hein (2016). Faith, Unity, Discipline: The Inter-Service-Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan. Oxford University Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-84904-517-9. Archived from the original on 7 February 2023. Retrieved 15 August 2019. Riedel, Bruce (2014). What We Won: America's Secret War in Afghanistan, 1979–89. Brookings Institution Press. pp. 56–57. ISBN 978-0-8157-2585-5. Arie Perliger; William L. Eubank (2006), "Terrorism in Iran and Afghanistan: The Seeds of the Global Jihad", Middle Eastern Terrorism, Infobase Publishing, pp. 41–42, ISBN 978-1-4381-0719-6 Ervand Abrahamian (1989), Radical Islam: the Iranian Mojahedin, Society and culture in the modern Middle East, vol. 3, I.B.Tauris, p. 140, ISBN 978-1-85043-077-3 Miller, Judith (12 November 2004). "Yasir Arafat, Palestinian Leader and Mideast Provocateur, Is Dead at 75". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 27 July 2018. Retrieved 26 April 2010. Shlaim 2008, p. 338. Pollack, Kenneth (2002). Arabs at War: Military Effectiveness 1948–1991. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p. 343. ISBN 0-8032-3733-2. Shlaim 2008, p. 339. "Producing the Palestinian as Other : Jordan and the Palestinians". Temps et espaces en Palestine: Flux et résistances identitaires. Contemporain publications. Presses de l'Ifpo. 26 May 2009. pp. 273–292. ISBN 978-2-35159-265-6. Archived from the original on 15 September 2018. Retrieved 13 November 2018. Shlaim 2008, p. 340. Becker, Jillian (1984). The PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 0-297-78299-1.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Pyramid Lake is the geographic sink of the basin of the Truckee River, 40 mi (64 km) northeast of Reno, Nevada, United States. Pyramid Lake is the biggest remnant of ancient Lake Lahontan, the inland sea that once covered much of western Nevada.[2] It is approximately 27 miles long and 11 miles wide, with a perimeter of 71 miles, covering 112,000 acres entirely enclosed within the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe Reservation.[3] Pyramid Lake is fed by the Truckee River, which is mostly the outflow from Lake Tahoe. The Truckee River enters Pyramid Lake at its southern end. Pyramid Lake is an endorheic lake. It has no outlet, with water left only by evaporation, or sub-surface seepage. The lake has about 10% of the area of the Great Salt Lake, but it has about 25% more volume. The salinity is approximately 1/6 that of sea water. Although clear Lake Tahoe forms the headwaters that drain to Pyramid Lake, the Truckee River delivers more turbid waters to Pyramid Lake after traversing the steep Sierra terrain and collecting moderately high silt-loaded surface runoff. The north and east sides of the lake have been restricted to the public and non-Tribal members since 2011, when the Tribal Nation made the decision to close these areas due to the desecration of sacred sites. When visiting, it is recommended to take note of the Tribal protocols and restricted areas.[2] Name In Northern Paiute language it is called Kooyooe (Cui-ui) Panunadu or Kooyooe Pa'a Panunadu after the cui-ui fish, which helped sustain the populations around the lake.[4] In fact, a major band of Northern Paiute (endonym: Numu) people whose ancestors lived around the lake call themselves the Kooyooe Tukadu, "cui-ui eaters."[5] In Washo the name of the lake is Á’waku dáʔaw, meaning "trout lake."[6] The English name of the lake, given to it by explorer John C. Frémont, comes from the impressive cone- or pyramid-shaped tufa formations found in the lake and along the shores.[7] History Aerial view from the south of the Truckee River where it drains to Pyramid Lake Timothy H. O'Sullivan, Tufa Domes, Pyramid Lake, Nevada, 1867 Lake Lahontan and other Late Pleistocene paleolakes in the Great Basin (such as Lake Bonneville) during the last major global glaciation. Lake Lahontan is shown in the context of western North America and the southern margins of the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets. A remnant of the Pleistocene Lake Lahontan (~890 feet deep), the lake area has long been inhabited by the Paiute, who ancestrally fished the Tui chub, Cui-ui, and Lahontan cutthroat trout from the lake.[8] The Shoshone and Washo also regularly fished in the lake. According to traditional narratives, the Washo specifically were given fishing rights in Pyramid Lake after assisting the Paiutes in defeating a nearby tribe of giants.[9] Archeological evidence shows that human populations lived in this area between 9500 B.C.E. and 1400 A.D. Excavations have uncovered tools, weapons, clothing, food, and mummified bodies in the area.[10] John C. Frémont was the first non-indigenous person to map the lake.[7] The name comes from a large rock formation that resembles a bent pyramid. In the 19th century, two battles were fought near the lake, major actions in the Paiute War. In the 1960s, a marker was placed commemorating these battles.[11] Water levels in the years 1887–2019 Because of water diversion beginning in 1905 by Derby Dam through Truckee Canal to Lahontan reservoir, the lake's existence was threatened, and the Paiute sued the Department of the Interior. By the mid-1970s, the lake had lost 80 feet of depth, and according to Paiute fisheries officials, the lake's life was seriously under threat. According to documentary filmmaker John Pilger, the irrigation scheme for which water was diverted was an economic failure.[11] Chronology 1860 – The Pyramid Lake War: Paiute natives and Euro-American settlers clashed.[12] 1903 – Irrigation diversion of the Truckee via the Derby Dam contributed to the decline and eventual extinction in Pyramid Lake of the Lahontan cutthroat trout, which are now stocked.[13][14] 1936 – The Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe approved their constitution and by-laws.[15] 1987 – A water quality model was completed for the Truckee River.[16] Geography Pyramid Lake is located in southeastern Washoe County in western Nevada. It is in an elongated intermontane basin between the Lake Range on the east, the Virginia Mountains on the west, and the Pah Rah Range on the southwest. The Fox Range and the Smoke Creek Desert lie to the north. In a parallel basin to the east of the Lake Range is Winnemucca Lake, now a dry lake bed. Prior to the construction of the Derby Dam in 1905, both lake levels stood at near 3,880 ft (1,180 m) above sea level.[17] Following the dam's completion, the water levels dropped to 3,867 ft (1,179 m) and 3,853 ft (1,174 m) for Pyramid and Winnemucca, respectively.[18] In 1957, the Pyramid Lake level was at 3,802 ft (1,159 m) and the dry Winnemucca Lake bed at 3,780 ft (1,150 m)[19] had been dry since the 1930s. Pyramid Lake is the largest remnant of ancient Lake Lahontan, which covered much of northwestern Nevada at the end of the last ice age. It was the deepest point of Lake Lahontan, reaching an estimated 890 feet (270 m) due to its low level relative to the surrounding basins. Sutcliffe is on the west shore of Pyramid Lake along State Route 445. Nixon is on the Truckee River to the southeast of the lake on State Route 447.[20] The largest tufa formation, Anaho Island, is home to a large colony of American white pelicans and is restricted for ecological reasons. Access to the Needles, another spectacular tufa formation at the northern end of the lake, has also been restricted due to recent vandalism.[21] Sagebrush in bloom along lakeshore, October 2023 Tufa formations dot the lakeshore. The Pyramid The Pyramid (39°58′48″N 119°30′06″W), also known as Fremont's Pyramid and Pyramid Island, is a small island near the southeastern shore of the lake.[22] It is located approximately 1.2 miles northeast of Anaho Island and slightly less than six miles from the community of Sutcliffe. The white band seen to the east of the island is composed of calcium carbonate which came from when the lake was at or near its overflow point.[23] Fish Major fish species include the Cui-ui lakesucker, which is endemic to Pyramid Lake, the Tui chub and Lahontan cutthroat trout (the world record cutthroat trout was caught in Pyramid Lake). The former is endangered, and the latter is threatened. Both species were critical to the Paiute people in pre-contact times.[8] The Lahontan cutthroat was called "Hoopagaih" by the Paiute people.[24] As they are both obligate freshwater spawners, they rely on sufficient inflow to allow them to run up the Truckee River to spawn, otherwise their eggs will not hatch.[14] Diversion of the Truckee for irrigation at Derby Dam beginning in 1905 reduced inflow and the lake level to such an extent that stream flow is rarely sufficient for spawning. The Truckee Canal diverts water used to irrigate croplands in Fallon. The dam lacks fish ladders, which prevents upstream spawning. By 1939 the Lahontan cutthroat trout (the "salmon-trout" as described by Frémont) became extinct in Pyramid Lake and its tributaries. They were replaced with hatchery trout from outside the watershed.[25] However, in 1979 a remnant population of the original Pyramid Lake cutthroat trout was discovered in a small brook on Pilot Peak, on the Nevada/Utah border, by Dr. Robert Behnke of Colorado State University while he was looking for the Bonneville cutthroat trout, another subspecies of the cutthroat trout. The fish were tiny and in poor condition, but Behnke identified the fingerlings as the missing Pyramid Lake variety.[26][27] Subsequent DNA testing of a museum specimen has shown his identification to be correct. The fish had been dumped in the creek in the early 20th century. A brood stock was raised at the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service's Lahontan National Fish Hatchery in Gardnerville, Nevada, and a successful reintroduction effort was mounted by the USFWS and the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe. As of 2017, 24 pound Pyramid Lake Lahontan cutthroat trout are again being caught from the Lake's waters.[25][28] The fish are doing very well, according to the USFWS project head Lisa Heki. The fish have also been placed in California's Fallen Leaf Lake, upstream of Pyramid Lake, and elsewhere. Fish populations are now sustained by several tribally-run fish hatcheries and state and federal agencies.[29] The Pyramid Lake Lahontan cutthroat trout is one of the largest inland trout species in the world.[30] Climate The following data are for the census-designated place (CDP) of Sutcliffe, NV, located on the shore of Pyramid Lake. Climate data for Sutcliffe, NV Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year Record high °F (°C) 65 (18) 73 (23) 76 (24) 92 (33) 99 (37) 103 (39) 105 (41) 103 (39) 98 (37) 90 (32) 79 (26) 73 (23) 105 (41) Average high °F (°C) 44.3 (6.8) 47.7 (8.7) 55.2 (12.9) 61.5 (16.4) 70.0 (21.1) 79.8 (26.6) 88.8 (31.6) 87.4 (30.8) 78.5 (25.8) 65.5 (18.6) 53.2 (11.8) 45.0 (7.2) 64.7 (18.2) Average low °F (°C) 29.0 (−1.7) 31.2 (−0.4) 35.8 (2.1) 40.0 (4.4) 47.5 (8.6) 55.4 (13.0) 63.3 (17.4) 62.8 (17.1) 55.3 (12.9) 45.2 (7.3) 36.3 (2.4) 29.6 (−1.3) 44.3 (6.8) Record low °F (°C) 9 (−13) −4 (−20) 10 (−12) 22 (−6) 28 (−2) 36 (2) 46 (8) 43 (6) 29 (−2) 14 (−10) 14 (−10) −8 (−22) −8 (−22) Average precipitation inches (mm) 1.35 (34) 0.76 (19) 0.70 (18) 0.44 (11) 0.63 (16) 0.56 (14) 0.17 (4.3) 0.18 (4.6) 0.26 (6.6) 0.46 (12) 0.85 (22) 0.95 (24) 7.31 (185.5) Average snowfall inches (cm) 2.0 (5.1) 1.3 (3.3) 0.7 (1.8) 0.2 (0.51) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0.1 (0.25) 0.3 (0.76) 0.9 (2.3) 5.5 (14.02) Source: http://www.wrcc.dri.edu/cgi-bin/cliMAIN.pl?nv7953 Water quality Because of the endangered species present and because the Lake Tahoe Basin comprises the headwaters of the Truckee River, Pyramid Lake has been the focus of several water quality investigations, the most detailed starting in the mid-1980s. Under direction of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, a comprehensive dynamic water quality computer model, the DSSAM Model was developed[16] to analyze impacts of a variety of land use and wastewater management decisions throughout the 3,120-square-mile (8,100 km2) Truckee River Basin. Analytes addressed included nitrogen, reactive phosphate, total dissolved solids, dissolved oxygen and nine other parameters. Based on the use of the model, some decisions have been influenced to enhance Pyramid Lake water quality and aid the viability of Pyramid Lake biota. Another contaminant of interest is mercury, introduced to Pyramid Lake from the Truckee River.[31] It is suggested that mercury remediation efforts be carefully considered such that methylmercury production are not enhanced.[31] Salinity increased from 3.7 to 5 g/L, and the pH level is about 9. Temperature ranges between near freezing (32 °F (0 °C)) to over 68 °F (20 °C).[32] Pyramid Lake in 2013 Media Pyramid Lake was used as a stand-in for the Sea of Galilee in the 1965 biblical film, The Greatest Story Ever Told.[33] Also, in 1961, part of The Misfits was filmed nearby.[34] See also flagNevada portalimageLakes portal Wikimedia Commons has media related to Pyramid Lake (Nevada). Black Rock Desert Carson Sink Honey Lake Humboldt Sink Walker Lake (Nevada) References "Query Form For The United States And Its Territories". U.S. Board on Geographic Names. Retrieved 2010-05-18. U.S. Geological Survey Geographic Names Information System: Pyramid Lake (856349); The Pyramid (848623), The Needle Rocks (847213) "Pyramid Lake Nevada | The official site for the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe, Nevada". Retrieved 2021-01-31. "Home". Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe. Jennifer Theresa Kent (2021). "Reclaiming the land, remapping history," Nevada Today. University of Nevada, Reno. Accessed 1 Jan 2023. https://www.unr.edu/nevada-today/news/2021/autumn-harry-remapping-history Ginny Bengston (2002). Northern Paiute and Western Shoshone Land Use in Northern Nevada: A Class I Ethnographic/Ethnohistoric Overview. SWCA Environmental Consultants. p. 6. Retrieved 2023-1-1.https://www.blm.gov/sites/default/files/documents/files/Library_Nevada_CulturalResourceSeries12.pdf Natalie E. Davenport (2019). "Naming, Remembering, and Experiencing We’ lmelt’ iʔ [northern Washoe] Cultural Spaces in Wa she shu It Deh [Washoe Land]". ScholarWorks, University of Nevada, Reno. Accessed 1 Jan 2023. p. 194. https://scholarworks.unr.edu/bitstream/handle/11714/6780/Davenport_unr_0139D_13067.pdf "Mojave Desert - John C. Fremont". mojavedesert.net. Egan, Ferol. Sand in a Whirlwind: The Paiute Indian War of 1860. University of Nevada Press: Nevada. ISBN 0-87417-097-4 Natalie E. Davenport (2019). "Naming, Remembering, and Experiencing We’ lmelt’ iʔ [northern Washoe] Cultural Spaces in Wa she shu It Deh [Washoe Land]". ScholarWorks, University of Nevada, Reno. Accessed 1 Jan 2023. p. 87. https://scholarworks.unr.edu/bitstream/handle/11714/6780/Davenport_unr_0139D_13067.pdf Wheeler, Sessions (2001). The Desert Lake. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press. p. 23. ISBN 0-87004-139-8. Pilger, John (1976). Pyramid Lake Is Dying UK: ATV Colour Production. "Pyramid Lake War". Wheeler, Sessions S. (1967). The Desert Lake: The Story of Nevada's Pyramid Lake. Caxton Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0870041396. Retrieved 2018-11-02. Draft Environmental Impact Statement for the Truckee Meadows Flood Control Project Nevada, General Reevaluation Report (PDF) (Report). Vol. 1. US Army Corps of Engineers. May 2013. p. 9. Retrieved 2018-11-02. "Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe". Retrieved 2010-05-30. C.M.Hogan,Marc Papineau et al. Development of a dynamic water quality simulation model for the Truckee River, Earth Metrics Inc., Environmental Protection Agency Technology Series, Washington D.C. (1987) Granite Range, Nevada, 1°x1° Topographic Quadrangle, USGS, 1886 and Reno, Nevada, 30x30 Minute Topographic Quadrangle, USGS, 1891 New Wadworth, Nevada, 30x30 Minute Topographic Quadrangle, USGS, 1942 reprint of 1894 map with 1911 lake levels Nixon, Nevada. 15 Minute Topographic Quadrangle, USGS, 1957 Reno, Nevada, 30x60 Minute Topographic Quadrangle, USGS, 1980 Mueller, Michael D. (2004-04-21). "Reno's best kept secret". Zephyr. Archived from the original on 2007-07-11. Retrieved 2007-11-09. (dead link: ) U.S. Geological Survey Geographic Names Information System: The Pyramid Larry Benson. "The Tufas of Pyramid Lake, Nevada". pubs.usgs.gov. Wheeler, Sessions (2001). The Desert Lake. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press. p. 92. ISBN 0-87004-139-8. Peacock, Mary M.; Hekkala, Evon R.; Kirchoff, Veronica S.; Heki, Lisa G. (2017). "Return of a giant: DNA from archival museum samples helps to identify a unique cutthroat trout lineage formerly thought to be extinct". Royal Society Open Science. Royal Society Publishing. 4 (11): 171253. doi:10.1098/rsos.171253. PMC 5717685. PMID 29291110. Hickman, Terry J.; Behnke, Robert J. (1979). "Probable Discovery of the Original Pyramid Lake Cutthroat Trout". The Progressive Fish-Culturist. 41 (3): 135–137. doi:10.1577/1548-8659(1979)41[135:PDOTOP]2.0.CO;2. "Farewell to a Legend". Colorado Trout Unlimited. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2013-11-10. "Lahontan National Fish Hatchery Complex". Fish and Wildlife Service. Retrieved 2019-02-13. DeLong, Jeff. "Giant Cutthroats Show Efforts to Restore Native Fish to Pyramid Lake Working." Reno Gazette-Journal. n.p., 25 Feb. 2013. [1] Spahr, Robin; Region, United States. Forest Service. Intermountain (1991). Threatened, endangered, and sensitive species of the Intermountain region. U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service, Intermountain Region. p. 86. Retrieved 12 August 2013. Blum, Mitchell; Gustin, Mae Sexauer; Swanson, Sherman; Donaldson, Susan G. (August 2001). "Mercury in Water and Sediment of Steamboat Creek, Nevada: Implications for Stream Restoration". Journal of the American Water Resources Association. 37 (4): 795–804. Bibcode:2001JAWRA..37..795B. doi:10.1111/j.1752-1688.2001.tb05512.x. S2CID 128613091. "PYRAMID LAKE". wldb.ilec.or.jp. Retrieved 13 September 2017. Land, Barbara; Myrick Land (1995). A short history of Reno. Reno, Nevada: University of Nevada Press. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-87417-262-1. James Goode (1986) [First Published 1963 as "The Story of The Misfits"]. The Making of the Misfits. Limelight Editions. pp. 55, 123. ISBN 0-87910-065-6.

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This video delves into a pivotal moment during the Carter administration that reshaped US policy in Central America. Drawing from a recent NACLA publication, the video extensively reviews the events surrounding the presence of Russian troops in Cuba and its impact on American foreign policy. It highlights how this occurrence, initially a non-event, was leveraged by hawks within the government, transforming it into a governmental crisis. The narrative contends that this situation prompted a shift in US policy towards Central America, influencing the approach towards the Sandinista government in Nicaragua and the rebels in El Salvador. The video argues that the hawks' manipulation compelled Carter to reframe his Caribbean and Central American policies within an East-West context, leading to a hardened stance against progressive forces in the region. Revisiting key segments from a prior program featuring insights from former CIA official John Stockwell, the video critically examines the media coverage and analysis of the Russian troops in Cuba situation. Originally aired in 1979, this retrospective piece sheds light on the political maneuvering and its lasting repercussions on American foreign policy in the region. The Salvadoran Civil War (Spanish: guerra civil de El Salvador) was a twelve-year period of civil war in El Salvador that was fought between the government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or "umbrella organization" of left-wing groups backed by the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro as well as the Soviet Union.[33] A coup on 15 October 1979 followed by government killings of anti-coup protesters is widely seen as the start of civil war.[34] The war did not formally end until 16 January 1992 with the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords in Mexico City.[35] The United Nations (UN) reports that the war killed more than 75,000 people between 1979 and 1992, along with approximately 8,000 disappeared persons. Human rights violations, particularly the kidnapping, torture, and murder of suspected FMLN sympathizers by state security forces and paramilitary death squads – were pervasive.[36][37][38] The Salvadoran government was considered an ally of the U.S. in the context of the Cold War.[39] During the Carter and Reagan administrations, the US provided 1 to 2 million dollars per day in economic aid to the Salvadoran government.[40] The US also provided significant training and equipment to the military. By May 1983, it was reported that US military officers were working within the Salvadoran High Command and making important strategic and tactical decisions.[41] The United States government believed its extensive assistance to El Salvador's government was justified on the grounds that the insurgents were backed by the Soviet Union.[42] Counterinsurgency tactics implemented by the Salvadoran government often targeted civilian noncombatants. Overall, the United Nations estimated that FMLN guerrillas were responsible for 5 percent of atrocities committed during the civil war, while 85 percent were committed by the Salvadoran security forces.[43] Accountability for these civil war-era atrocities has been hindered by a 1993 amnesty law. In 2016, however, the Supreme Court of Justice of El Salvador ruled in case Incostitucionalidad 44-2013/145-2013[44] that the law was unconstitutional and that the Salvadoran government could prosecute suspected war criminals.[45] Background El Salvador has historically been characterised by extreme socioeconomic inequality.[14] In the late 19th century, coffee became a major cash crop for El Salvador, bringing in about 95 percent of the country's income. This income was restricted to only 2 percent of the population, however, exacerbating a divide between a small but powerful land-owning elite and an impoverished majority.[46] This divide grew through the 1920s and was compounded by a drop in coffee prices following the stock-market crash of 1929.[47][48] In 1932, the Central American Socialist Party was formed and led an uprising of peasants and indigenous people against the government. The FMLN was named after Farabundo Martí, one of the leaders of the uprising.[49] The rebellion was brutally suppressed in La Matanza, during which approximately 30,000 civilians were murdered by the armed forces.[50] La Matanza – 'the slaughter' in Spanish, as it came to be known – allowed military dictatorships to monopolize political power in El Salvador while protecting the economic dominance of the landed elite.[50] Opposition to this arrangement among middle-class, working-class, and poor Salvadorans grew throughout the 20th century.[50] On 14 July 1969, an armed conflict erupted between El Salvador and Honduras over immigration disputes caused by Honduran land reform laws. The conflict (known as the Football War) lasted only four days but had major long-term effects for Salvadoran society. Trade was disrupted between El Salvador and Honduras, causing tremendous economic damage to both nations. An estimated 300,000 Salvadorans were displaced due to battle, many of whom were exiled from Honduras; in many cases, the Salvadoran government could not meet their needs. The Football War also strengthened the power of the military in El Salvador, leading to heightened corruption. In the years following the war, the government expanded its purchases of arms from sources such as Israel, Brazil, West Germany and the United States.[51] The 1972 Salvadoran presidential election was marred by massive electoral fraud, which favored the military-backed National Conciliation Party (PCN), whose candidate Arturo Armando Molina was a colonel in the Salvadoran Army. Opposition to the Molina government was strong on both the right and the left. Also in 1972, the Marxist–Leninist Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Farabundo Martí (FPL) – established in 1970 as an offshoot of the Communist Party of El Salvador – began conducting small-scale guerrilla operations in El Salvador. Other organizations such as the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) also began to develop. The growth of left-wing insurgency in El Salvador occurred against a backdrop of rising food prices and decreased agricultural output exacerbated by the 1973 oil crisis. This worsened the existing socioeconomic inequality in the country, leading to increased unrest. In response, President Molina enacted a series of land reform measures, calling for large landholdings to be redistributed among the peasant population. The reforms failed, thanks to opposition from the landed elite, reinforcing the widespread discontent with the government.[52] Gen. Carlos Humberto Romero, military president of El Salvador (1977–1979). His presidency was characterized by increased civil unrest and government repression. On 20 February 1977, the PCN defeated the National Opposing Union (UNO) in the presidential elections. As was the case in 1972, the results of the 1977 election were fraudulent and favored a military candidate, General Carlos Humberto Romero. State-sponsored paramilitary forces – such as the infamous Organización Democrática Nacionalista (ORDEN) – reportedly strong-armed peasants into voting for the military candidate by threatening them with machetes.[53] The period between the election and the formal inauguration of President Romero on 1 July 1977 was characterized by massive protests from the popular movement, which were met by state repression. On 28 February 1977, a crowd of political demonstrators gathered in downtown San Salvador to protest the electoral fraud. Security forces arrived on the scene and opened fire, resulting in a massacre as they indiscriminately killed demonstrators and bystanders alike. Estimates of the number of civilians killed range between 200[54] and 1,500.[55]: 109–110  President Molina blamed the protests on "foreign Communists" and immediately exiled a number of top UNO party members from the country.[56] Repression continued after the inauguration of President Romero, with his new government declaring a state-of-siege and suspending civil liberties. In the countryside, the agrarian elite organized and funded paramilitary death squads, such as the infamous Regalado's Armed Forces (FAR) led by Hector Regalado. While the death squads were initially autonomous from the Salvadoran military and composed of civilians (the FAR, for example, had developed out of a Boy Scout troop), they were soon taken over by El Salvador's military intelligence service, National Security Agency of El Salvador (ANSESAL), led by Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, and became a crucial part of the state's repressive apparatus, murdering thousands of union leaders, activists, students and teachers suspected of sympathizing with the left.[57] The Socorro Jurídico Cristiano (Christian Legal Assistance) – a legal aid office within the archbishop's office and El Salvador's leading human rights group at the time – documented the killings of 687 civilians by government forces in 1978. In 1979 the number of documented killings increased to 1,796.[58][55]: 1–2, 222  The repression prompted many in the Catholic Church to denounce the government, which responded by repressing the clergy.[59] Historian M. A. Serpas[citation needed] posits displacement and dispossession rates with respect to land as a major structural factor leading ultimately to civil war. El Salvador is an agrarian society, with coffee fueling its economy, where "77 percent of the arable land belonged to .01 percent of the population. Nearly 35 percent of the civilians in El Salvador were disfranchised from land ownership either through historical injustices, war or economic downturns in the commodities market. During this time frame, the country also experienced a growing population amidst major disruption in agrarian commerce and trade."[citation needed] A threat to land change meant a challenge to a state where "marriages intertwined, making the wealthiest coffee processors and exporters (more so than the growers) also those with the highest ties in the military. — M. A. Serpas Coup d'état, repression and insurrection: 1979–1981 Military coup October 1979 With tensions mounting and the country on the verge of an insurrection, the civil-military Revolutionary Government Junta (JRG) deposed Romero in a coup on 15 October 1979. The United States feared that El Salvador, like Nicaragua and Cuba before it, could fall to communist revolution.[60] Thus, Jimmy Carter's administration supported the new military government with vigor, hoping to promote stability in the country.[61] While Carter provided some support to the government, the subsequent Reagan administration significantly increased U.S. spending in El Salvador.[62] By 1984 Ronald Reagan's government would spend nearly $1 billion on economic aid for the Salvadoran government.[63] The JRG enacted a land reform program that restricted landholdings to a 100-hectare maximum, nationalised the banking, coffee and sugar industries, scheduled elections for February 1982, and disbanded the paramilitary private death squad Organización Democrática Nacionalista (ORDEN) on 6 November 1979.[64] The land reform program was received with hostility from El Salvador's military and economic elites, however, which sought to sabotage the process as soon as it began. Upon learning of the government's intent to distribute land to the peasants and organize cooperatives, wealthy Salvadoran landowners began killing their own livestock and moving valuable farming equipment across the border into Guatemala, where many Salvadoran elites owned additional land. In addition, most co-op leaders in the countryside were assassinated or "disappeared" soon after being elected and becoming visible to the authorities.[65] The Socorro Jurídico documented a jump in documented government killings from 234 in February 1980 to 487 the following month.[1]: 270  Under pressure from the military, all three civilian members of the junta resigned on 3 January 1980, along with 10 of the 11 cabinet ministers. On 22 January 1980, the Salvadoran National Guard attacked a massive peaceful demonstration, killing up to 50 people and wounding hundreds more.[64] On 6 February, US ambassador Frank Devine informed the State Department that the extreme right was arming itself and preparing for a confrontation in which it clearly expected to ally itself with the military.[66][67] Aims of the junta's violent repression "The immediate goal of the Salvadoran army and security forces—and of the United States in 1980, was to prevent a takeover by the leftist-led guerrillas and their allied political organizations. At this point in the Salvadoran conflict the latter were much more important than the former. The military resources of the rebels were extremely limited and their greatest strength, by far, lay not in force of arms but in their 'mass organizations' made up of labor unions, student and peasant organizations that could be mobilized by the thousands in El Salvador's major cities and could shut down the country through strikes."[68] Critics of US military aid charged that "it would legitimate what has become dictatorial violence and that political power in El Salvador lay with old-line military leaders in government positions who practice a policy of 'reform with repression.'" A prominent Catholic spokesman insisted that "any military aid you send to El Salvador ends up in the hands of the military and paramilitary rightist groups who are themselves at the root of the problems of the country."[69] "In one case that has received little attention", Human Rights Watch noted, "US Embassy officials apparently collaborated with the death squad abduction of two law students in January 1980. National Guard troops arrested two youths, Francisco Ventura and José Humberto Mejía, following an anti-government demonstration. The National Guard received permission to bring the youths onto Embassy grounds. Shortly thereafter, a private car drove into the Embassy parking lot. Men in civilian dress put the students in the trunk of their car and drove away. Ventura and Mejía were never seen again."[70] Motivation for the resistance Death squad victims in San Salvador, (c. 1981) As the government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through death squads but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of support whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate.[71] But the violence was not limited to activists but also anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government.[72] A marginalized group that metamorphosed into a guerilla force that would end up confronting these government forces manifested itself in campesinos or peasants. Many of these insurgents joined collective action campaigns for material gain; in the Salvadoran Civil War, however, many peasants cited reasons other than material benefits in their decision to join the fight.[73] Piety was a popular reason for joining the insurrection because they saw their participation as a way of not only advancing a personal cause but a communal sentiment of divine justice.[74] Even prior to the civil war, numerous insurgents took part in other campaigns that tackled social changes much more directly, not only the lack of political representation but also the lack of economic and social opportunities not afforded to their communities.[75] While the FMLN can be characterized as an insurrectionist group, other scholars have classified it as an "armed group institution." Understanding the differentiation is crucial. Armed group institutions use tactics to reinforce their mission or ideology. Ultimately influencing the behavior and group norms of their combatants. In this regard, the FMLN had a more effective approach than El Salvador's army in politically educating their members about their mission. Individuals who aligned themselves with the FMLN were driven by a profound sense of passion and purpose. They demonstrated a willingness to risk their lives for the greater good of their nation. The FMLN strategy focused on community organization, establishing connections within the church and labor unions. In contrast, El Salvador's army had inadequate training, and many of its combatants reported joining out of job insecurity or under intimidation from the government.These disparities were notably reflected in their respective combat methods. Further, the Salvadorean military caused more civilian casualties than the FMLN.[76] In addition, the insurgents in the civil war viewed their support of the insurrection as a demonstration of their opposition to the powerful elite's unfair treatment of peasant communities that they experienced on an everyday basis, so there was a class element associated with these insurgencies.[77] They reveled in their fight against injustice and in their belief that they were writing their own story, an emotion that Elisabeth Wood titled "pleasure of agency".[78] The peasants' organization thus centered on using their struggle to unite against their oppressors, not only towards the government but the elites as well, a struggle that soon evolved into a political machine that came to be associated with the FMLN. In the early months of 1980, Salvadoran guerilla groups, workers, communists, and socialists, unified to form the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN).[49] The FMLN immediately announced plans for an insurrection against the government, which began on 10 January 1981, with the FMLN's first major attack. The attack established FMLN control of most of Morazán and Chalatenango departments for the war's duration. Attacks were also launched on military targets throughout the country, leaving hundreds of people dead. FMLN insurgents ranged from children to the elderly, both male and female, and most were trained in FMLN camps in the mountains and jungles of El Salvador to learn military techniques. Much later, in November 1989, the FMLN launched a large offensive that caught Salvadoran military off guard and succeeded in taking control of large sections of the country and entering the capital, San Salvador. In San Salvador, the FMLN quickly took control of many of the poor neighborhoods as the military bombed their positions—including residential neighborhoods to drive out the FMLN. This large FMLN offensive was unsuccessful in overthrowing the government but did convince the government that the FMLN could not be defeated using force of arms and that a negotiated settlement would be necessary.[79] Assassination of Archbishop Romero Archbishop Óscar Romero In February 1980, Archbishop Óscar Romero published an open letter to US President Jimmy Carter in which he pleaded with him to suspend the United States' ongoing program of military aid to the Salvadoran regime. He advised Carter that "Political power is in the hands of the armed forces. They know only how to repress the people and defend the interests of the Salvadoran oligarchy." Romero warned that US support would only "sharpen the injustice and repression against the organizations of the people which repeatedly have been struggling to gain respect for their fundamental human rights".[80] On 24 March 1980, the Archbishop was assassinated while celebrating Mass, the day after he called upon Salvadoran soldiers and security force members to not follow their orders to kill Salvadoran civilians. President Carter stated this was a "shocking and unconscionable act".[81] At his funeral a week later, government-sponsored snipers in the National Palace and on the periphery of the Gerardo Barrios Plaza were responsible for the shooting of 42 mourners.[82] On 7 May 1980, former army major, Roberto D'Aubuisson, was arrested with a group of civilians and soldiers at a farm. The raiders found documents connecting him and the civilians as organizers and financiers of the death squad who killed Archbishop Romero, and of plotting a coup d'état against the JRG. Their arrest provoked right-wing terrorist threats and institutional pressures forcing the JRG to release D'Aubuisson. In 1993, a U.N. investigation confirmed that D'Aubuisson ordered the assassination.[83] A week after the arrest of D'Aubuisson, the National Guard and the newly reorganized paramilitary ORDEN, with the cooperation of the Military of Honduras, carried out a large massacre at the Sumpul River on 14 May 1980, in which an estimated 600 civilians were killed, mostly women and children. Escaping villagers were prevented from crossing the river by the Honduran armed forces, "and then killed by Salvadoran troops who fired on them in cold blood".[5] Over the course of 1980, the Salvadoran Army and three main security forces (National Guard, National Police and Treasury Police) were estimated to have killed 11,895 people, mostly peasants, trade unionists, teachers, students, journalists, human rights advocates, priests, and other prominent demographics among the popular movement.[58] Human rights organizations judged the Salvadoran government to have among the worst human rights records in the hemisphere.[84] Murder and rape of US nuns On 2 December 1980, members of the Salvadoran National Guard were suspected to have raped and murdered four American, Catholic church women (three religious women, or nuns, and a laywoman). Maryknoll missionary sisters Maura Clarke and Ita Ford, Ursuline sister Dorothy Kazel, and laywoman Jean Donovan were on a Catholic relief mission providing food, shelter, transport, medical care, and burial to death squad victims. In 1980 alone, at least 20 religious workers and priests were murdered in El Salvador. Throughout the war, the murders of church figures increased. For example, the Jesuit University of Central America stated that two bishops, sixteen priests, three nuns, one seminarian, and at least twenty-seven lay workers were murdered. By killing Church figures, "the military leadership showed just how far its position had hardened in daring to eliminate those it viewed as opponents. They saw the Church as an enemy that went against the military and their rule."[85] U.S. military aid was briefly cut off in response to the murders but was renewed within six weeks. The outgoing Carter administration increased military aid to the Salvadoran armed forces to $10 million, which included $5 million in rifles, ammunition, grenades and helicopters.[86] In justifying these arms shipments, the administration claimed that the regime had taken "positive steps" to investigate the murder of four American nuns, but this was disputed by US Ambassador, Robert E. White, who said that he could find no evidence the junta was "conducting a serious investigation".[86] White was dismissed from the foreign service by the Reagan administration after he had refused to participate in a coverup of the Salvadoran military's responsibility for the murders at the behest of Secretary of State Alexander Haig.[87] Repression stepped up Other countries allied with the United States also intervened in El Salvador. The military government in Chile provided substantial training and tactical advice to the Salvadoran Armed Forces, such that the Salvadoran high command bestowed upon General Augusto Pinochet the prestigious Order of José Matías Delgado in May 1981 for his government's avid support. The Argentine military dictatorship also supported the Salvadoran armed forces as part of Operation Charly. During the same month, the JRG strengthened the state of siege, imposed by President Romero in May 1979, by declaring martial law and adopting a new set of curfew regulations.[88] Between 12 January and 19 February 1981, 168 persons were killed by the security forces for violating curfew.[89] "Draining the Sea" Further information: Scorched earth In its effort to defeat the insurgency, the Salvadoran Armed Forces carried out a "scorched earth" strategy, and adopted tactics similar to those being employed in neighboring Guatemala by its security forces. These tactics were inspired and adapted from U.S. counterinsurgency strategies used during the Vietnam War.[90] An integral part of the Salvadoran Army's counterinsurgency strategy entailed "draining the sea" or "drying up the ocean", that is, eliminating the insurgency by eradicating its support base in the countryside. The primary target was the civilian population – displacing or killing them in order to remove any possible base of support for the rebels. The concept of "draining the sea" had its basis in a doctrine by Mao Zedong that emphasized that "The guerrilla must move amongst the people as a fish swims in the sea."[91] Aryeh Neier, the executive director of Americas Watch, wrote in a 1984 review about the scorched earth approach: "This may be an effective strategy for winning the war. It is, however, a strategy that involves the use of terror tactics—bombings, strafings, shellings and, occasionally, massacres of civilians."[92] Beginning in 1984, the Salvadoran Air Force was able to locate guerrilla strongholds reportedly using intelligence from U.S. Air Force planes flying over the country.[93][94] Scorched earth offensives of 1981 On 15 March 1981, the Salvadoran Army began a "sweep" operation in Cabañas Department in northern El Salvador near the Honduran border. The sweep was accompanied by the use of scorched earth tactics by the Salvadoran Army and indiscriminate killings of anyone captured by the army. Those displaced by the "sweep" who were not killed outright fled the advance of the Salvadoran Army; hiding in caves and under trees to evade capture and probable summary execution. On 18 March, three days after the sweep in Cabañas began, 4–8,000 survivors of the sweep (mostly women and children) attempted to cross the Rio Lempa into Honduras to flee violence. There, they were caught between Salvadoran and Honduran troops. The Salvadoran Air Force, subsequently bombed and strafed the fleeing civilians with machine gun fire, killing hundreds. Among the dead were at least 189 persons who were unaccounted for and registered as "disappeared" during the operation.[95] A second offensive was launched, also in Cabañas Department, on 11 November 1981 in which 1,200 troops were mobilized, including members of the Atlácatl Battalion. Atlácatl was a rapid response counter-insurgency battalion organized at the U.S. Army School of the Americas in Panama in 1980. Atlácatl soldiers were trained and equipped by the U.S. military,[96][97] and were described as "the pride of the United States military team in San Salvador. Trained in antiguerrilla operations, the battalion was intended to turn a losing war around."[98] The November 1981 operation was commanded by Lt. Col. Sigifredo Ochoa, a former Treasury Police chief with a reputation for brutality. Ochoa was close associate of Major Roberto D'Aubuisson and was alleged to have been involved in the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. D'Aubuisson and Ochoa were both members of La Tandona, the class of 1966 at the Captain General Gerardo Barrios Military School.[99] From the start, the invasion of Cabanas was described as a "cleansing" operation by official sources.[100] Hundreds of civilians were massacred by the army as Col. Ochoa's troops moved through the villages. Col. Ochoa claimed that hundreds of guerrillas had been killed but was able to show journalists only fifteen captured weapons, half of them virtual antiques, suggesting that most of those killed in the sweep were unarmed.[101] El Mozote massacre The memorial at the El Mozote. This operation was followed by additional "sweeps" through Morazán Department, spearheaded by the Atlácatl Battalion. On 11 December 1981, one month after the "sweep" through Cabañas, the Battalion occupied the village of El Mozote and massacred at least 733 and possibly up to 1,000 unarmed civilians, including women and 146 children, in what became known as the El Mozote Massacre.[102][103] The Atlácatl soldiers accused the adults of collaborating with the guerrillas. The field commander said they were under orders to kill everyone, including the children, who he asserted would just grow up to become guerrillas if they let them live. "We were going to make an example of these people," he said.[104] The US steadfastly denied the existence of the El Mozote massacre, dismissing reports of it as leftist "propaganda", until secret US cables were declassified in the 1990s.[105] The US government and its allies in US media smeared reporters of American newspapers who reported on the atrocity and, more generally, undertook a campaign of whitewashing the human rights record of the Salvadoran military and the US role in arming, training and guiding it. The smears, according to journalists like Michael Massing writing in the Columbia Journalism Review and Anthony Lewis, made other American journalists tone down their reporting on the crimes of the Salvadoran regime and the US role in supporting the regime.[98][106][107][96][97][108] As details became more widely known, the event became recognized as one of the worst atrocities of the conflict. In its report covering 1981, Amnesty International identified "regular security and military units as responsible for widespread torture, mutilation and killings of noncombatant civilians from all sectors of Salvadoran society." The report also stated that the killing of civilians by state security forces became increasingly systematic with the implementation of more methodical killing strategies, which allegedly included use of a meat packing plant to dispose of human remains.[109] Between 20 and 25 August 1981, eighty-three decapitations were reported. The murders were later revealed to have been carried out by a death squad using a guillotine.[110] The repression in rural areas resulted in the displacement of large portions of the rural populace, and many peasants fled. Of those who fled or were displaced, some 20,000 resided in makeshift refugee centers on the Honduran border in conditions of poverty, starvation and disease.[111] The army and death squads forced many of them to flee to the United States, but most were denied asylum.[112] A US congressional delegation that, on 17–18 January 1981, visited the refugee camps in El Salvador on a fact finding mission, submitted a report to Congress that found: "[T]he Salvadoran method of 'drying up the ocean' is to eliminate entire villages from the map, to isolate the guerrillas, and deny them any rural base off which they can feed."[113] In total, Socorro Jurídico registered 13,353 individual cases of summary execution by government forces over the course of 1981. Nonetheless, the true figure for the number of persons killed by the Army and security services could be substantially higher, due to the fact that extrajudicial killings generally went unreported in the countryside and many of the victims' families remained silent in fear of reprisal. An Americas Watch report described that the Socorro Jurídico figures "tended to be conservative because its standards of confirmation are strict"; killings of persons were registered individually and required proof of being "not combat related".[114] Socorro Jurídico later revised its count of government killings for 1981 up to 16,000 with the induction of new cases.[115][116] Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa was chosen to replace Colonial Jaime Flores and became military commander of the whole eastern zone of El Salvador. He was a rare thing: "pure, one-hundred-percent soldier, a natural leader, a born military man."[117] Monterrosa did not want wholesale bloodshed, but he wanted to win the war at any costs. He tried to be more relatable and less arrogant to the local population in the way he presented his military. When he first executed massacres he didn't think much of it because it was part of his military training and because it was tactically approved by the High Command, but he didn't consider whether it would become a political problem. He was accused of responsibility for what happened at El Mozote, though he denied it. Monterrosa later began to date a Salvadoran woman who worked in the press corps, for an American television network. Monterrosa's girlfriend let her co-worker know that something had gone wrong at El Mozote, though she did not go into detail. But people knew that he had lost radio contact with his men and that it was unfortunate and something that later brought regrettable consequences. Although he says he lost contact with his men, the guerrillas did not believe it and said it was well known to everyone that he had ordered the massacre. In an interview with James LeMoyne, however, he stated that he did in fact order his men to "clean out" El Mozote.[118] Interim government and continued violence: 1982–1984 Peace offer and rejection José Napoleón Duarte at a Christian Democratic Party press conference during the Salvadoran war (1982) In 1982, the FMLN began calling for a peace settlement that would establish a "government of broad participation". The Reagan administration said the FMLN wanted to create a Communist dictatorship.[119] Elections were interrupted with right-wing paramilitary attacks and FMLN-suggested boycotts. El Salvador's National Federation of Lawyers, which represented all of the country's bar associations, refused to participate in drafting the 1982 electoral law. The lawyers said that the elections couldn't possibly be free and fair during a state of siege that suspended all basic rights and freedoms. FMLN steps up campaign Attacks against military and economic targets by the FMLN began to escalate. The FMLN attacked the Ilopango Air Force Base in San Salvador, destroying six of the Air Force's 14 Bell UH-1 Iroquois helicopters, five of its 18 Dassault Ouragan aircraft and three C-47s.[120] Between February and April, a total of 439 acts of sabotage were reported.[121] The number of acts of sabotage involving explosives or arson rose to 782 between January and September.[122] The United States Embassy estimated the damage to the economic infrastructure at US$98 million.[123] FMLN also carried out large-scale operations in the capital city and temporarily occupied urban centres in the country's interior. According to some reports, the number of rebels ranged between 4,000 and 5,000; other sources put the number at between 6,000 and 9,000.[124] Interim government Pursuant to measures implemented by the JRG junta on 18 October 1979, elections for an interim government were held on 29 April 1982. The Legislative Assembly voted on three candidates nominated by the armed forces; Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja was elected by 36 votes to 17, ahead of the Party of National Conciliation and the hard right Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) candidates. Roberto D'Aubuisson accused Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño of imposing on the Assembly "his personal decision to put Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja in the presidency" in spite of a "categorical no" from the ARENA deputies. Magana was sworn into office on 2 May. Decree No. 6 of the National Assembly suspended phase III of the implementation of the agrarian reform, and was itself later amended. The Apaneca Pact was signed on 3 August 1982, establishing a Government of National Unity, whose objectives were peace, democratization, human rights, economic recovery, security and a strengthened international position. An attempt was made to form a transitional government that would establish a democratic system. Lack of agreement among the forces that made up the government and the pressures of the armed conflict prevented any substantive[clarification needed] changes from being made during Magaña's presidency.[125] More atrocities by the government The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reported that, on 24 May 1982, a clandestine cemetery containing the corpses of 150 disappeared persons was discovered near Puerta del Diablo, Panchimalco, approximately twelve kilometers from San Salvador.[126] On 10 June 1982, almost 4,000 Salvadoran troops carried out a "cleanup" operation in the rebel-controlled Chalatenango province. Over 600 civilians were reportedly massacred during the Army sweep. The Salvadoran field commander acknowledged that an unknown number of civilian rebel sympathizers or "masas" were killed, while declaring the operation a success.[127] Nineteen days later, the Army massacred 27 unarmed civilians during house raids in a San Salvador neighborhood. The women were raped and murdered. Everyone was dragged from their homes into the street and then executed. "The operation was a success," said the Salvadoran Defense Ministry communique. "This action was a result of training and professionalization of our officers and soldiers."[128] During 1982 and 1983, government forces killed approximately 8,000 civilians a year.[55]: 3  Although the figure is substantially less than the figures reported by human rights groups in 1980 and 1981, targeted executions as well as indiscriminate killings nonetheless remained an integral policy of the army and internal security forces, part of what Professor William Stanley described as a "strategy of mass murder" designed to terrorize the civilian population as well as opponents of the government.[55]: 225  General Adolfo Blandón, the Salvadoran armed forces chief of staff during much of the 1980s, has stated, "Before 1983, we never took prisoners of war."[129] Government murder of human rights and labor union leaders In March 1983, Marianella García Villas, president of the non-governmental Human Rights Commission of El Salvador, was captured by army troops on the Guazapa volcano, and later tortured to death. Garcia Villas had been on Guazapa collecting evidence about the possible army use of white phosphorus munitions. In April 1983, Melida Anaya Montes, a leader of the Popular Forces for Liberation (FPL) "Farabundo Martí", a communist party-affiliated militia, was murdered in Managua, Nicaragua. Salvador Cayetano Carpio, her superior in the FPL, was allegedly implicated in her murder. He committed suicide in Managua shortly after Anaya Montes' murder. Their deaths influenced the course within the FMLN of the FPL's Prolonged Popular War strategy.[citation needed] On 7 February 1984, nine labor union leaders, including all seven top officials of one major labor federation, were arrested by the Salvadoran National Police and sent to be tried by a military court. The arrests were part of Duarte's moves to crack down on labor unions after more than 80 trade unionists were detained in a raid by the National Police. The police confiscated the union's files and took videotape mugshots of each union member. During a 15-day interrogation, the nine labor leaders were beaten during late-night questioning and were told to confess to being guerrillas. They were then forced to sign a written confession while blindfolded. They were never charged with being guerrillas but the official police statement said they were accused of planning to "present demands to management for higher wages and benefits and promoting strikes, which destabilize the economy." A U.S. official said the embassy had "followed the arrests closely and was satisfied that the correct procedures were followed."[130] Duarte presidency: 1984–1989 Fixed elections and lack of accountability Mesa Grande refugee camp in Honduras 1987 President Ronald Reagan with José Napoleón Duarte. In 1984 elections, Christian Democrat José Napoleón Duarte won the presidency (with 54 percent of the votes) against Army Major Roberto d'Aubuisson of the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA). The elections were held under military rule amidst high levels of repression and violence, however, and candidates to the left of Duarte's brand of Christian Democrats were excluded from participating.[131] Fearful of a d'Aubuisson presidency for public relations purposes, the CIA financed Duarte's campaign with some two million dollars.[132] $10 million were put into the election as a whole, by the CIA, for electoral technology, administration and international observers.[133] After Duarte's victory, human rights abuses at the hands of the army and security forces continued, but declined due to modifications made to the security structures. The policies of the Duarte government attempted to make the country's three security forces more accountable to the government by placing them under the direct supervision of a Vice Minister of Defense, but all three forces continued to be commanded individually by regular army officers, which, given the command structure within the government, served to effectively nullify any of the accountability provisions.[134][135] The Duarte government also failed to decommission personnel within the security structures that had been involved in gross human rights abuses, instead simply dispersing them to posts in other regions of the country.[136] Days of Tranquillity U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador Thomas Pickering and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. Following a proposal from Nils Thedin to UNICEF, "Days of tranquillity" were brokered between Government and rebel forces, under the direction of UNICEF Executive Director James Grant. For three days in 1985, all hostilities ceased to allow for mass-immunisation of any child against polio, measles, diphtheria, tetanus and whooping cough. The program was successful. More than half of El Salvador's 400,000 children were immunised from 2,000 immunisation centres by 20,000 health workers, and the program was repeated in subsequent years until the conclusion of the war. Similar programs have since been instituted in Uganda, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Sudan.[137][138] Army massacres continue While reforms were being made to the security forces, the army continued to massacre unarmed civilians in the country side. An Americas Watch report noted that the Atlácatl Battalion killed 80 unarmed civilians in Cabanas in July 1984, and carried out another massacre one month later, killing 50 displaced people in the Chalatenango province.[139] The women were raped and then everyone was systematically executed.[140] ERP combatant Perquín 1990 Through 1984 and 1985, the Salvadoran Armed Forces enacted a series of "civic-action" programs in Chalatenango province, consisting of the establishment of "citizen defense committees" to guard plantations and businesses against attacks by insurgents and the establishment of a number of free-fire zones. These measures were implemented under former Cabanas commander, Lieutenant Colonel Sigifredo Ochoa Perez, who had previously been exiled to the US Army War College for mutiny.[141] By January 1985 Ochoa's forces had established 12 free-fire zones in Chalatenango in which any inhabitants unidentified by the army were deemed to be insurgents. Ochoa stated in an interview that areas within the free fire zone were susceptible to indiscriminate bombings by the Salvadoran Air Force. Ochoa's forces were implicated in a massacre of about 40 civilians in an Army sweep through one of the free fire zones in August 1985. Ochoa refused to permit the Red Cross to enter these areas to deliver humanitarian aid to the victims.[142] Ochoa's forces reportedly uprooted some 1,400 civilian rebel supporters with mortar fire between September and November 1984.[143] In its annual review of 1987, Amnesty International reported that "some of the most serious violations of human rights are found in Central America", particularly Guatemala and El Salvador, where "kidnappings and assassinations serve as systematic mechanisms of the government against opposition from the left".[144] On 26 October 1987, unknown gunmen shot and killed Herbert Ernesto Anaya, Director of El Salvador's nongovernmental Human Rights Commission. Anaya was in his car in his driveway with his wife and children at the time. Some human rights groups linked the increase of death squad-style killings and disappearances to the reactivation of the popular organizations, which had been decimated by mass state terror in the early 1980s.[145] Col. Renee Emilio Ponce, the Army operations chief, asserted that the guerrillas were "returning to their first phase of clandestine organization" in the city, "and mobilization of the masses".[146] Peace talks During the Central American Peace Accords negotiations in 1987, the FMLN demanded that all death squads be disbanded and the members be held accountable. In October 1987, the Salvadoran Assembly approved an amnesty for civil-war-related crimes. The Amnesty law required the release of all prisoners suspected of being guerrillas and guerrilla sympathizers. Pursuant to these laws, 400 political prisoners were released. Insurgents were given a period of fifteen days to turn themselves over to the security forces in exchange for amnesty.[147] Despite amnesty being granted to guerillas and political prisoners, amnesty was also granted to members of the army, security forces and paramilitary who were involved in human rights abuses.[148] Army death squads continue In October 1988, Amnesty International reported that death squads had abducted, tortured, and killed, hundreds of suspected dissidents in the preceding eighteen months. Most of the victims were trade unionists and members of cooperatives, human rights workers, members of the judiciary involved in efforts to establish criminal responsibility for human rights violations, returned refugees and displaced persons, and released political prisoners.[149] The squads comprised intelligence sections of the Armed Forces and the security services. They customarily wore plain clothes and made use of trucks or vans with tinted windows and without license plates. They were "chillingly efficient", said the report. Victims were sometimes shot from passing cars, in the daytime and in front of eyewitnesses. At other times, victims were kidnapped from their homes or on the streets and their bodies found dumped far from the scene. Others were forcefully "disappeared." Victims were "customarily found mutilated, decapitated, dismembered, strangled or showing marks of torture or rape." The death squad style was "to operate in secret but to leave mutilated bodies of victims as a means of terrifying the population."[149] FMLN offensive of 1989 and retaliation President Alfredo Cristiani, September 1989 Outraged by the results of the 1988 fixed elections and the military's use of terror tactics and voter intimidation, the FMLN launched a major offensive known as the "final offensive of 1989" with the aim of unseating the government of President Alfredo Cristiani on 11 November 1989. This offensive brought the epicenter of fighting into the wealthy suburbs of San Salvador for essentially the first time in the history of the conflict, as the FMLN began a campaign of selective assassinations against political and military officials, civil officials, and upper-class private citizens.[150] The government retaliated with a renewed campaign of repression, primarily against activists in the democratic sector.[150] The non-governmental Salvadoran Human Rights Commission (CDHES) counted 2,868 killings by the armed forces between May 1989 and May 1990.[151] In addition, the CDHES stated that government paramilitary organizations illegally detained 1,916 persons and disappeared 250 during the same period.[152] On 13 February, the Atlácatl Battalion attacked a guerrilla field hospital and killed at least 10 people, including five patients, a physician and a nurse. Two of the female victims showed signs that they had been raped before they were executed. US message Nearly two weeks earlier, US Vice President Dan Quayle on a visit to San Salvador told army leaders that human rights abuses committed by the military had to stop. Sources associated with the military said afterword that Quayle's warning was dismissed as propaganda for American consumption aimed at the US Congress and public.[153] At the same time, critics argued US military advisors were possibly sending a different message to the Salvadoran military: "Do what you need to do to stop the commies, just don't get caught".[154] A former US intelligence officer suggested the death squads needed to leave less visual evidence, that they should stop dumping bodies on the side of the road because "they have an ocean and they ought to use it".[155] The School of the Americas, founded by the United States, trained many members of the Salvadoran military, including Roberto D'Aubuisson, organizer of death squads, and military officers linked to the murder of Jesuit priests.[156] In a 29 November 1989 press conference, Secretary of State James A. Baker III said he believed President Cristiani was in control of the army and defended the government's crackdown on opponents as "absolutely appropriate".[157] The US Trade Representative told Human Rights Watch that the government's repression of trade unionists was justified on the grounds that they were guerrilla supporters.[158][159] Government terrorism in San Salvador In San Salvador on 1 October 1989, eight people were killed and 35 others were injured when a death squad bombed the headquarters of the leftist labor confederation, the National Trade Union Federation of Salvadoran Workers (UNTS).[160] Earlier the same day, another bomb exploded outside the headquarters of a victims' advocacy group, the Committee of Mothers and Family Members of Political Prisoners, Disappeared and Assassinated of El Salvador, injuring four others.[161] Death squads take on the church As early as the 1980s, the University of Central America fell under attack from the army and death squads. On 16 November 1989, five days after the beginning of the FMLN offensive, uniformed soldiers of the Atlácatl Battalion entered the campus of the University of Central America in the middle of the night and executed six Jesuit priests—Ignacio Ellacuría, Segundo Montes, Ignacio Martín-Baró, Joaquín López y López, Juan Ramón Moreno, and Amando López—and their housekeepers (a mother and daughter, Elba Ramos and Celia Marisela Ramos). The priests were dragged from their beds on the campus, machine gunned to death and their corpses mutilated. The mother and daughter were found shot to death in the bed they shared.[162] The Atlácatl Battalion was reportedly under the tutelage of U.S. special forces just 48 hours before the killings.[163] One day later, six men and one youth were slaughtered by government soldiers in the capital, San Salvador. According to relatives and neighbors who witnessed the killings, the six men were lined up against a masonry wall and shot to death. The seventh youth who happened to be walking by at the time was also executed.[164] The Salvadoran government then began a campaign to dismantle a liberal Catholic church network that the army said were "front organizations" supporting the guerrillas. Church offices were raided and workers were arrested and expelled. Targets included priests, lay workers and foreign employees of humanitarian agencies, providing social services to the poor: food programs, healthcare, relief for the displaced.[165] One church volunteer, who was a U.S. citizen, said she was blindfolded, tortured and interrogated in Treasury Police headquarters in San Salvador while a U.S. vice consul "having coffee with the colonel in charge" did nothing to intervene.[166] Pressures to end stalemate Protest against the Salvadoran Civil War Chicago 1989 The murder of the six Jesuit priests and the November 1989 "final offensive" by the FMLN in San Salvador, however, were key turning points that increased international pressure and domestic pressure from war-weary constituents that alternatives to the military stalemate needed to be found. International support for the FMLN was declining with the end of the Cold War just as international support for the Salvadoran armed forces was weakening as the Reagan administration gave way to the less ideological Bush administration, and the end of the Cold War lessened the anti-Communist concerns about a potential domino effect in Central America.[167] By the late 1980s, 75 percent of the population lived in poverty.[14] The living standards of most Salvadorans declined by 30 percent since 1983. Unemployment or underemployment increased to 50 percent.[168] Most people, moreover, still didn't have access to clean water or healthcare. The armed forces were feared, inflation rose almost 40 percent, capital flight reached an estimated $1 billion, and the economic elite avoided paying taxes.[169] Despite nearly $3 billion in American economic assistance, per capita income declined by one third.[14] American aid was distributed to urban businesses although the impoverished majority received almost none of it.[169] The concentration of wealth was even higher than before the U.S.-administered land reform program. The agrarian law generated windfall profits for the economic elite and buried the cooperatives in debts that left them incapable of competing in the capital markets. The oligarchs often took back the land from bankrupt peasants who couldn't obtain the credit necessary to pay for seeds and fertilizer.[170] Although, "few of the poor would dream of seeking legal redress against a landlord because virtually no judge would favor a poor man."[169] By 1989, 1 percent of the landowners owned 41 percent of the tillable land, while 60 percent of the rural population owned 0 percent.[14] Death squads and peace accords: 1990–1992 ERP combatants Perquín 1990 The Chapultepec Peace Accords. After 10 years of war, more than one million people had been displaced out of a population of 5,389,000. 40 percent of the homes of newly displaced people were completely destroyed and another 25 percent were in need of major repairs.[171] Death squad activities further escalated in 1990, despite a UN Agreement on Human Rights signed 26 July by the Cristiani government and the FMLN.[172] In June 1990, U.S. President George Bush announced an "Enterprise for the Americas Initiative" to improve the investment climate by creating "a hemisphere-wide free trade zone."[173] President Bush authorized the release of $42.5 million in military aid to the Salvadoran armed forces on 16 January 1991.[174] In late January, the Usulután offices of the Democratic Convergence, a coalition of left-of-center parties, were attacked with grenades. On 21 February, a candidate for the Democratic National Unity (UDN) party and his pregnant wife were assassinated after ignoring death squad threats to leave the country or die. On the last day of the campaign, another UDN candidate was shot in her eye when Arena party gunmen opened fire on campaign activists putting up posters. Despite fraudulent elections orchestrated by Arena through voter intimidation, sabotage of polling stations by the Arena-dominated Central Elections Council and the disappearing of tens of thousands of names from the voting lists, the official U.S. observation team declared them "free and fair."[175] Death squad killings and disappearances remained steady throughout 1991 as well as torture, false imprisonment, and attacks on civilians by the Army and security forces. Opposition politicians, members of church and grassroots organizations representing peasants, women and repatriated refugees suffered constant death threats, arrests, surveillance and break-ins all year. The FMLN killed two wounded U.S. military advisers and carried out indiscriminate attacks, kidnappings and assassinations of civilians.[citation needed] The war intensified in mid-1991, as both the army and the FMLN attempted to gain the advantage in the United Nations-brokered peace talks prior to a cease-fire. Indiscriminate attacks and executions by the armed forces increased as a result.[176] Eventually, by April 1991, negotiations resumed, resulting in a truce that successfully concluded in January 1992, bringing about the war's end.[citation needed] On 16 January 1992, the Chapultepec Peace Accords were signed in Chapultepec Castle, Mexico City, to bring peace to El Salvador.[177] The Armed Forces were regulated, a civilian police force was established, the FMLN metamorphosed from a guerrilla army to a political party, and an amnesty law was legislated in 1993.[178] Aftermath A monument carved in black marble that contains on the names of thousands of victims of the civil war. The peace process set up under the Chapultepec Accords was monitored by the United Nations from 1991 until June 1997 when it closed its special monitoring mission in El Salvador. In 1996, U.S. authorities acknowledged for the first time that U.S. military personnel had died in combat during the civil war. Officially, American advisers were prohibited from participating in combat operations, but they carried weapons, and accompanied Salvadoran army soldiers in the field and were subsequently targeted by rebels. 21 Americans were killed in action during the civil war and more than 5,000 served.[179] During the 2004 elections, White House Special Assistant Otto Reich gave a phone-in press conference at ARENA party headquarters. He reportedly said he was worried about the impact an FMLN win could have on the country's "economic, commercial, and migratory relations with the United States." In February 2004, Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega told voters to "consider what kind of a relationship they want a new administration to have with us." He met with all the candidates except Schafik Handal, the FMLN candidate. This prompted 28 US Congress members to send a letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell saying Mr. Noriega "crossed a boundary" and that his remarks were perceived as "interference in Salvadoran electoral affairs." A week later, two US congressmen blasted Reich's comments as inflammatory.[180] Truth Commission Main article: Truth Commission for El Salvador At war's end, the Commission on the Truth for El Salvador registered more than 22,000 complaints of political violence in El Salvador, dating between January 1980 and July 1991, 60 percent about summary killing, 25 percent about kidnapping, and 20 percent about torture. These complaints attributed almost 85 percent of the violence to the Salvadoran Army and security forces alone. The Salvadoran Armed Forces, which were massively supported by the United States (4.6 billion dollars in 2009),[181] were accused in 60 percent of the complaints, the security forces (i.e. the National Guard, Treasury Police and the National Police) in 25 percent, military escorts and civil defense units in 20 percent of complaints, the death squads in approximately 10 percent, and the FMLN in 5 percent.[181] The Truth Commission could collect only a significant sample of the full number of potential complaints, having had only three months to collect it.[182] The report concluded that more than 70,000 people were killed, many in the course of gross violation of their human rights. More than 25 per cent of the populace was displaced as refugees before the U.N. peace treaty in 1992.[183][184] The statistics presented in the Truth Commission's report are consistent with both previous and retrospective assessments by the international community and human rights monitors, which documented that the majority of the violence and repression in El Salvador was attributable to government agencies, primarily the National Guard and the Salvadoran Army.[185][186][187] A 1984 Amnesty International report stated that many of the 40,000 people killed in the preceding five years had been murdered by government forces, who openly dumped their mutilated corpses in an apparent effort to terrorize the population.[188][189] The government mostly killed peasants, but many other opponents suspected of sympathy with the guerrillas—clergy (men and women), church lay workers, political activists, journalists, labor unionists (leaders, rank-and-file), medical workers, liberal students and teachers, and human-rights monitors were also killed.[190] The killings were carried out by the security forces, the Army, the National Guard, and the Treasury Police;[1]: 308 [191] but it was the paramilitary death squads that gave the Government plausible deniability of, and accountability for the killings. Typically, a death squad dressed in civilian clothes and traveled in anonymous vehicles (dark windows, blank license plates). The deaths squads tactics included publishing future-victim death lists, delivering coffins to said future victims, and sending the target-person an invitation to his/her own funeral.[192][193] Cynthia Arnson, a Latin American-affairs writer for Human Rights Watch, says: the objective of death-squad-terror seemed not only to eliminate opponents, but also, through torture and the gruesome disfigurement of bodies, to terrorize the population.[194] In the mid-1980s, state terror against civilians became open with indiscriminate bombing from military airplanes, planted mines, and the harassment of national and international medical personnel. Author George Lopez writes that "although death rates attributable to the death squads have declined in El Salvador since 1983, non-combatant victims of the civil war have increased dramatically".[195] Though the violations of the FMLN accounted for five percent or less of those documented by the Truth Commission, the FMLN continuously violated the human rights of many Salvadorans and other individuals identified as right-wing supporters, military targets, pro-government politicians, intellectuals, public officials, and judges. These violations included kidnapping, bombings, rape, and killing.[182] Military reform In accordance with the peace agreements, the constitution was amended to prohibit the military from playing an internal security role except under extraordinary circumstances. During the period of fulfilling of the peace agreements, the Minister of Defense was General Humberto Corado Figueroa. Demobilization of Salvadoran military forces generally proceeded on schedule throughout the process. The Treasury Police and National Guard were abolished, and military intelligence functions were transferred to civilian control. By 1993—nine months ahead of schedule—the military had cut personnel from a wartime high of 63,000 to the level of 32,000 required by the peace accords. By 1999, ESAF's strength stood at less than 15,000, including uniformed and non-uniformed personnel, consisting of personnel in the army, navy, and air force. A purge of military officers accused of human rights abuses and corruption was completed in 1993 in compliance with the Ad Hoc Committee's recommendations.[citation needed] National Civilian Police The new civilian police force, created to replace the discredited public security forces, deployed its first officers in March 1993, and was present throughout the country by the end of 1994. In 1999, the PNC had over 18,000 officers. The PNC faced many challenges in building a completely new police force. With common crime rising dramatically since the end of the war, over 500 PNC officers had been killed in the line of duty by late 1998. PNC officers also have arrested a number of their own in connection with various high-profile crimes, and a "purification" process to weed out unfit personnel from throughout the force was undertaken in late 2000.[196] Human Rights Commission of El Salvador On 26 October 1987, Herbert Ernesto Anaya, head of the Human Rights Commission of El Salvador (CDHES), was assassinated. His killing provoked four days' of political protest—during which his remains were displayed before the U.S. embassy and then before the Salv

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Jeb Stuart Magruder (November 5, 1934 – May 11, 2014) was an American businessman and high-level political operative in the Republican Party who served time in prison for his role in the Watergate scandal.[1] He served President Richard Nixon in various capacities, including acting as special assistant to the President for domestic policy development, and later as deputy director of the president's 1972 re-election campaign, Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP). In August 1973, Magruder pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to wiretap, obstruct justice and defraud the United States. He served seven months in federal prison.[2] Magruder later attended Princeton Theological Seminary and was ordained as a Presbyterian minister. He spoke publicly about ethics and his role in the Watergate scandal. In the 1990s and early 2000s, he gave interviews in which he changed his accounts of actions by various participants in the Watergate coverup, including claiming that Nixon ordered the break-ins.[1] Early life External videos video icon 1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-14; Part 1 of 6, 1:04:59, Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC[3] Jeb Stuart Magruder was born and grew up on Staten Island, New York. His father, a Civil War buff, named him for Confederate general J.E.B. Stuart.[4] His great-grandfather smuggled shoes for the Civil War Confederate States of America.[5] His grandfather was convicted of bank fraud related to the construction of WWI cargo ships.[5] He was an honor student at Curtis High School. Magruder was an excellent junior tennis player and swimmer, among the best in the greater New York area.[6] After two years at Williams College, he served in the U.S. Army, but was kicked out of Officer Candidate School of the United States Army, only weeks before graduation, for going AWOL by not going to class so as to take the daughter of a colonel out in a new Chevrolet. [5] He was then stationed in South Korea.[7] He later earned a Bachelor of Arts in political science in 1958 from Williams College, where he competed on the varsity swimming team and set several regional records.[8] Magruder started at IBM after college, but dropped out of its training program after only a few days.[5] He went to California and married a Berkeley student,[9] Gail Barnes Nicholas, then took a job with the Crown Zellerbach, selling paper goods in Kansas City.[5] Later, he started his own consumer products company. Later, he earned a Master of Business Administration degree from the University of Chicago.[10] Marriage and family He married Gail Barnes Nicholas[9][11] on October 17, 1959,[12] in Brentwood, California.[13] The couple had four children.[14] They were divorced in 1984. Magruder married Patricia Newton on February 28, 1987, in Columbus, Ohio. They were divorced in May 2003. Business career and politics In the late 1950s, Magruder moved to Kansas City with Jewel Tea, in a transfer for work. He became involved there as a campaign manager for the Republican Party during the 1960 election campaign, working as chairman of an urban ward.[15] Magruder moved to Chicago for his MBA studies. Afterward he shifted from IBM to the consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton. In Chicago, he again, was involved with the Republican Party. Magruder was a ward chairman, for Donald Rumsfeld's 1962 Illinois's 13th congressional district United States House of Representatives Republican primary campaign.[5] Rumsfeld won the primary and the seat in Congress. In 1962 Magruder moved from Booz Allen Hamilton to Jewel, a regional grocery firm. During his nearly four years with them, he was promoted to merchandise manager.[16] Magruder became involved with the Illinois organization of the Barry Goldwater presidential campaign in late 1963, but became disillusioned with Goldwater's political views.[17] He worked briefly as campaign manager for Richard Ogilvie's 1966 campaign for president of the Cook County Board of Supervisors. The political workload, combined with work pressures, caused Magruder to end employment with Jewel. In mid-1966, he returned to California, to begin a job with the Broadway Stores.[18] In mid-1967, he served as Southern California coordinator for the Richard Nixon presidential campaign. He left early in 1968 due to internal organizational problems.[19] Magruder entered partnership during early 1969 with two other entrepreneurs to start two new businesses, and became president and chief executive officer of these firms.[20] Joins White House staff Magruder was appointed to the White House staff in 1969, as special assistant to the president, and moved with his family to Washington, D.C.[21] He worked for Nixon operatives H.R. Haldeman and Herbert G. Klein, communications director for the Executive Branch. Magruder's formal title was deputy director of White House Communications. Committee to Re-elect the President Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP Committee for the Re-Election of the President Fred LaRue Jeb Stuart Magruder Robert Mardian John N. Mitchell Kenneth Parkinson Hugh W. Sloan Jr. Maurice Stans White House Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte Magruder served in the White House until the spring of 1971, when he left to manage the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP, also known as CREEP), first as director. By early 1972 in the election year, Attorney General John N. Mitchell took over as director of CREEP and Magruder acted as his deputy. As Mitchell became preoccupied with a scandal involving the ITT Corporation and by his efforts to restrain his outspoken wife Martha, Magruder took on more of the management of the CREEP.[22] The 1972 campaign to re-elect the President won 49 of 50 states. Nixon lost only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia to Democrat George McGovern. The final tally of Nixon's victory was 520 to 17 electoral votes, the second largest Electoral College (United States) margin in history up until then, after Franklin D. Roosevelt's 1936 victory over Alf Landon, (523 to 8). Manages 1973 Inaugural Magruder worked as inaugural director from October 1972 to arrange Nixon's United States presidential inauguration ceremony and celebration in January 1973.[23] In March 1973, he began a job as director of policy planning with the United States Department of Commerce. He resigned soon afterward, as the Watergate scandal began to heat up and become scrutinized again by media following James McCord's disclosures of perjury during the original Watergate trial of the five burglars; the former Watergate burglar wrote about this to the Washington Star. [24] Watergate scandal Magruder, in his role with CREEP, was involved with the Watergate matters from an early stage, including its planning, execution, and cover-up. Liddy plan Magruder met with White House Counsel John Dean and John Mitchell on January 27 and February 4, 1972, to review preliminary plans by G. Gordon Liddy (Counsel to CREEP) for intelligence gathering ideas for the 1972 campaign. The Watergate burglaries would evolve from those meetings. From the day they met in December 1971, Magruder and Liddy (who had been hired by Mitchell and Dean) had a conflicted personal relationship.[25] Cooperates with prosecutors During April 1973, Magruder began cooperating with federal prosecutors. In exchange, Magruder was allowed to plead guilty in August 1973 to a one-count indictment of conspiracy to obstruct justice, to defraud the United States, and to illegally eavesdrop on the Democratic Party's national headquarters at the Watergate Hotel. On May 21, 1974, Magruder was sentenced by Judge John Sirica to ten months to four years for his role in the failed burglary of Watergate and the following cover-up. After his sentencing, Magruder said, "I am confident that this country will survive its Watergates and its Jeb Magruders."[citation needed] In the end, he served three months of his sentence at a Federal minimum security prison in Allenwood, Pennsylvania, and was moved for the remaining four months (before Sirica's pardon) to a "safe house prison" at the Fort Holabird Base in Baltimore Harbor, along with Chuck Colson, John Dean and Herb Kalmbach, due to threats on the four by inmates at Allenwood. Portrait of Magruder as a member of the Nixon Administration Magruder originally testified that he knew nothing to indicate that President Nixon had any prior knowledge of the Watergate burglary. In his book, An American Life: One Man's Road to Watergate (1974), he wrote, I know nothing to indicate that Nixon was aware in advance of the plan to break into the Democratic headquarters. It is possible that Mitchell or Haldeman told him in advance, but I think it's likelier that they would not have mentioned it unless the operation had produced some results of interest to him. [page needed] This book was published before Magruder's sentencing on May 21, and before Nixon resigned as the president. Magruder had testified that he thought that he was helping establish a legal intelligence-gathering operation. In his book Magruder wrote about former attorney general John Mitchell and Fred LaRue meeting in late March 1972 in Key Biscayne, Florida. He wrote that Mitchell approved the plan to eavesdrop on the Watergate complex soon after this meeting.[26] After Watergate After his prison term, Magruder began a speaking tour on college campuses and in other public spaces, inspiring some critics to suggest he had profited from the scandal and his decision to turn state's evidence.[27] He published a Christian-oriented memoir, From Power to Peace in 1976. He earned a Master of Divinity (M.Div.) degree from Princeton Theological Seminary in 1981 and became ordained as a Presbyterian minister. He served as associate minister at the First Presbyterian Church in Burlingame, California and First Community Church of Columbus, Ohio. (While there, Magruder chaired that city's Commission on Ethics and Values for a time.) In May 1983, President Ronald Reagan denied a request from Magruder for a presidential pardon.[28] In 1990 Magruder was called as senior pastor at the First Presbyterian Church of Lexington, Kentucky. In 1995, Kentucky Governor Brereton Jones reinstated Magruder's right to vote, and campaign for public office in the state. Continued controversy In 1990 Magruder consented to interviews with authors Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin while the two were conducting research for their 1991 book Silent Coup: The Removal of a President (St. Martin's Press). Magruder admitted that he had lied to prosecutors, to the Senate's Watergate Committee, and in his 1974 book An American Life: One Man's Road to Watergate, concerning aspects of the early cover-up. To Colodny and Gettlin, he said that he had called John Dean several hours after the (second) Watergate break-in was discovered, and that Dean set in motion several cover-up strategies. This version of events tallied closely with that of Liddy, as set out in his 1980 book Will. Books published earlier by others, however, such as Magruder's in 1974 and Dean's Blind Ambition (1976), had become the accepted 'truth' of the cover-up. These versions had very profound and damaging effects on the reputations of senior figures such as Haldeman, John Ehrlichman and Mitchell.[29] To Colodny and Gettlin, Magruder admitted specifically instructing Liddy on the second Watergate break-in, something which he had earlier denied. At the time these interviews were conducted, Magruder was a Presbyterian minister in Columbus, Ohio.[29][page needed] In 2003 Magruder was interviewed again, by PBS researchers and the Associated Press. According to his account in a PBS documentary, Watergate Plus 30: Shadow of History, and in an interview with the Associated Press, he asserted that Nixon knew about the Watergate burglary early in the process, and well before the scandal broke.[citation needed] During the 2003 interviews, Magruder said that he had attended a meeting with Mitchell on March 30, 1972, at which he heard Nixon tell Mitchell by telephone to begin the Watergate plan. This account, however, has been contested by Fred LaRue. LaRue, who was the only other person present at the meeting in which the alleged telephone call from Nixon to Mitchell occurred, has said that no telephone call from Nixon to Mitchell took place during this meeting.[citation needed] Magruder is the only direct participant of the scandal to claim that Nixon had specific prior knowledge of the Watergate burglary, and that Nixon directed Mitchell to proceed with the burglary. These statements contradict Magruder's earlier accounts that the cover-up had reached no higher in the Administration than Mitchell. In his 1974 book, Magruder had said that the only telephone call from the White House during this meeting came from H.R. Haldeman's aide, Gordon C. Strachan. Sixteen years later, in the August 7, 1990 interview with Colodny and Gettlin, Magruder changed his account, claiming that the telephone call from the White House came from Haldeman himself. In 2003, Magruder changed his account again, saying that President Nixon had telephoned Mitchell at the Key Biscayne meeting. Later years Magruder retired first to Colorado Springs and later to the Short North area of Columbus, Ohio. On July 23, 2007, Magruder was hospitalized after crashing his car into a motorcycle and a truck on State Route 315 in Columbus.[30] It was reported that Magruder had suffered a stroke while driving.[31] He was charged with failure to maintain an assured clear distance and failure to stop after an accident or collision.[32] Magruder pleaded guilty in January 2008 to a charge of reckless operation stemming from the crashes with two vehicles in July. His license was suspended and he was fined $300. Death Magruder moved to be near family in Danbury, Connecticut in 2012, and died at age 79 on May 11, 2014, due to complications from a stroke.[33] References Martin, Douglas (May 16, 2014). "Jeb Magruder, 79, Nixon Aide Jailed for Watergate, Dies (Published 2014)". The New York Times. "One-time Nixon aide Jeb Stuart Magruder, convicted in Watergate, dies". Los Angeles Times. May 16, 2014. "1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-06-14; Part 1 of 6". Library of Congress, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. June 13, 1973. Retrieved January 20, 2018. Episode Guide Martin, Douglas (2014-05-17). "Jeb Magruder, 79, Nixon Aide Jailed for Watergate, Dies". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-02-21. Graff, Garrett M. (15 February 2022). Watergate: A New History. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-9821-3918-6. Magruder, p. 17 Magruder, pp. 21–24 Magruder, pp. 18-29 "McGruder, Gail Barnes Nicholas". KAPPA KAPPA GAMMA. Retrieved 18 August 2022. Magruder, p. 36 "Gail Barnes Nicholas, Born 03/05/1938 in California". CaliforniaBirthIndex.org. Retrieved 17 August 2022. "Jeb S. Magruder Obituary (2014) The Gazette". The Gazette (Colorado Springs). Legacy.com. Retrieved 18 August 2022. Magruder, pp. 29–33 "Director of Nixon Inauguration". The New York Times. 20 January 1973. Retrieved 17 August 2022. Magruder, p. 35 Magruder, pp. 41–43 Magruder, pp. 43–45 Magruder, pp. 46–51 Magruder, 51–54 Magruder, pp. 54–55 Magruder, pp. 9-10 H.R. Haldeman, The Ends of Power, New York: New York Times Books, 1978, p.9 Magruder, pp. 298–303 Magruder, pp. 310–318 Magruder, pp. 185–197 Magruder, pp. 210–215 Gold, Victor (August 28, 1973). "Jeb Magruder, Superstar (Published 1973)". The New York Times. "washingtonpost.com - watergate scandal and deep throat update, jeb magruder". www.washingtonpost.com. Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991 Marx, Matthew (2007-07-23), "Watergate figure hospitalized after Rt. 315 crash", The Columbus Dispatch[permanent dead link] "News Briefs", The Columbus Dispatch, 2007-07-28 Decker, Theodore (2007-07-26), "Ex-Nixon aide charged in two crashes", The Columbus Dispatch Brammer, Jack. "Watergate figure Jeb Stuart Magruder, who later became a minister in Lexington, dies at 79 | Faith & Values". Kentucky.com. Retrieved 2014-05-16. Sources Graff, Garrett M. (15 February 2022). Watergate: A New History. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-9821-3918-6. Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991 Jeb Stuart Magruder, An American Life: One Man's Road to Watergate, New York 1974, Atheneum published before Magruder's sentencing on May 21, and before Nixon's resignation. Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National France BnF data Germany United States Netherlands Poland Academics CiNii Other NARA SNAC IdRef Categories: 1934 births2014 deathsAmerican memoiristsAmerican Presbyterian ministersBooz Allen Hamilton peopleIBM employeesMembers of the Committee for the Re-Election of the PresidentAmerican people convicted of obstruction of justicePeople from Staten IslandPrinceton Theological Seminary alumniUnited States Army soldiersUniversity of Chicago alumniWilliams College alumniNew York (state) RepublicansKentucky RepublicansCalifornia RepublicansOhio RepublicansMilitary personnel from New York CityWriters from New York CityCurtis High School alumniPeople convicted in the Watergate scandal

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In military organizations, a pathfinder is a specialized soldier inserted or dropped into place in order to set up and operate drop zones, pickup zones, and helicopter landing sites for airborne operations, air resupply operations, or other air operations in support of the ground unit commander. Pathfinders first appeared in World War II, and continue to serve an important role in today's modern armed forces, providing commanders with the option of flexibly employing air assets. There were a group of pilots who were also designated pathfinders. They flew C-47 (DC-3) aircraft and were the lead planes followed by paratroop transports, used for dropping paratroopers into designate drop zones such as on D day, the Normandy Invasion.[1] History United Kingdom During the Second World War small groups of parachute soldiers were formed into pathfinder units, to parachute ahead of the main force. Their tasks were to mark the drop zones (DZ) or landing zones (LZ), set up radio beacons as a guide for the aircraft carrying the main force and to clear and protect the area as the main force arrived. The units were formed into two companies to work with the two British airborne divisions created during the war, the 1st and 6th. Paratroopers of 3 Platoon, 21st Independent Parachute Company, assemble at RAF Fairford, Gloucestershire in preparation for Operation Market Garden, September 1944. The 21st Independent Parachute Company was formed in June 1942 and became part of the 1st Airborne Division, then commanded by Major General Frederick "Boy" Browning, considered to be the father of the British Army's airborne forces.[2] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company was raised in May 1943 and was part of the 6th Airborne Division, under the command of Major General Richard "Windy" Gale.[3] During the Allied invasion of Sicily (codenamed 'Operation Husky') the 21st Independent Parachute Company parachuted ahead of the main force during Operation Fustian to capture the Primosole Bridge on the night of 13/14 July 1943. They then took part in Operation Slapstick, part of the Allied invasion of Italy, landing by sea at Taranto on 9 September. The company, with most of the rest of the 1st Airborne Division, after fighting briefly in the early stages of the Italian Campaign, returned to the United Kingdom in December 1943, but left an independent platoon behind in Italy to work with the 2nd Independent Parachute Brigade Group. Held in reserve and unused for the Allied Operation Overlord, the invasion of Normandy, the company took part in Operation Market Garden, landing at the Dutch town of Arnhem on the night of 17 September 1944. After marking the DZs and LZs the company was trapped with the rest of the division in the Oosterbeek Perimeter, suffering heavy casualties in what is now known as the Battle of Arnhem.[4] The company did not see any further action in the war.[2] Paratroopers of the 22nd Independent Parachute Company with their toy mascot 'Pegasus' at RAF Harwell, Berkshire, preparing for Operation Tonga the initial airborne element of Overlord, 5 June 1944. Towards the end of the war the 21st Independent Parachute Company went with the 1st Airborne Division as part of Operation Doomsday to disarm the German forces in Norway between May and October 1945. It was then attached to the 6th Airborne Division serving in Mandate Palestine where it was still serving in September 1946, when it was disbanded.[2] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company were the lead elements of the 6th Airborne Division's drop into Normandy as part of Operation Tonga in the early hours of D-Day, 6 June 1944.[5] The company, together with the rest of the division, remained in Normandy, acting as standard line infantry, until the 6th Airborne Division advanced to the River Seine in August, returning to England in September but was sent to Belgium in December, due to the German Ardennes offensive, again fighting as standard infantrymen. The company then participated in Operation Varsity, the airborne component of Operation Plunder, the British assault crossing of the Rhine in late March 1945 and then the subsequent Western Allied invasion of Germany.[3] The 22nd Independent Parachute Company was sent with the 5th Parachute Brigade, part of the 6th Airborne Division but temporarily detached, to the Far East in mid-1945, remaining there until disbanded in July 1946.[3] Post war the Regular Army's parachute force was reduced to the 16th Parachute Brigade. To provide this formation with a pathfinder capacity the Guards Independent Parachute Company was formed in 1948 on the disbandment of Composite Guards Parachute Battalion.[6] The Company deployed on a wide variety of operations between 1948 and 1977. It was deployed to Borneo during the Borneo Confrontation where it was used provide reinforcement to the SAS and its professional performance resulted in the formation of G Sqn of that regiment in 1966.[7][8] The pathfinder role in the Territorial Army (TA), the British Army's part-time reserve, was continued by 16 (Lincoln) Independent Parachute Company[9] as part of 44th Parachute Brigade (V). The 16 Air Assault Brigade employs elite pathfinders in their Pathfinder Platoon. United States See also: United States Air Force Combat Control Team During World War II, the pathfinders were a group of volunteers selected within the Airborne units who were specially trained to operate navigation aids to guide the main airborne body to the drop zones. The pathfinder teams (sticks) were made up of a group of eight to twelve pathfinders and a group of six bodyguards whose job was to defend the pathfinders while they set up their equipment. The pathfinder teams dropped approximately thirty minutes before the main body in order to locate designated drop zones and provide radio and visual guides for the main force in order to improve the accuracy of the jump. These navigational aids included compass beacons, colored panels, Eureka radar sets, and colored smoke.[10] When they jumped, the pathfinders many times would encounter less resistance than the follow-up waves of paratroopers, simply because they had the element of surprise on their side.[10] Once the main body jumped, the pathfinders then joined their original units and fought as standard airborne infantry. World War II Early operations The first two U.S. airborne campaigns, the drops into French North Africa (Operation Torch) and on Sicily (Operation Husky) did not make use of pathfinders. The jump into North Africa, made up of men of the 509th Parachute Infantry Battalion (509th PIB), resulted in its men being scattered to places such as Algeria, Gibraltar, and Morocco when they ran into bad weather and got lost.[11] The next major airborne operation took place in the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. Many of the same problems were encountered, as the men were scattered as far as 65 miles from their drop zones, due to high winds and poor navigation.[11] In fact, some of the paratroopers landed so far off course that it was a matter of weeks before they finally found their way back to Allied lines.[11] In a history of the 509th PIB's wartime actions titled "Stand in the Door! The wartime history of the 509th Parachute Infantry," authors and 509th veterans Charles H. Doyle and Terrell Stewart described how their unit formed the first U.S. Army pathfinder unit. [General James] Gavin likes to claim credit for "inventing" Pathfinders, pointing to bad drops in Sicily as the cause. Let us set the record straight: The 509th, the world's most experienced bad drop specialists, first saw the need for them. Pathfinders were separate teams of "advance men" who jumped in ahead of main forces to set up beacons and other guides to incoming aircraft. The 509th's Scout Company was the first specialized Pathfinder group. In the U.S. Army, it started the training and experimentation necessary to develop the concept at Oujda. With fragments of practical knowledge from the British Airborne, company commander Captain Howland and his XO 1st Lt. Fred E. Perry worked hard to develop usable techniques. Perry recalls: "Everyone knew through hard experience that the Air Corps needed help to drop us on the correct drop zone. We organized the Scout Company for this purpose. This was later made into a Scout Platoon under my command, consisting of 10 enlisted and myself. We were equipped with a British homing radio and U.S. Navy Aldis lamps, which radiated a beam to guide planes. We trained on this procedure until the invasion at Salerno. In the meantime, the 82nd Airborne Division arrived from the States on May 10 and camped near the 509th at Oujda. We were attached to them. The 82nd would not buy our Scout Platoon idea, but they sure found out in a hurry after Sicily that we really had something that was needed. At the time, Major General Matthew Ridgway and his "All-American" staff thought they knew it all. Impressed with themselves, although they were not jumpers or experienced glider troopers, they airily dismissed the 509th and its fresh combat experiences, as well as any nonstandard/Limey concept. They would learn the hard way.[12] Sicily and Italy After the serious problems uncovered during the parachute drop in the Allied invasion of Sicily, the Allied high command questioned the utility of parachute infantry primarily because of the difficulty of dropping the infantry as cohesive units rather than as scattered groups. A review of procedures and methods resulted in the establishment of the pathfinder teams to aid navigation to drop zones. The pathfinder forces were only formed about a week in advance of the jump at Paestum, Italy, on September 13, 1943.[13] When the majority of the pathfinders landed directly on target, they were able to set up their radar sets and Krypton lights on the drop zone.[13] A quarter of an hour later, the main body of paratroopers from the 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment (504th PIR) landed right on the middle of the drop zone.[13] The same night, the newly formed pathfinder detachment from the 509th PIB saw their first action in that capacity at Avellino, Italy.[11] Compared to the successful pathfinders at Paestum, those of the 509th at Avellino had markedly less success. However, this was not their fault, as the mountainous terrain surrounding the area deflected the radar signals and caused the pilots to become disoriented.[13] Normandy U.S. Army pathfinders of the 2nd Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment (505th PIR), and C-47 Skytrain flight crew just before D-Day, June 1944 Airborne and pathfinder forces did not see combat again until June 6, 1944, at the commencement of the D-Day landings of Operation Overlord. Pathfinders taking part in the Allied parachute assault on Normandy, France, on June 6, 1944, were trained by the Pathfinder School at RAF North Witham (U.S. Army Air Force (USAAF) designation 'Army Air Force Station 479') Lincolnshire. At 21:30 on June 5, about 200 pathfinders began to take off from North Witham, for the French Cotentin Peninsula, in 20 Douglas C-47 Skytrain aircraft of the 9th Troop Carrier Command Pathfinder Group. They began to drop at 00:15 on June 6, to prepare the drop zones for the 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions. They were the first American troops on the ground on D-Day. However, their aircraft were scattered by low clouds and anti-aircraft fire. Many never found their assigned landing zones. Some of the landing zones were too heavily defended. Some were flooded. The low clouds and extremely intense anti-aircraft fire caused the pathfinder sticks to be dropped off course, with only one stick landing in the correct place (Ambrose, p. 196). Their radar beacons did work somewhat effectively; even though the pathfinders set up their equipment off course, many of the sticks of follow up paratroopers landed clustered near these beacons.[14] However, the lights proved ineffective, as most were not set up due to the clouds and misdrops of the pathfinders.[15] While the bad weather and heavy anti-aircraft curtailed the effectiveness of the pathfinder teams on D-Day, the overall airborne drop was a success. This was true because the misplacement and scattering of the airborne forces deceived the German High Command and, as happened in Sicily, convincing them that there were far more American paratroopers present than there actually were in France.[15] Southern France The invasion of the South of France took place on August 15, 1944, in the form of Operation Dragoon (Rottman, p. 80). The 509th PIB, the 517th Parachute Regimental Combat Team, and the 551st PIB formed the American airborne contingent of the invasion, dropping into the French Riviera in the early hours of the morning.[11] As had been the problem with previous night drops, such as Normandy, the pathfinders were misdropped when the planes carrying them got lost.[16] Further delays were encountered when these men had to find each other on the ground, work their way through a heavily wooded area near the town of Le Muy, and fight off German soldiers in the process.[13] Due to the ineffective placement of the pathfinders, the follow-up waves of paratroopers were not dropped in the right place either. This was further exacerbated by pilot error, as many of the pilots opted to drop their paratroopers at too high an altitude; the result was that these men were widely scattered.[13] An entire stick of men of the 509th PIB were dropped into the sea and drowned near St Tropez.[16] Much like the paratroopers in Normandy, however, the overall operation was a success as the paratroopers still managed to accomplish their missions and capture their objectives in conjunction with the seaborne landing forces.[13] Netherlands Operation Market Garden, the brainchild of British Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery, commander of the 21st Army Group, which took place on September 17, 1944, was the next major airborne operation into the Netherlands, the largest to date.[14] The mission of the airborne troops was to capture a series of bridges from Best in the south, to Arnhem (by the British 1st Airborne Division) in the north. This would then allow the ground element to cross the bridges in a rapid manoeuvre.[14] While the operation ultimately failed due to delays among the ground forces, the airborne divisions accomplished most of their missions; this was due in large part to the efforts of the pathfinder forces.[14] A combination of the drop taking place in broad daylight and that the Germans were not expecting an airborne attack allowed the pathfinders to land on target and guide in the rest of the paratroopers to the proper locations.[14] This is especially remarkable considering that the number of pathfinder sticks and the number of men in each stick were reduced to the bare minimum (one per drop zone) for this drop.[13] Battle of the Bulge During the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944, the 101st Airborne Division, along with elements of numerous other units, was trucked to the Belgian town of Bastogne in order to secure and defend the town which contained a major road junction. By December 22, 1944, the units defending the town were surrounded and running low on supplies. Two sticks of pathfinders of the 101st parachuted into besieged Bastogne to set up signal beacons to guide in a flight of planes to resupply the Allied units in that town; the resupply succeeded, thanks to the efforts of the pathfinders.[13] There were pathfinder trained personnel already in Bastogne, but they were unable to perform the pathfinder duty without the equipment that was parachuted in with the pathfinders. Into Germany A similar mission was carried out by the pathfinders of the 506th PIR at Prüm, Germany, on February 13, 1945.[13] Their objective was to set beacons to guide in planes to resupply the surrounded 4th Infantry Division, and they succeeded; this allowed the division to fight off the Germans surrounding them.[13] The only major airborne operation into Germany came on March 24, 1945, in the form of Operation Varsity, the crossing of the Rhine River by American, British and Canadian paratroopers.[13] Because it was another daylight drop (navigation should not be a problem) and that the drop zones were heavily defended, pathfinders were not dropped prior to the main paratrooper forces in this operation.[13] Instead, some set up beacons on the Allied side of the river, and others dropped with the main paratrooper force to set up smoke and panels as a final navigational aid.[13] The Pacific Theater There was a much lesser demand for pathfinders and airborne forces in general in the jungles and islands of the Pacific. The 511th PIR was the only Pacific based airborne unit to employ pathfinders, which it did in the Philippines.[13] They were used twice, at Tagaytay Ridge in early February 1945, and again on June 23, 1945.[13] However, neither time did they parachute in to mark the drop zones; rather, they infiltrated over a beach in one instance, and across a river in the other.[13] Needless to say, the pathfinders were used unconventionally in the Pacific Theater. Post–World War II The divisional pathfinder units of World War II were assigned to the subordinate parachute infantry regiments. In 1947, the first divisional pathfinder platoon was organized in the Headquarters Company, 82d Airborne Division. Pathfinders were also established in the 11th Airborne Division, at that time on occupation duty in Japan. Korean War The organizational structure of the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team included a Pathfinder Team; however, when the 187th conducted a parachute assault in October 1950 near the villages of Sukchon and Sunchon in North Korea, the commander, Brig. Gen. Frank S. Bowen, decided against using pathfinders on the jump. According to USAF Historical Study No. 71, "Bowen thought that the use of pathfinder teams to signal for resupply drops would have been valuable, but such teams, had they been employed to mark the initial jump areas, would have been killed before they got into action."[citation needed] Vietnam War See also: Military Assistance Command, Vietnam – Studies and Observations Group In Vietnam Pathfinder Infantrymen were inserted into areas to establish landing zones for air assaults or other helicopter operations. Pathfinders determined the most practical landing zones, withdrawal routes, approach lanes, and landing sites for helicopter assaults, in hostile areas.[17] They themselves would then often be extracted with helicopter McGuire rigs. The US Army's 11th Aviation Group landed in the country in August 1965, and while assigned to the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) expanded its Pathfinder unit to company size, creating the provisional 11th Pathfinder Company. While the 11th Pathfinder Company was assigned to the 1st Cavalry Division's reconnaissance section, units such as the 1st Infantry Division, 101st Airborne (Airmobile), 82nd Airborne (3rd Brigade), etc., operated Ranger or Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) companies within their reconnaissance elements.[18] The 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), which had deployed to Southeast Asia in September 1965, departed South Vietnam in April 1971. The 11th Aviation Group re-deployed from Southeast Asia in March 1973. The activities of the Pathfinder Platoon, HHC, 160th Aviation Group, 101st Airborne Division in Vietnam are covered in the book "Pathfinder: First In, Last Out" by the late Richard R. Burns, a veteran of the unit.[19] To date it is the only book covering pathfinders in Vietnam. Post–Vietnam Era In the post–Vietnam era the Army established pathfinder units in US-based aviation units, to include the 222d Aviation Battalion[20] in Alaska and the 6th Cavalry Brigade (Air Combat) at Fort Hood, TX. The Army also activated pathfinder units in both the Army Reserve and the National Guard. The first USAR unit was the 26th Infantry Platoon in Wichita, KS, which was formed with the lineage of a former Regular Army scout dog unit that had served in World War II and Korea. This was followed by the 27th Infantry Platoon in Grand Prairie, TX, which had no prior history, and the 5th Infantry Platoon, which carried the lineage of a former Regular Army pathfinder unit that had been assigned to Fort Rucker, AL, from 1963 to 1975, when it was expanded and reflagged as Company C (Pathfinder), 509th Infantry. In time the 54th Infantry Platoon was activated in Wenatchee, WA, and the 79th Infantry Platoon at Fort Douglas, UT. All were 22-man units with one officer, one NCOIC, an RTO for each, and three six-man teams. These were the USAR platoons, their locations and the commands to which they were assigned: 5th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Fort Meade, MD (97th ARCOM; administratively attached to HQ 11th SFGA and later assigned to HQ 31st Aviation Group) 26th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Wichita, KS (89th ARCOM) 27th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), NAS Dallas, Grand Prairie, TX (90th ARCOM) 54th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Wenatchee, WA 124th ARCOM) 79th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder), Fort Douglas, UT (96th ARCOM) The Army National Guard activated five pathfinder detachments. Its 1136th Infantry Detachment was formed using the assets of the Pathfinder Detachment, HQ 36th Airborne Brigade when the brigade was inactivated in April 1980. 28th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Fort Indiantown Gap, Annville, PA (28th Inf Div, PA ARNG) 76th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Stockton, CA (40th Inf Div, CA ARNG) 77th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Columbus, OH (73rd Inf Bde, OH ARNG) 667th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Saint Thomas, VI (VI ARNG) 1136th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder), Austin, TX (TX ARNG) Modern pathfinders Pathfinders exist in a number of armed forces around the world. Most of them are senior members of parachute units and have earned the right to wear the maroon beret. Belgium Belgium has a platoon of pathfinders that is special operations capable as part of the Special Operations Regiment. They are paracommandos that receive an extra pathfinder course at Schaffen. The Belgian pathfinders keep close ties with their Dutch and British counterparts, with whom they perform joint exercises.[21] Brazil Brazil has a company of pathfinders (Companhia de Precursores Pára-quedista) as part of the Parachute Infantry Brigade. This unit is tasked with the execution of missions that are common to this kind of force, but, often operate like a special forces group. Operating in covert intelligence gathering operations, direct action, and counter-guerrilla warfare. Member of this company take part in many operations in hot zones, like Rio de Janeiro, Haiti and Congo. The course of Brazilian pathfinders lasts six months, being one of the most difficult in Brazil, with an average of 10 approved. Canada In the Canadian Armed Forces, airborne pathfinders are paratroopers who – besides securing drop zones, gathering intelligence, and briefing follow-on forces – also conduct ambushes and reconnaissance behind enemy lines.[citation needed] To qualify as a pathfinder in the Canadian Army, the soldier must pass the Patrol Pathfinder course conducted by the Canadian Army Advanced Warfare Centre. Each regular force infantry regiment has one dedicated airborne company. France Commando Parachute Group (GCP Groupement de Commando Parachutistes): Each regiment within the 11th Parachute Brigade (11e Brigade Parachutiste) trains one or two GCP teams from their own ranks. There are nineteen teams with about a dozen members each in the GCP, which is structured as follows: 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment (1er Régiment de chasseurs parachutistes) (three teams of ten commandos) 1st Parachute Hussar Regiment (1er Régiment de hussards parachutistes) (two teams) 2nd Foreign Parachute Regiment (2e Régiment étranger de parachutistes) (three teams) 3rd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (3e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) (two teams) 8th Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (8e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) (two teams) 17th Parachute Engineer Regiment (17e Régiment de génie parachutiste) (two teams) 35th Artillery Parachute Regiment (35e Régiment d'artillerie parachutiste) (two teams) 11th Parachute Command and Transmission Company (11ème Compagnie de Commandement et de Transmissions Parachutiste (11e CCTP)) Not to mention the GCP (one team) of the 2nd Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment (2e Régiment de parachutistes d'infanterie de marine) stationed on Reunion Island in the Indian Ocean. India See also: India Maroon beret and Parachute Regiment (India) The President's Bodyguard was initially a cavalry unit raised in September 1773 to guard the Governor General. The unit is the most senior unit of the Indian Army. The unit converted to the airborne role in 1944 and became the pathfinder unit of the 2nd Indian Airborne Division and renamed "44th Divisional Reconnaissance Squadron (GGBG)". The unit today is about a company-plus strength and maintains very strong affiliation to the Cavalry, Guards and the Airborne fraternity with 100 percent troopers airborne qualified and equipped for mechanized warfare. However the Special Forces (Airborne) units are mainly assigned such tasks as they are specialist in pathfinder operations using HALO/HAHO. Netherlands The Netherlands have a pathfinders platoon which was founded in 2007. Since the Netherlands did not have a pathfinders unit before that, they were founded on the Belgian model where they receive their pathfinder courses in Schaffen. The Dutch pathfinders platoon maintains close cooperation with their Belgian counterparts, with joint training facilities and exercises.[21] Portugal The Air-Land Pathfinders Company (Companhia de Precursores Aeroterrestres) is a special reconnaissance support unit of the Parachute Troops of the Portuguese Army. The members of the unit are known as "Precs", abbreviation of precursores, meaning "precursors" or "pathfinders" in Portuguese. The main mission of the "Precs" is to carry out high altitude insertions in the scope of airborne operations, through the use of HAHO and HALO techniques, in order to make the reconnaissance of landing zones for the main parachute forces to be dropped. South Africa The 44 Pathfinder Platoon is part of 44 Pathfinder Company of the South African Army, within 44 Parachute Brigade and 1 Parachute Battalion respectively. United Kingdom The Pathfinder Platoon is a specialist reconnaissance and special operations unit of the British Army, and an integral part of 16 Air Assault Brigade. The Pathfinder Platoon acts as the brigade's advance force and reconnaissance force. Its role includes locating and marking drop zones and helicopter landing zones for air landing operations. Once the main force has landed, the platoon provides tactical intelligence for the brigade.[22] Following the 1982 Falklands War, 5 Airborne Brigade was established as a light, rapid reaction force for similar requirements. The brigade was formed from the Parachute Regiment, and support units. The Brigade identified a requirement for an independent intelligence collection capability, deployable into a hostile or non-permissive environment ahead of the main force so in 1985 the Pathfinder Platoon was established. Pathfinder Platoon operations have included: Operation Agricola: In June 1999, the Pathfinder Platoon was deployed to Kosovo. It operated behind enemy lines providing reconnaissance and forward air control. Once NATO forces entered Kosovo, the Platoon provided a defensive screen around Pristina International Airport prior to the arrival of the Russian forces.[23] Operation Palliser: In May 2000 the Pathfinder Platoon deployed to Sierra Leone, to assist the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone efforts. Operation Essential Harvest: With the rise in ethnic tension overspilling in to violence in Republic of Macedonia between ethnic Albanian, National Liberation Army (NLA) and Macedonian security forces, the British Government sent a force to oversee a NATO-led ceasefire.[24] The Pathfinders, alongside the UKSF,[25] oversaw the uneasy truce and were used to establish links between the warring factions and monitor any hostile activities.[citation needed] Operation Veritas: The platoon deployed into Bagram Air Base, Afghanistan, in December 2001 to assist NATO's International Security Assistance Force. Operation Telic: In Iraq, The primary mission for the teams was to conduct mobile surveillance/fighting patrols behind enemy lines in support of UK and US forces. After the hostilities, the unit were redeployed on the Iran/Iraq border as well as carrying out "snatch squad" tasks on suspected Ba'athist war criminals in Maysan.[citation needed] Operation Herrick: The Platoon was deployed to the southern Afghan province of Helmand alongside the British 3 Para Battle Group in 2006. They deployed again to Helmand, Afghanistan, in 2010/2011. The platoon work under the command of the Brigade Headquarters. The Officer Commanding Pathfinder Platoon is a senior captain or major. The platoon operates in teams of 6 men. In 2006 a new rate of Parachute Pay (High Altitude Parachute Pay) was introduced for members of the Pathfinder Platoon following the recommendations of the Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body.[26] United States US Army Pathfinders conducting helicopter sling load operations, 2 January 2002 USAF combat controller assesses a potential relief supply air delivery drop zone during Operation Unified Response in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Jan. 19, 2010. The U.S. Army operates three Pathfinder schools. The first is the United States Army Pathfinder School, at Fort Moore (previously known as Fort Benning), Georgia,[27] which serves as the Army proponent agency for Pathfinder operations and oversees the standardization of Army Pathfinder doctrine. The second is the Sabalauski Air Assault School of Fort Campbell, KY.[28] The third is part of Fort Moore's Army National Guard Warrior Training Center, which also conducts Pre-Ranger and Air Assault classes.[29] The courses taught at the WTC and Fort Campbell do not include parachute jumps. As the airmobile concept was being developed before the Vietnam War, starting about 1960 there was a pathfinder presence at Fort Rucker, Alabama, initially designated as the Pathfinder Team, Company A, 2d Battle Group, 31st Infantry, later re-flagged as the 5th Battle Group, 31st Infantry on 1 July 1963. The purpose of the battle group, which was organized differently than standard battle groups, was to provide training support to the Aviation Center. Subsequent reorganizations and re-flaggings led to the 5th Infantry Detachment (Pathfinder) and 5th Infantry Platoon (Pathfinder). On 1 July 1975 the unit was reorganized and re-flagged as Company C (Pathfinder), 509th Infantry, and it retained this designation until 1 June 1993 when it was re-flagged as Company A (Pathfinder), 511th Infantry. This designation only lasted until 31 October 1995 when the Pathfinder presence at Fort Rucker came to an end due to budget cuts that also ended the post's Air Assault School. Combined with the inactivation of all five USAR pathfinder platoons and all five ARNG Pathfinder detachments at the end of fiscal year 1990, the inactivation of A-511th at Fort Rucker resulted in only two Pathfinder units remaining in the Army: a detachment in the 17th Aviation Brigade in Korea and a company in the 101st Aviation Brigade of the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) at Fort Campbell, Kentucky. In June 2005 the 17th Aviation Brigade in Korea was inactivated, along with its pathfinder detachment. At the time it was the only pathfinder unit outside of the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault). When the U.S. Army reorganized its combat divisions under the modular concept, long range surveillance detachments (LRSD) were eliminated at division level. Concurrently in the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), the 101st Aviation Brigade (Attack) and the 159th Aviation Brigade (Assault) were reorganized to be identical combat aviation brigades, and the division's former LRSD was transferred from the 311th Military Intelligence Battalion to the 159th CAB to become a second pathfinder company within the division. At this point the two pathfinder companies were (1) Company F (Pathfinder), 4th Battalion, 101st Aviation Regiment, 159th Combat Aviation Brigade and (2) Company F (Pathfinder), 5th Battalion, 101st Aviation Regiment, 101st Combat Aviation Brigade. In 2006 the LRSD, 313th Military Intelligence Battalion in the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Bragg was likewise transferred to the 2d Battalion, 82d Aviation Regiment, and reorganized and reflagged as Company F (Pathfinder).[30] Also formed up were two provisional pathfinder units not documented on the parent units’ MTOE. These were Company F, 2d Battalion, 10th Aviation Regiment, part of the Combat Aviation Brigade, 10th Mountain Division (Light Infantry) at Fort Drum, NY, and a pathfinder company operating as part of the 2d Battalion, 25th Aviation Regiment, Combat Aviation Brigade, 25th Infantry Division, Schofield Barracks, HI.[31] These pathfinder units filled roles across the spectrum of their doctrinal missions, along with other roles outside of their prescribed task lists. An Army News Service article dated 10 September 2014 noted the activation of a new company within the 1st Battalion, 509th Infantry Regiment at Fort Polk, Louisiana. This unit, Company C, was described as "a rifle company with pathfinder capabilities."[32] Jump status for the two pathfinder companies in the 101st was terminated on 16 October 2013, resulting in the elimination of the last parachute billets in the division.[33] This was followed on 15 May 2015 by the inactivation of the 159th CAB, which included the brigade's pathfinder company. Concurrently the 101st CAB was redesignated as the CAB, 101st Airborne Division, bringing it in line with other non-numbered divisional CABs. At this point the division assumed the same organizational structure as the 10th Mountain Division, a light infantry unit. On 2 August 2016 the remaining pathfinder company in the 101st Airborne Division was inactivated in a ceremony at Fort Campbell, KY.[34] Media accounts erred in stating that “seventy-two years of service came to an end” with the inactivation of the company. The World War II pathfinder units were assigned at the infantry regiment level, not division level, and the division itself was inactivated in late 1945.[35] Reactivated three times in the post-war years as a non-combat training division without pathfinders, the division was reformed again as a combat unit in 1956. Documentation on when pathfinders returned to the division is sparse, but most likely took place in the 1960s with the advent of helicopter warfare and the shift of the pathfinder mission from control of fixed-wing aircraft, which had gone to USAF combat control teams, to Army rotary wing aircraft. When the 101st Airborne Division stood down in Vietnam in early 1972, soldiers with time remaining on their tours, to include pathfinders, were reassigned to other units, such as the 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division (Separate), and the division flag returned to Fort Campbell. In the summer of 2016 the provisional pathfinder company in the 25th Infantry Division was inactivated, followed by the inactivation of the company in the 101st Airborne Division (above), and the provisional company in the 10th Mountain Division by October 2016.[36] The last pathfinder unit in the Army, a company authorized by MTOE in the 82d Airborne Division, was inactivated in a ceremony at 1400 on 24 February 2017 at Simmons Army Airfield on Fort Bragg.[37][38] In July 2020 the Army announced that it was considering terminating its Pathfinder course at Fort Moore, Georgia, by the end of the Fiscal Year 2021, and it later decided to do so.[39] By the end of 2021 the website for the Airborne & Ranger Training Brigade no longer listed the Pathfinder course among its offerings.[40] The website for the ARNG Warrior Training Center, also based at Fort Moore, showed no class dates past the end of FY 2021.[41] The Sabalauski Air Assault School at Fort Campbell, Kentucky, under the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), continues to operate its own Pathfinder course.[42] Pathfinders in the U.S. Army wear the Pathfinder Badge. Other services The U.S. Air Force Special Tactics Squadrons perform pathfinder-type roles. In the United States Marine Corps, pathfinder missions are conducted by the Force Reconnaissance platoons by inserting in the battlefield and placing signal panels or illuminating flashers, eventually being replaced by remote sensors and beacons during the Vietnam War. In popular culture Pathfinders – In the Company of Strangers is 2011 movie based on Rebecca/Eureka transponding radar installed before D-Day by Airborne Pathfinders.[43] See also Filthy Thirteen List of paratrooper forces References Stanton, Shelby L. (1987). Vietnam Order of Battle. Galahad Books. ISBN 0-671-08159-4. Lt. Col. David Hamilton, pathfinder pilot United States Army. "21st Independent Parachute Company". Paradata. Retrieved 8 October 2016. "22nd Independent Parachute Company". Paradata. Archived from the original on 12 March 2016. Retrieved 8 October 2016. "Obituary, Lieutenant-Colonel Bill Barclay". Daily Telegraph. London. 2 February 2010. Retrieved 8 April 2010. Wilmot, Chester. The Struggle for Europe. Wm Collins and Sons Ltd. p. 251. "shinycapstar.com". Archived from the original on 2010-03-11. "Immediately after the war, the 1st (Guards) Parachute Battalion was formed for service in Palestine. In 1948, this was reduced in size and eventually became the Guards Independent Parachute Company which was finally disbanded in 1975." Peter Dickens. Secret War In South East Asia. Greenhill Books. p. 211. "In September, however, the Guards Independent Parachute Company under Major L.G.S. Head were allowed across the Sabah border to act offensively... ...This professional performance and others were to result in the formation of 'G' Squadron in 1966" Geraghty, Tony (1980). Who Dares Wins. Arms and Armour Press. p. 52. "-while the Parachute Brigade's Guards Independent (Pathfinder) Company was sent to Borneo to learn something like an SAS role on the job (as was the 2nd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment). Later the Guards Company would provide the nucleus of the new G Squadron." "16 Company, The Parachute Regiment". Archived from the original on 2011-05-18. Huston, James A. "Out of the Blue." West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1998, pp. 23, 29. Rottman, Gordon. U.S. Airborne Units in the Mediterranean Theater 1942–44. Osprey Battle Orders Ser. Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 2006, pp. 64, 67, 75, 80, 83. Charles H. Doyle and Terrell Stewart. Stand in the Door!: The Wartime History of the 509th Parachute Infantry. Phillips Publications, Williamstown, NJ. Moran, Jeff. American Airborne Pathfinders in World War II. Atglen, Pennsylvania: Shiffer Military History, 2003, pp. 28, 31–33, 70, 76–77, 83, 89, 90–92, 94. Zaloga, Stephen J. U.S. Airborne Divisions in the ETO 1944–45. Osprey Battle Orders Ser. 25. Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 2007, p. 65, 70, 72–74. Ambrose, Stephen. D-Day, June 6, 1944: The Climactic Battle of World War II. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994, pp. 196, 216, 223. Gassend Jean-Loup. Autopsy of a Battle, the Liberation of the French Riviera, August September 1944. Schiffer Publishing. Atglen PA. 2014[page needed] Stanton, p. 162 Stanton, pp. 72–86 Richard R. Burns (2008). Pathfinder: First In, Last Out: A Memoir of Vietnam. Random House. ISBN 978-0307489425. "222d Aviation Regiment | Lineage and Honors | U.S. Army Center of Military History (CMH)". www.history.army.mil. Archived from the original on 2014-07-28. http://www.mil.be/def/news/index.asp?LAN=nl&ID=3884 (Dutch), http://www.mil.be/def/news/index.asp?LAN=fr&ID=3884 (French) "Fact file: 16 Air Assault Brigade". BBC News. 2003-02-26. Retrieved 7 April 2010. MOD Briefing, 17 June 1999 Archived 29 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine Smith, Michael (20 August 2001). "Macedonian war is over, pledges rebel leader". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 21 April 2013. Berry, Jessica; Lusher, Adam (19 August 2001). "Macedonia strife threatens Nato mission". The Daily Telegraph. London. "Armed Forces' Pay Review Body Thirty-Fourth Report 2005" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-09-03. "As part of the periodic review, MOD proposed the introduction of a new rate for High Altitude Parachuting. The new rate will apply to members of the Pathfinder Platoon who MOD regards as a fundamental component of the UK's airborne capability." "Pathfinder". "Pathfinder Course". "Pathfinder Course". "82nd Aviation Association". www.82ndavn.org. "2-10 Aviation Battalion Pathfinders conduct counter-smuggling". 19 January 2009. "1st Battalion, 509th Infantry Regiment Adds Two New Companies". "Pathfinders jump towards next rendezvous with destiny". DVIDS. "Pathfinders Inactivate, Pass on Torch". 4 August 2016. Jeff Moran. American Airborne Pathfinders in World War II. Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Atglen, PA[ISBN missing][page needed] "10th Mountain Division graduates 30 Pathfinders". www.army.mil. [https://web.archive.org/web/20170223211305/http://www.fayobserver.com/military/pathfinder-veterans-prepare-to-say-goodbye-to-last-of-its/article_8fa6697f-6e16-5dc3-8fcb-931d3cf67bba.html Archived 2017-02-23 at the Wayback Machine "Army's last pathfinder company deactivates in Fort Bragg ceremony". www.fayobserver.com. Archived from the original on 2017-02-26. "Army considers shuttering its Pathfinder School". 23 July 2020. "Fort Moore | Airborne and Ranger Training Brigade (ARTB)". "Fort Moore | ARNG Warrior Training Center". "Pathfinder :: Fort Campbell". "Pathfinders: In the Company of Strangers (2011)". IMDb. 11 January 2011.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Henry Alfred Kissinger (born Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923 – November 29, 2023) was an American politician, diplomat, political scientist, and geopolitical consultant. He served as United States secretary of state and national security advisor in the presidential administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford and played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977.[4] Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated an opening of relations with China, engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, which ended American involvement in the Vietnam War. He has also been associated with controversial policies, such as the U.S. bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War, Operation Condor, U.S. involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup, a "green light" to Argentina's military junta for their Dirty War, and U.S. support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh Liberation War despite a genocide being perpetrated by Pakistan.[5] Kissinger was a Jewish refugee who fled Nazi Germany with his family in 1938. In the United States, he excelled academically and graduated summa cum laude from Harvard College in 1950, where he studied political science under William Yandell Elliott. He earned his Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. He then had a prominent academic career at Harvard before moving onto government. After leaving government, he formed Kissinger Associates, an international geopolitical consulting firm. Kissinger wrote over a dozen books on diplomatic history and international relations. Kissinger's legacy is a polarizing subject in American politics. He has been widely considered by scholars to be an effective secretary of state[6] but is condemned for turning a blind eye to war crimes committed by American allies due to his support of a pragmatic approach to politics called Realpolitik.[7][8][9][10] For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in the Vietnam War, Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances.[11] Early life and education Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923, in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany. He was the son of homemaker Paula (née Stern; 1901–1998), from Leutershausen, and Louis Kissinger (1887–1982), a schoolteacher. He had a younger brother, Walter (1924–2021), who was a businessman. Kissinger's family was German-Jewish,[12] his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb having adopted "Kissinger" as his surname in 1817, taking it from the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen.[13] In his childhood, Kissinger enjoyed playing soccer. He played for the youth team of SpVgg Fürth, which was one of the nation's best clubs at the time.[14] In a 2022 BBC interview, Kissinger vividly recalled being nine years old in 1933 and learning of Adolf Hitler's election as Chancellor of Germany, which proved to be a profound turning point for the Kissinger family.[citation needed] During Nazi rule, Kissinger and his friends were regularly harassed and beaten by Hitler Youth gangs.[15] Kissinger sometimes defied the segregation imposed by Nazi racial laws by sneaking into soccer stadiums to watch matches, often resulting in beatings from security guards.[16][15] As results of the Nazis' anti-Semitic laws, Kissinger was unable to gain admittance to the Gymnasium and his father was dismissed from his teaching job.[15][17] On August 20, 1938, when Kissinger was 15 years old, he and his family fled Germany to avoid further Nazi persecution.[15] The family briefly stopped in London before arriving in New York City on September 5. Kissinger later downplayed the influence his experiences of Nazi persecution had had on his policies, writing that the "Germany of my youth had a great deal of order and very little justice; it was not the sort of place likely to inspire devotion to order in the abstract." Nevertheless, many scholars, including Kissinger's biographer Walter Isaacson, have argued that his experiences influenced the formation of his realist approach to foreign policy.[18] Kissinger spent his high-school years in the German-Jewish community in the Washington Heights section of Manhattan. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced German accent, due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak.[19][20] After his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night while working in a shaving brush factory during the day.[19] Following high school, Kissinger studied accounting at the City College of New York, excelling academically as a part-time student while continuing to work. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the U.S. Army.[21] U.S. Army Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina. On June 19, 1943, at the age of 20, while stationed in South Carolina, he became a naturalized U.S. citizen. The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College in Pennsylvania under the Army Specialized Training Program, but the program was canceled and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect and arranged for him to be assigned to the division's military intelligence. Kissinger saw combat with the division and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.[22] During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, though only a private (the lowest military rank), was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld because of a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration.[23] Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), where he became a CIC Special Agent holding the enlisted rank of sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star.[24] In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro CIC detachment, Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for denazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.[25] In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King and, as a civilian employee following his separation from the army, continued to serve in this role.[26][27] Kissinger recalled that his experience in the army "made me feel like an American".[28] Academic career Kissinger earned his Bachelor of Arts summa cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa[29] in political science from Harvard College in 1950, where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott.[30] His senior undergraduate thesis, titled The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant, was over 400 pages long, and was the origin of the current limit on length (35,000 words).[31][32][33] He earned his Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still a graduate student at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board,[34] and founded a magazine, Confluence.[35] At that time, he sought to work as a spy for the FBI.[35][36] Portrait of Kissinger as a Harvard senior in 1950 Kissinger's doctoral dissertation was titled Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich).[37] Stephen Graubard, Kissinger's friend, asserted that Kissinger primarily pursued such endeavor to instruct himself on the history of power play between European states in the 19th century.[38] In his doctoral dissertation, Kissinger first introduced the concept of "legitimacy",[39] which he defined as: "Legitimacy as used here should not be confused with justice. It means no more than an international agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy".[40] An international order accepted by all of the major powers is "legitimate" whereas an international order not accepted by one or more of the great powers is "revolutionary" and hence dangerous.[40] Thus, when after the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the leaders of Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia agreed to co-operate in the Concert of Europe to preserve the peace after Austria, Prussia, and Russia participated in a series of three Partitions of Poland, in Kissinger's viewpoint this international system was "legitimate" because it was accepted by the leaders of all five of the Great Powers of Europe. Notably, Kissinger's Primat der Außenpolitik (Primacy of foreign policy) approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision-makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order, then it is "legitimate" with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant.[40] His dissertation also won him the Senator Charles Sumner Prize, an award given to the best dissertation "from the legal, political, historical, economic, social, or ethnic approach, dealing with any means or measures tending toward the prevention of war and the establishment of universal peace" by a student under the Harvard Department of Government.[41] It was published in 1957 as A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822.[41] Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government where he served as the director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.[34] During 1955 and 1956, he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.[42] The book, which criticized the Eisenhower Administration's massive retaliation nuclear doctrine, caused much controversy at the time by proposing the use of tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars.[43] That same year, he published A World Restored, a study of balance-of-power politics in post-Napoleonic Europe.[44] External videos video icon Mike Wallace interview with Kissinger, July 13, 1958 From 1956 to 1958, Kissinger worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.[34] He served as the director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. In 1958, he also co-founded the Center for International Affairs with Robert R. Bowie where he served as its associate director. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department of State, and the RAND Corporation.[34] Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller, supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968.[45] Kissinger first met Richard Nixon at a party hosted by Clare Boothe Luce in 1967, saying that he found him more "thoughtful" than he expected.[46] During the Republican primaries in 1968, Kissinger again served as the foreign policy adviser to Rockefeller and in July 1968 called Nixon "the most dangerous of all the men running to have as president".[46] Initially upset when Nixon won the Republican nomination, the ambitious Kissinger soon changed his mind about Nixon and contacted a Nixon campaign aide, Richard Allen, to state he was willing to do anything to help Nixon win.[47] After Nixon became president in January 1969, Kissinger was appointed as National Security Advisor. By this time, he was arguably "one of the most important theorists about foreign policy ever to be produced by the United States of America", according to his official biographer Niall Ferguson.[48] Foreign policy Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible as President Nixon looks on. Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.[49] With the death of George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger was the last surviving member of the Nixon administration Cabinet.[50] The relationship between Nixon and Kissinger was unusually close, and has been compared to the relationships of Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, or Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins.[51] In all three cases, the State Department was relegated to a backseat role in developing foreign policy.[52] Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous "backchannel" negotiations, such as that through the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin, that excluded State Department experts. Historian David Rothkopf has looked at the personalities of Nixon and Kissinger, saying: They were a fascinating pair. In a way, they complemented each other perfectly. Kissinger was the charming and worldly Mr. Outside who provided the grace and intellectual-establishment respectability that Nixon lacked, disdained and aspired to. Kissinger was an international citizen. Nixon very much a classic American. Kissinger had a worldview and a facility for adjusting it to meet the times, Nixon had pragmatism and a strategic vision that provided the foundations for their policies. Kissinger would, of course, say that he was not political like Nixon—but in fact he was just as political as Nixon, just as calculating, just as relentlessly ambitious ... these self-made men were driven as much by their need for approval and their neuroses as by their strengths.[53] A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in US–Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was jointly awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize with Lê Đức Thọ for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.[54] Thọ declined to accept the award[55] and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it—he donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony, and later offered to return his prize medal.[56][57] As National Security Advisor in 1974, Kissinger directed the much-debated National Security Study Memorandum 200.[58] Détente and opening to China See also: On China Kissinger initially had little interest in China when he began his work as National Security Adviser in 1969, and the driving force behind the rapprochement with China was Nixon.[59] In April 1970 both Nixon and Kissinger promised Chiang Ching-kuo, the son of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong, although Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People's Republic.[60] Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with China. Kissinger made two trips to China in July and October 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy.[61] During his visit to Beijing, the main issue turned out to be Taiwan, as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of China, pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, and end military support for the Kuomintang regime.[62] Kissinger gave way by promising to pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, saying two-thirds would be pulled out when the Vietnam war ended and the rest to be pulled out as Sino-American relations improved.[63] In October 1971, as Kissinger was making his second trip to the People's Republic, the issue of which Chinese government deserved to be represented in the United Nations came up again.[64] Out of concern to not be seen abandoning an ally, the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members, although Kissinger called it "an essentially doomed rearguard action".[65] While American ambassador to the UN George H. W. Bush was lobbying for the "two Chinas" formula, Kissinger was removing favorable references to Taiwan from a speech that Rogers was preparing, as he expected the country to be expelled from the UN.[66] During his second visit to Beijing, Kissinger told Zhou that according to a public opinion poll 62% of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain a UN member and asked him to consider the "two Chinas" compromise to avoid offending American public opinion.[67] Zhou responded with his claim that the People's Republic was the legitimate government of all China, and no compromise was possible with the Taiwan issue.[63] Kissinger said that the United States could not totally sever ties with Chiang, who had been an ally in World War II. Kissinger told Nixon that Bush was "too soft and not sophisticated" enough to properly represent the United States at the UN and expressed no anger when the UN General Assembly voted to expel Taiwan and give China's seat on the UN Security Council to the People's Republic.[63] Kissinger's trips paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of "liaison offices" in the Chinese and American capitals, though full normalization of relations with China would not occur until 1979.[68] Vietnam War Main article: Henry Kissinger and the Vietnam War Kissinger and President Richard Nixon discussing the Vietnam situation in Camp David, 1972 (with Alexander Haig) Kissinger has discussed being involved in Indochina prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon.[69] According to Kissinger, his friend Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the Ambassador to Saigon, employed Kissinger as a consultant, leading to Kissinger visiting Vietnam once in 1965 and twice in 1966, where Kissinger realized that the United States "knew neither how to win or how to conclude" the Vietnam War.[69] Kissinger also stated that in 1967, he served as an intermediary for negotiations between the United States and North Vietnam, with him providing the American position, while two Frenchmen provided the North Vietnamese position.[69] When he came into office in 1969, Kissinger favored a negotiating strategy under which the United States and North Vietnam would sign an armistice and agreed to pull their troops out of South Vietnam while the South Vietnamese government and the Viet Cong were to agree to a coalition government.[70] Kissinger had doubts about Nixon's theory of "linkage", believing that this would give the Soviet Union leverage over the United States and unlike Nixon was less concerned about the ultimate fate of South Vietnam.[71] Though Kissinger did not regard South Vietnam as important in its own right, he believed it was necessary to support South Vietnam to maintain the United States as a global power, believing that none of America's allies would trust the United States if South Vietnam were abandoned too quickly.[72] In early 1969, Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu, the bombing of Cambodia, fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall-out, but on March 16, 1969, Nixon announced the bombing would start the next day.[73] As he saw the president was committed, he became more supportive.[74] Kissinger played a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt raids into South Vietnam from Cambodia, as well as the 1970 Cambodian campaign and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia.[75] The Paris peace talks had become stalemated by late 1969 owing to the obstructionism of the South Vietnamese delegation.[76] The South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu did not want the United States to withdraw from Vietnam, and out of frustration with him, Kissinger decided to begin secret peace talks with Thọ in Paris parallel to the official talks that the South Vietnamese were unaware of.[77] In June 1971, Kissinger supported Nixon's effort to ban the Pentagon Papers saying the "hemorrhage of state secrets" to the media was making diplomacy impossible.[78] On August 1, 1972, Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris, and for first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.[79] On the evening of October 8, 1972, at a secret meeting of Kissinger and Thọ in Paris came the decisive breakthrough in the talks.[80] Thọ began with "a very realistic and very simple proposal" for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam.[81] Kissinger accepted Thọ's offer as the best deal possible, saying that the "mutual withdrawal formula" had to be abandoned as it been "unobtainable through ten years of war ... We could not make it a condition for a final settlement. We had long passed that threshold".[81] In the fall of 1972, both Kissinger and Nixon were frustrated with Thiệu's refusal to accept any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces.[82] On October 21 Kissinger and the American ambassador Ellsworth Bunker arrived in Saigon to show Thiệu the peace agreement.[82] Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement and demanded very extensive amendments that Kissinger reported to Nixon "verge on insanity".[82] Though Nixon had initially supported Kissinger against Thiệu, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman urged him to reconsider, arguing that Thiệu's objections had merit.[83] Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement included in the final treaty and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Thọ to accept them.[83] Kissinger regarded Nixon's 69 amendments as "preposterous" as he knew Thọ would never accept them.[83] As expected, Thọ refused to consider any of the 69 amendments, and on December 13, 1972, left Paris for Hanoi.[84] Kissinger by this stage was worked up into a state of fury after Thọ walked out of the Paris talks and told Nixon: "They're just a bunch of shits. Tawdry, filthy shits".[84] On January 8, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ met again in Paris and the next day reached an agreement, which in main points was essentially the same as the one Nixon had rejected in October with only cosmetic concessions to the Americans.[85] Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement, only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon which caused Thiệu to reluctantly accept the peace agreement.[86] On January 27, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ signed a peace agreement that called for the complete withdrawal of all U.S. forces from Vietnam by March in exchange for North Vietnam freeing all the U.S. POWs.[86] Along with Thọ, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam", signed the previous January.[54] According to Irwin Abrams, this prize was the most controversial to date. For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize, two members left the Nobel Committee in protest.[11][87] Thọ rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam.[88] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility",[89][90] and "donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina".[56] After the Fall of Saigon in 1975, Kissinger attempted to return the award.[56][57] President Ford, General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, and Kissinger speaking informally at the Vladivostok Summit in 1974 By the summer of 1974, the U.S. embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much longer South Vietnam would last.[91] In August 1974, Congress passed a bill limiting American aid to South Vietnam to $700 million annually.[92] By November 1974, Kissinger lobbied Brezhnev to end Soviet military aid to North Vietnam.[93] The same month, he also lobbied Mao and Zhou to end Chinese military aid to North Vietnam.[93] On April 15, 1975, Kissinger testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, urging Congress to increase the military aid budget to South Vietnam by another $700 million to save the ARVN as the PAVN was rapidly advancing on Saigon, which was refused.[94] Kissinger maintained at the time, and until his death, that if only Congress had approved of his request for another $700 million South Vietnam would have been able to resist.[95] In November 1975, seven months after the Khmer Rouge took power, Kissinger told the Thai foreign minister: "You should tell the Cambodians that we will be friends with them. They are murderous thugs but we won't let that stand in our way."[96] In a 1998 interview, Kissinger said: "some countries, the Chinese in particular supported Pol Pot as a counterweight to the Vietnamese supported people and We at least tolerated it." Kissinger said he didn't approve of this due to the genocide and said he "would not have dealt with Pol Pot for any purpose whatsoever." He further said: "The Thais and the Chinese did not want a Vietnamese-dominated Indochina. We didn't want the Vietnamese to dominate. I don't believe we did anything for Pol Pot. But I suspect we closed our eyes when some others did something for Pol Pot."[97] Interview with Oriana Fallaci On November 4, 1972,[98] Kissinger agreed to an interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci. Kissinger, who rarely engaged in one-on-one interviews with the press and knew very little about Fallaci, accepted her request after reportedly being impressed with her 1969 interview with Võ Nguyên Giáp.[99] The interview turned out to be a political and public relations disaster for Kissinger as he agreed that Vietnam was a "useless war", implied that he preferred to have dinner with Lê Đức Thọ over Nguyễn Văn Thiệu (in her 1976 book Interview with History, Fallaci recalled that Kissinger agreed with many of her negative sentiments towards Thiệu in a private discussion before the interview), and engaged in a now infamous exchange with the hard-pressing Fallaci, with Kissinger comparing himself to a cowboy leading the Nixon Administration: Fallaci: "I suppose that at the root of everything there's your success. I mean, like a chess player, you've made two or three good moves. China, first of all. People like chess players who checkmate the king." Kissinger: "Yes, China has been a very important element in the mechanics of my success. And yet that's not the main point. The main point. … Well, yes, I'll tell you. What do I care? The main point arises from the fact that I've always acted alone. Americans like that immensely. Americans like the cowboy who leads the wagon train by riding ahead alone on his horse, the cowboy who rides all alone into the town, the village, with his horse and nothing else. Maybe even without a pistol, since he doesn't shoot. He acts, that's all, by being in the right place at the right time. In short, a Western." Fallaci: "I see. You see yourself as a kind of Henry Fonda, unarmed and ready to fight with his fists for honest ideals. Alone, courageous ..." Kissinger: "Not necessarily courageous. In fact, this cowboy doesn't have to be courageous. All he needs is to be alone, to show others that he rides into the town and does everything by himself. This amazing, romantic character suits me precisely because to be alone has always been part of my style or, if you like, my technique. Together with independence. Oh, that's very important in me and for me. And finally, conviction. I've always been convinced that I had to do whatever I've done. And people feel it, and believe in it. And I care about the fact that they believe in me when you sway or convince somebody, you shouldn't confuse them. Nor can you even simply calculate. Some people think that I carefully plan what are to be the consequences, for the public, of any of my initiatives or efforts. They think this preoccupation is always on my mind. Instead the consequences of what I do, I mean the public's judgment, have never bothered me. I don't ask for popularity, I'm not looking for popularity. On the contrary, if you really want to know, I care nothing about popularity. I'm not at all afraid of losing my public; I can allow myself to say what I think. I'm referring to what's genuine in me. If I were to let myself be disturbed by the reactions of the public, if I were to act solely on the basis of a calculated technique, I would accomplish nothing."[100] Nixon was enraged by the interview, in particular the comedic "cowboy" comparison which infuriated and offended Nixon. For several weeks afterwards, he refused to see Kissinger and even contemplated firing him. At one point, Kissinger, in desperation, drove up unannounced to Nixon's San Clemente residence only to be rejected by Secret Service personnel at the gates.[100] Kissinger later claimed that it was "the single most disastrous conversation I have ever had with any member of the press".[101] Fallaci described the interview with the evasive, monotonous, non-expressive Kissinger as the most uncomfortable and most difficult she ever did, criticizing Kissinger as a "intellectual adventurer" and a self-styled Metternich.[99] Bangladesh Liberation War Further information: Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 Bangladesh genocide, and Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 Kissinger in the West Wing as National Security Adviser in April 1975. Nixon supported Pakistani dictator, General Yahya Khan, in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Kissinger sneered at people who "bleed" for "the dying Bengalis" and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan, Archer K. Blood, and 20 members of his staff, which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking, in Blood's words, "a selective genocide" targeting the Bengali intelligentsia, supporters of independence for East Pakistan, and the Hindu minority.[102] In the second, more famous, Blood Telegram the word 'genocide' was again used to describe the events, and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had "evidenced .. moral bankruptcy".[103] As a direct response to the dissent against US policy, Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood's tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department's Personnel Office.[104][105] Christopher Clary argues that Nixon and Kissinger were unconsciously biased, leading them to overestimate the likelihood of Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels.[106] Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.[107][108][109] Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh–Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch" and a "witch". He also said "the Indians are bastards", shortly before the war.[110] Kissinger later expressed his regret over the comments.[111] Europe As National Security Adviser under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.[112] Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe" as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community (EEC) which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970.[113] Applying his favorite "linkage" concept, Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations, and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary policies, the price would be defense spending on their part.[113] Kissinger in particular as part of the "Year of Europe" wanted to "revitalize" NATO, which he called a "decaying" alliance as he believed that there was nothing at present to stop the Red Army from overrunning Western Europe in a conventional forces conflict.[113] The "linkage" concept more applied to the question of security as Kissinger noted that the United States was going to sacrifice NATO for the sake of "citrus fruits".[114] Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry Kissinger sits in the Oval Office with President Nixon and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, 1973. Kissinger during a 1961 visit to Israel Kissinger during a 1961 visit to Israel According to notes taken by H. R. Haldeman, Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel", including Kissinger.[115] One note quotes Nixon as saying "get K. [Kissinger] out of the play—Haig handle it".[115] In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of U.S. foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern."[116] He had a negative view of Soviet Jewry, calling them "self-serving bastards."[117] He went on to state that that "If it were not for the accident of my birth, I would be antisemitic" and "any people who has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong."[118] Arab–Israeli conflict Main article: Yom Kippur War In September 1973, Nixon fired Rogers as Secretary of State and replaced him with Kissinger. He would later state he had not been given enough time to know the Middle East as he settled into the State Department.[119] Kissinger later admitted that he was so engrossed with the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnam war that he and others in Washington missed the significance of the Egyptian-Saudi alliance. Sadat expelled Soviet advisors from Egypt in May 1972, attempting to signal to the US that he was open to disentangling Egypt from the Soviet sphere of influence; Kissinger in turn offered secret talks on a settlement for the Middle East, though nothing came of the offer. By March 1973, Sadat had moved back towards the Soviets, closing the largest arms package between Egypt and the USSR and allowing for the return of Soviet military personnel and advisors to Egypt.[120] Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 in order to keep him from interfering in the nascent conflict. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am; Kissinger waited nearly 3+1⁄2 hours before he informed Nixon.[121] According to Kissinger, he was notified at 6:30 a.m. (12:30 pm. Israel time) that war was imminent, and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective. On October 12, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial advice,[122] while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease-fire, Nixon sent a message to Brezhnev giving Kissinger full negotiating authority.[123] Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to gain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side, and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary who needed to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic.[123] On October 31, 1973, Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi (left) meets with Richard Nixon (middle) and Henry Kissinger (right), about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War. Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war, but sought initially to delay arms shipments to Israel, as he believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242.[124] In 1973, Meir requested $850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its materiel losses.[125] Nixon instead sent some $2 billion worth.[126] The arms lift enraged King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, and he retaliated on October 20, 1973, by placing a total embargo on oil shipments to the United States, to be joined by all of the other oil-producing Arab states except Iraq and Libya.[127] On November 7, 1973, Kissinger flew to Riyadh to meet King Faisal and to ask him to end the oil embargo in exchange for promising to be "even handed" in the Arab-Israeli dispute.[128] Despite all of Kissinger's efforts to charm him, Faisal refused to lift the oil embargo.[129] Only on March 19, 1974, did the king end the oil embargo, after Sadat reported to him that the United States was being more "even handed" and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel.[130] Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors, contributing to the first phases of Israeli–Egyptian non-aggression. In 1973–1974, Kissinger engaged in "shuttle diplomacy" flying between Tel Aviv, Cairo, and Damascus in a bid to make the armistice the basis of a permanent peace. Kissinger's first meeting with Hafez al-Assad lasted 6 hours and 30 minutes, causing the press to believe for a moment that he had been kidnapped by the Syrians.[131] In his memoirs, Kissinger described how, during the course of his 28 meetings in Damascus in 1973–74, Assad "negotiated tenaciously and daringly like a riverboat gambler to make sure he had exacted the last sliver of available concessions".[131] As for the others Kissinger negotiated with, Kissinger viewed the Israeli politicians as rigid, while he had a good relationship and was able to develop a sense of assurance with Sadat.[132] Kissinger's efforts resulted in two ceasefires between Egypt and Israel, Sinai I in January 1974, and Sinai II in September 1975.[132] Kissinger had avoided involving France and the United Kingdom, the former European colonial powers of the Middle East, in the peace negotiations that followed the Yom Kippur, being primarily focused on minimising the Soviet Union's sway over the peace negotiations and on moderating the international influences on the Arab-Israeli conflict. President Pompidou of France was concerned and perturbed by this development, viewing it as an indication of the United States' ambitions of hegemonically domineering the region.[133] Persian Gulf Kissinger and King Faisal of Saudi Arabia in Riyadh on March 19, 1975. In the far background behind Faisal is his half-brother, the future King Fahd. A major concern for Kissinger was the possibility of Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf. In April 1969, Iraq came into conflict with Iran when Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renounced the 1937 treaty governing the Shatt-al-Arab river. On December 1, 1971, after two years of skirmishes along the border, President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr broke off diplomatic relations with Iran.[134] In May 1972, Nixon and Kissinger visited Tehran to tell the Shah that there would be no "second-guessing of his requests" to buy American weapons.[134] At the same time, Nixon and Kissinger agreed a plan of the Shah's that the United States together with Iran and Israel would support the Kurdish peshmerga guerrillas fighting for independence from Iraq.[134] Kissinger later wrote that after Vietnam, there was no possibility of deploying American forces in the Middle East, and henceforward Iran was to act as America's surrogate in the Persian Gulf.[135] Kissinger described the Baathist regime in Iraq as a potential threat to the United States and believed that building up Iran and supporting the peshmerga was the best counterweight.[135] Turkish invasion of Cyprus See also: Turkish invasion of Cyprus Following a period of steady relations between the U.S. Government and the Greek military regime after 1967, Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974. In an August 1974 edition of The New York Times, it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance of the impending coup by the Greek junta in Cyprus. Indeed, according to the journalist,[136] the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup. Kissinger was a target of anti-American sentiment which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time—particularly among young people—viewing the U.S. role in Cyprus as negative. In a demonstration by students in Heraklion, Crete,[137][138] soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974, slogans such as "Kissinger, murderer", "Americans get out", "No to Partition" and "Cyprus is no Vietnam" were heard. Some years later, Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974.[139] The New York Times and other major newspapers were highly critical, and even State Department officials did not hide their dissatisfaction with his alleged arrogance and ignorance of the basics.[140] However, Kissinger never felt comfortable with the way he handled the Cyprus issue.[140] Journalist Alexis Papahelas stated that Kissinger's "facial expression changes markedly when someone—usually Greek or Cypriot—refers to the crisis".[140] According to him, Kissinger had felt since the summer of 1974 that history would not treat him lightly in relation to his actions.[140] Latin American policy See also: Latin America–United States relations Ford and Kissinger conversing on the White House grounds, August 1974 In 1970, Kissinger parroted to Nixon the United States Department of Defense's position that the country should maintain control over the Panama Canal, which was a reversal of the commitment by the Lyndon Johnson administration.[141] Later, in the face of international pressure, Kissinger changed his stance, viewing the past hardline position in the Panama Canal issue as a hinderance to American relations with Latin America and an international setback that the Soviet Union would approve of.[141] Kissinger in 1973 called for "new dialogue" between the United States and Latin America, then in 1974, Kissinger met Panama military leader Omar Torrijos and an agreement on eight operating principles for an eventual handover of the Panama Canal to Panama was made between Kissinger and Panamanian Foreign Minister Juan Antonio Tack, which angered the United States Congress, but ultimately provided a framework for the 1977 U.S.–Panama treaties.[141] See also: Cuban intervention in Angola Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States–Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of U.S. pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the independence struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.[142][143] Intervention in Chile Main article: 1973 Chilean coup d'état Augusto Pinochet shaking hands with Kissinger in 1976 Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality of 36.2 percent in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C., due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration, with Kissinger's input, authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.: 115 [144]: 495 [145]: 177  On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became president.[146] In September 1976, Orlando Letelier, a Chilean opponent of the new Pinochet regime, was assassinated in Washington, D.C., with a car bomb. Previously, Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison,[147] and had chosen to cancel an official U.S. letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations.[148] This murder was part of Operation Condor, a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by Southern Cone nations that Kissinger has been accused of being involved in.[149][150] On September 10, 2001, the family of Chilean general René Schneider filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider's kidnapping which resulted in his death.[151] The case was later dismissed by the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, citing separation of powers: "The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches."[152] Decades later, the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 "to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons".[153][154] Argentina See also: Dirty War Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine Armed Forces, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the elected government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the "green light" for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.[155][156][157][158] As the article published in The Nation noted, as the state-sponsored terror mounted, conservative Republican U.S. Ambassador to Buenos Aires Robert C. Hill "'was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled Juan de Onis, former reporter for The New York Times. 'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, a general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He questioned (Foreign Minister Cesar) Guzzetti and, finally, President Jorge Videla himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt."[159] In a letter to The Nation editor Victor Navasky, protesting publication of the article, Kissinger claimed that: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates." Yet Kissinger aide Harry W. Shlaudeman later disagreed with Kissinger, telling the oral historian William E. Knight of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project: "It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician—by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians—this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war. He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know—I wasn't present at the interview."[160] Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, "'Tell me, Mr. Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?'"[161] According to declassified state department files, Kissinger also hindered the Carter administration's efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976–1983 military dictatorship by visiting the country as Videla's personal guest to attend the 1978 FIFA World Cup and praising the regime.[162] Brazil's nuclear weapons program Kissinger was in favor of accommodating Brazil while it pursued a nuclear weapons program in the 1970s. Kissinger justified his position by arguing that Brazil was a U.S. ally and on the grounds that it would benefit private nuclear industry actors in the U.S. Kissinger's position on Brazil was out of sync with influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.[163] Rhodesia In September 1976, Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even the apartheid regime of South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of white minority rule.[164] Portuguese Empire In contrast to the unfriendly disposition of the previous Kennedy and Johnson administrations towards the Estado Novo regime of Portugal, particularly with regards to its attempts to maintain the Portuguese Colonial Empire by waging the Portuguese Colonial War against anti-colonial rebellions in defence of its empire, the Department of State under Kissinger adopted a more conciliatory attitude towards Portugal. In 1971, the administration of President Nixon successfully renewed the lease of the American military base in the Azores, despite condemnation from the Congressional Black Caucus and some members of the Senate. Though privately continuing to view Portugal contemptibly for its perceived atavistic foreign policy towards Africa, Kissinger publicly expressed thanks for Portugal's agreement to use its military base in Lajes in the Azores to resupply Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Following the fall of the far-right Portuguese regime in 1974, Kissinger worried that the new government's hasty decolonisation plan might benefit radical factions such as the MPLA in Angola. He also expressed concern that the inclusion of the Portuguese Communist Party in the new Portuguese government could legitimise communist parties in other NATO member states, such as Italy.[165] East Timor Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor Suharto with Gerald Ford and Kissinger in Jakarta on December 6, 1975, one day before the Indonesian invasion of East Timor The Portuguese decolonization process brought U.S. attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia. In December 1975, Suharto discussed invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation.[166] They only wanted it done "fast" and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington.[167] Accordingly, Suharto delayed the operation for one day. Finally on December 7, Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan. According to Ben Kiernan, the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981.[168] Cuba During the 1970 Cienfuegos Crisis, in which the Soviet Navy was strongly suspected of building a submarine base in the Cuban city of Cienfuegos, Kissinger met with Anatoly Dobrynin, Soviet Ambassador to the United States, informing him that the United States government considered this act a violation of the agreements made in 1962 by President John F. Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khrushchev in the wake of the Cuban Missile Crisis, prompting the Soviets to halt construction of their planned base in Cienfuegos.[169] In February 1976, Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying U.S. Marine Corps battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro's decision in late 1975 to send troops to newly independent Angola to help the MPLA in its fight against UNITA and South Africa during the start of the Angolan Civil War.[170] Western Sahara See also: Western Sahara conflict and Advisory opinion on Western Sahara Henry Kissinger meeting with President Mobutu Sese Seko and others at the Presidential Residence in Kinshasa, Zaire The Kissingerian doctrine endorsed the forced concession of Spanish Sahara to Morocco.[171] At the height of the 1975 Sahara crisis, Kissinger misled Gerald Ford into thinking the International Court of Justice had ruled in favor of Morocco.[172] Kissinger was aware in advance of the Moroccan plans for the invasion of the territory, materialized on November 6, 1975, in the so-called Green March.[172] Zaire Kissinger was involved in furthering cooperation between America and the Zaire dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and held multiple meetings with him. Kissinger would describe these efforts as "one of our policy successes in Africa" and praised Mobutu as "courageous, politically astute" and "relatively honest in a country where governmental corruption is a way of life".[173] Later roles Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981 After Nixon was forced to resign in the Watergate scandal, Kissinger's influence in the new presidential administration of Gerald R. Ford was diminished after he was replaced by Brent Scowcroft as National Security Advisor during the "Halloween Massacre" cabinet reshuffle of November 1975.[174] Kissinger left office as Secretary of State when Democrat Jimmy Carter defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections.[175] Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. In 1978, he was secretly involved in thwarting efforts by the Carter administration to indict three Chilean intelligence agents for masterminding the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier.[176] Kissinger was critical of the foreign policy of the Jimmy Carter administration, saying in 1980 that "has managed the extraordinary feat of having, at one and the same time, the worst relations with our allies, the worst relations with our adversaries, and the most serious upheavals in the developing world since the end of the Second World War."[177] After Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University, which met with student opposition.[178][179] Kissinger instead accepted a position at Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.[180] He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s. In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E.M. Warburg, Pincus and Company,[45] Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and was a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.[181] He also served on the board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,[182] and as of March 1999, was a director of Gulfstream Aerospace.[183] Kissinger and U.S. Vice President Joe Biden at the Munich Security Conference in February 2009 In September 1989, The Wall Street Journal's John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US-China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures, Inc., a Delaware limited partnership, of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer. A US$75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government's primary commercial vehicle at the time, China International Trust & Investment Corporation (CITIC), was its purpose. Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates. Kissinger was criticized for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC's Peter Jennings to comment the morning after the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre. Kissinger's position was generally supportive of Deng Xiaoping's decision to use the military against the demonstrating students and he opposed economic sanctions.[184] Kissinger with German Chancellor Angela Merkel on June 21, 2017 From 1995 to 2001, Kissinger served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.[185] In February 2000, president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also served as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.[186] In 1998, in response to the 2002 Winter Olympic bid scandal, the International Olympic Committee formed a commission, called the "2000 Commission", to recommend reforms, which Kissinger served on. This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC "honor members", a category the organization described as granted to "eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it".[187] Kissinger served as the 22nd Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from 2000 to 2005. He was preceded by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and succeeded by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor.[188] The College of William & Mary also own a painted portrait of Kissinger that was painted by Ned Bittinger.[189] From 2000 to 2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships. In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service.[190] In November 2002, he was appointed by President George W. Bush to chair the newly established National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the September 11 attacks.[191] Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002, rather than reveal his business client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.[192] In the Rio Tinto espionage case of 2009–2010, Kissinger was paid $5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery.[193] President Donald Trump meeting with Kissinger on May 10, 2017 Kissinger—along with William Perry, Sam Nunn, and George Shultz—called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and in three op-eds in The Wall Street Journal proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end. The four created the Nuclear Threat Initiative to advance this agenda. In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point. The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in The Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.[194][195] In December 2008, Kissinger was given the American Patriot Award by the National Defense University Foundation "in recognition for his distinguished career in public service".[159] On November 17, 2016, Kissinger met with President-elect Donald Trump during which they discussed global affairs.[196] Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017.[197] In an interview with Charlie Rose on August 17, 2017, Kissinger said about President Trump: "I'm hoping for an Augustinian moment, for St. Augustine ... who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision, and rose to sainthood. One does not expect the president to become that, but it's conceivable".[198] Kissinger also argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to weaken Hillary Clinton, not elect Donald

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This historical video, featuring former CIA official John Stockwell, dives into a deep analysis of the CIA's disinformation tactics, particularly focusing on the fabricated Libyan hit squads purportedly targeting President Reagan. It draws parallels between this misinformation campaign and the Administration's handling of war preparations in Central America, shedding light on propaganda techniques. The content also delves into revelations from the Progressive magazine, unveiling the extensive involvement of the US, primarily through the CIA, in establishing, funding, training, and supplying intelligence to Right Wing death squads in El Salvador. This support, initiated during President Kennedy's tenure, remains ongoing, painting a disturbing picture of US foreign policy. The narrative scrutinizes the escalating tensions in Central America, revealing how the US government employed tactics to suppress domestic dissent under the guise of fighting "terrorism." It highlights efforts aimed at silencing protests against an impending conflict, providing a comprehensive view of governmental control measures. Moreover, the video assesses the substantial shift in Reagan's war doctrine, moving away from nuclear retaliation towards planning a prolonged, all-encompassing nuclear war strategy with Russia, indicating a significant change in geopolitical ideologies. Originally released in May 1984, this footage captures a critical moment in history, offering a thought-provoking analysis of CIA operations, propaganda, geopolitical tensions, and shifts in warfare doctrines during the Reagan era. With Europe stabilizing along the Iron Curtain, the CIA attempted to limit the spread of Soviet influence elsewhere around the world. Much of the basic model came from George Kennan's "containment" strategy from 1947, a foundation of US policy for decades. Soviet Union 1950 Intelligence analysis In December 1950, with the Korean War in progress, National Intelligence Estimate 15 was issued: "Probable Soviet Moves to Exploit the Present Situation".[1] It began with the estimate that "USSR-Satellite treatment of Korean developments, k, indicates that they assess their current military and political position as one of great strength in comparison with that of the West, and that they propose to exploit the apparent conviction of the West of its own present weakness." At this time, there was no assumption that China and the USSR would differ on any policy "Moscow, seconded by Peiping with regard to the Far East, has disclosed through a series of authoritative statements that it aims to achieve certain gains in the present situation: a. Withdrawal of UN forces from Korea and of the Seventh Fleet from Formosan waters. b. Establishment of Communist China as the predominant power in the Far East, including the seating of Communist China in the United Nations. c.Reduction of Western control over Japan as a step toward its eventual elimination. d. Prevention of West German rearmament. It can be anticipated that irrespective of any Western moves looking toward negotiations, assuming virtual Western surrender is not involved, the Kremlin plans a continuation of Chinese Communist pressure in Korea until the military defeat of the UN is complete. A determined and successful stand by UN forces in Korea would, of course, require a Soviet re-estimate of the situation. Such a stand did take place, and the war ended in a stalemate. The scope of Soviet bloc preparations and the nature and extent of Soviet Communist official statements and propaganda raise the' question of Soviet or Satellite moves in other areas. The points that appear most critical are Berlin and Germany, Indochina, Yugoslavia, and Iran. Regarding what was to become Vietnam: An intensification of Communist efforts to secure Indochina is to be expected, regardless of development elsewhere. The Viet Minh has clearly indicated that its objective is to drive the French from Indochina at the earliest possible date. The Chinese Communists have at the same time repeatedly expressed their support of the Viet Minh. They have, moreover, officially claimed that Western resistance to the Viet Mmli is directed against Chinese Communist security. The Chinese Communists are already furnishing the Viet Minh with material, training, and technical assistance. If this assistance proves inadequate to enable the Viet Minh to accomplish its objectives, it is estimated that it will be supplemented, as necessary, by the introduction of Chinese Communist forces into the conflict, possibly as "volunteers." The extent of this Chinese Communist intervention, and whether it takes overt form, will probably depend on the degree of outside assistance furnished the French and the extent of Chinese Communist commitments elsewhere. Soviet Union 1952 In operation HTLINGUAL, the CIA intercepts mail from the U.S. to the Soviet Union, from 1952 to 1973. See also Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency). Soviet Union 1953 Intelligence analysis A March 1953 report on what was known about the Soviet bloc bluntly said that the level of confidence ranged greatly; some things were known with firmness and accuracy, while other information ranged from inadequate to nonexistent. In particular, "We have no reliable inside intelligence on the thinking inside the Kremlin." Balancing this was high confidence on the information about the Soviet Navy. Current intelligence, supporting military operations in Korea was considered excellent.[2] There was reasonable confidence in knowing the size of the Soviet fission bomb inventory, but much less confidence about estimates of the biological and chemical warfare capabilities. The report observed, however, that a good deal of information could be derived from knowledge of Soviet science in disciplines that supported biological and chemical warfare. Concern was expressed about knowledge of their progress of their thermonuclear weapon development program Joe-4, their first test, took place in August of the same year and their rate of uranium 235 production. While the CIA was confident on its knowledge of Soviet electronic warfare capabilities, there were gaps in the knowledge about the electronic order of battle in the Soviet air defense network. Information on missiles was also weak, and some was simply extrapolation of German technology the Soviets were known to have captured. As far as economic intelligence, the highest confidence was in basic industry output, as with metals, petroleum and transportation. It was observed that Soviet official announcements in these areas tended to be true. Data on agriculture and highly technical industries was weak. With respect to parts of the Soviet Bloc, the information on East Germany was thought best, fair on Poland, and worst on China. Military intelligence was good on land and sea forces, but there were gaps in coverage of air capabilities. Knowledge of their strategic intentions was "practically nonexistent", and not thought likely to improve. Soviet Union 1954 Intelligence analysis While the 1953 survey said that there was little knowledge about thinking inside the Kremlin, a 1954 NIE on soviet strategy stated substantial confidence in the stability of the Soviet government under its new leadership Joseph Stalin had died in March 1953. China was described as more of an ally than a satellite.[3] Economic growth was seen to be slowing, with agriculture the weakest component. The overall size of the military was expected to stay the same, but to improve in efficiency with greater numbers of nuclear weapons, missiles, and jet aircraft. The level of training, especially for strategic mobility, was considered weak. It was expected that both the Soviets and Chinese would avoid general war, unless critical interests were at stake. They will, however, put great emphasis on weakening and destabilizing non-Communist nations, and reducing those states' commitment to the West. Slowing German and Japanese rearmament is a priority, while they rearm the satellites. They will consider supporting anticolonialist and nationalist movements. The Intelligence Community believes their area of greatest interest will be Southeast Asia, although they probably will not insert Chinese Communist regular troops. Covert action The US considered Guatemala, and the coup there, an important proxy engagement with the Soviet Union. CIA has declassified 5210 documents on Guatemala,[4] which will need considerable analysis to understand how it fitted with the Cold War. Gen. James Doolittle did an extensive report on covert actions, specifically for President Dwight D. Eisenhower.[5] The report's first recommendation dealt with personnel. It recommended releasing a large number of current staff that could never be more than mediocre, aggressively recruit new staff with an overall goal of increasing the workforce, and intensify training, with 10% of the covert staff time spent in training. The Director should be nonpolitical. Counterintelligence Security was the next concern, starting with a drive to reduce interim and provisional security clearances. The report strongly endorsed use of the polygraph both for initial recruits and existing staff. Counterespionage needed to be strengthened, and field stations needed both to report on their staff and periodically be inspected. Consolidating the Washington workforce, which was scattered among buildings, into one or a few main buildings was seen as a way of improving the security of classified information. Management, coordination and oversight Coordination in the intelligence community was seen as a problem, with one of the highest priorities being establishing clear understandings between CIA and military intelligence organizations. The overall IC program for eliciting information from defectors needed improvement, with contributions from multiple agencies. In general, information sharing in the IC needed to improve. As far as organization and management, the report described the structure of the Directorate of Plans (i.e., the clandestine service) as too complex and in need of simplification. The Inspector General needed an agency-wide mandate. The role of the Operations Coordinating Board, the covert and clandestine oversight staff of the National Security Council needed to be strengthened, with operations clearly approved and guided from the highest levels of government. The report addressed the classic problem of increasing performance while reducing costs. This meant better review of the budgets of covert and clandestine activities by a Review Board, except for the most sensitive operations. It meant providing the Comptroller with enough information, even if sanitized, to do a thorough job. Soviet Union 1956 Clandestine intelligence collection The Soviets put down a revolution in Hungary, using considerable force. There was one CIA case officer in Hungary, which greatly limited collection capability. The U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, codenamed AQUATONE, began overflights of the Soviet Union. Soviet Union 1958 Intelligence estimate Following the Hungarian Revolution in 1956, the USSR put increased pressure on its satellite countries, and made it clear to the West that it did not want interference. This 1958 estimate by the IC, under CIA, explored the US understanding of the Soviet policy and actions. We believe the basic motivation behind Moscow's current tough line to be its grave concern over its power position in Eastern Europe, where it considers revisionism to have developed to dangerous proportions/Note 1. This concern has led the USSR to attack Tito [of Yugoslavia] and to cause the execution of Imre Nagy [the rebel Hungarian leader]--measures intended, at least in part, to put pressure on Gomulka [leader of Poland]. We believe that the Soviets will exert greater efforts to obtain Gomulka's compliance with Bloc requirements or, failing that, perhaps even to replace him.[6] The analysts felt the USSR has not abandoned the idea of peaceful coexistence with the West, but it probably believes there is little chance for East-West negotiations favorable to it. If, however, these events reflect " differences within the Soviet leadership and a degree of Communist Chinese influence. If this is so, it may portend a new and stiffer policy towards the West as well as the Satellites. We believe that recent events do not indicate that the USSR has ceased to desire a conference at the summit or lower level negotiations on matters in which the Soviet leaders have an interest. At the same time, the Soviet leaders may have concluded prior to undertaking their recent moves that, since the chances of an early summit conference on their terms were waning, they could more easily accept the political losses they would suffer in international affairs by pursuing a harder policy in Eastern Europe.[7] Soviet Union 1959 Clandestine intelligence collection GRU officer Dmitri Polyakov walked in to offer his services to the US. He transmitted information to the US until his retirement, as a Soviet general in 1980, although he was compromised in 1986, probably by Aldrich Ames,[8] and executed in 1988. Intelligence estimation and clandestine collection A November 1959 NIE, with the benefit of U-2 imagery, identified Soviet ground-to-ground missile capabilities from 75 nmi to intercontinental range. The ICBM, with a CEP of 3 nmi, was expected to reach operational status in January 1960.[9] Soviet Union 1960 Covert action 1960 (history) On the covert action front, a 1969 memorandum requesting 303 committee support of a [10] covert action program against the Soviet Union. It is first mentioned here because it gives historical background of earlier activities A request for additional funding for covert action, written in 1969 (see below), reviewed prior covert action in the Soviet Union.[10] In accordance with a previous authorization, NSC 5502/1,[11] as revalidated on 10 November 1960, CIA sponsors a covert action program which supports media3 and contact activities aimed at stimulating and sustaining pressures for liberalization and evolutionary change from within the Soviet Union. 1960 U-2 incident (clandestine intelligence collection) Main article: 1960 U-2 incident On May 1, 1960, a U-2 reconnaissance aircraft, operated by the CIA was shot down over the USSR, and its pilot, Francis Gary Powers, captured. At first, the CIA claimed it was a lost weather plane. In speaking with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Director of Central Intelligence Allen W. Dulles said that Powers, the U-2 pilot, had been with CIA four years and before that had been with the Air Force for six years. He had been selected for this mission because of his knowledge of Arctic navigation. The President said that when reconnaissance over-flights had been explained to him, he had been told that the pilots on such flights were taught to destroy the plane rather than to let it fall into Soviet hands. The President believed that the blunder of our first statement...[assumed] the plane was destroyed, Accordingly, we thought the story that a NASA weather reconnaissance plane was missing was a good cover story.[12] Later in May, the President met with Congressional leaders. During that breakfast discussion, he said, that intelligence and espionage were distasteful for many Americans, but that he as President ... had to make decisions based on what was right for the United States concerning the fundamental intelligence knowledge that we had to have...Nevertheless, the President has to accept responsibility for these decisions and also keep the knowledge of such activities in the fewest possible hands. Only a few people in State, Defense and CIA knew of this... The President said that he was responsible for the directive for the U-2... "There is no glory in this business," he said. "If it is successful, it can't be told."[13] Eisenhower expressed concern that Congress "would try to dig into the interior of the CIA and its covert operation. Such attempt would be harmful to the United States and he was sure that the leaders of the Congress would realize this. He repeated that the Administration people would cooperate with the inquiry--he called it "investigation" several times. Senator Mike Mansfield asked "What would the President think if there were to be established in the Congress a joint Congressional Committee which would oversee the activities of the CIA?" Eisenhower objected that the operation of the CIA was so delicate and so secret in many cases that it must be kept under cover, and that the Executive must be held responsible for it. He said that he would agree to some bipartisan group going down occasionally and receiving reports from the CIA on their activities, but that he would hate to see it formalized--indeed would be against the proposal made by Senator Mansfield. Senator Richard B. Russell "said that they do have a Congressional group that periodically went over reports. He said that they knew the U-2 planes were under construction a long time ago. The Senator added that he was not afraid of the Senators on security matters but that he was afraid of staff leaks." Charles E. Bohlen, special assistant to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles asked Menshikov about Soviet policy toward Cuba, with the response "he had said to Senator Fulbright that Senator Johnson's statement about a submarine base was completely out of this world and provocative; the Soviet Union had no intention of establishing bases or any military arrangements in Cuba."[14] Soviet Union 1967 Further information: Central Intelligence Agency Directorate of Science & Technology In Operation Acoustic Kitty, the CIA attempted to eavesdrop on men in a park outside the Soviet embassy in Washington with a $20,000,000 cat. The fate of the cat remains disputed. Soviet Union 1969 Authorization of covert action A request for additional funding for covert action reviewed prior covert action in the Soviet Union.[10] It asked for 303 Committee approval of continuation of the covert action program "directed primarily at the Soviet intelligentsia and reaffirm the approval it has given in the past to the program generally and the individual projects specifically." The proposal mentioned "the program supports media and contact activities aimed at stimulating and sustaining pressures for liberalization and evolutionary change from within the Soviet Union." Media activities were approved separately, and executed by Radio Liberty Committee and Free Europe, Inc., were approved by higher authority on 22 February 1969 and outside this request's scope. The Radio Liberty Committee, successor organization to the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, is composed of three major divisions: Radio Liberty which broadcasts via short wave to the Soviet Union 24 hours a day in 18 languages a book publication and distribution program designed to provide Soviet citizens with books not normally accessible to the Soviet public; [material not declassified] which produces research papers and publications targeted at the developing countries in Africa, the Middle East and the Far East. [material not declassified] The total cost of this program is $766,000. The program as a whole was discussed with and endorsed by Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Swank and Soviet Union Country Director Dubs on 21 October and 6 November 1969. The individual projects had been approved by the 303 Committee in 1967 and 1968. The primary objective is to stimulate and sustain pressures for liberalization and change from within the Soviet Union. The neuralgic points of this disaffection—desire for personal and intellectual freedom, desire for improvement in the quality of life, and the persistence of nationalism in Eastern Europe and among the nationality groups in the Soviet Union—are the main issues exploited by these projects. A secondary objective is to enlighten important third-country elites, especially political leaders and the public opinion shaping professions, about the repressive nature of the Soviet system and its imperialistic and self-aggrandizing foreign policy. The intellectual dissidence movement has demonstrated a vitality of its own. It is reasonable to assume that these dissidents will continue to seek outlets for literature and socio-political commentary that has thus far been suppressed. Each time the regime has silenced a group of dissidents a new group has emerged to produce a new generation of protest literature. An alternative approach was stated The United States could follow a policy of encouraging more vigorous émigré activities by more forthcoming identification by United States officials with émigré objectives, the extension of subsidies for émigré activities or organizations not presently receiving assistance from the United States Government, and adoption of a policy of open support for the independence of national minority areas such as the Ukraine. Substantial intensification of émigré propaganda activities might result in stimulating dissension inside the USSR, inducing defections and improving the collection of intelligence; identification with the independence of national minority groups could strengthen ethnic nationalist resistance to Russian domination. On the other hand, a more vigorous emigration probably would strengthen the forces of conformity and repression would retard the process of evolution in popular and leadershipattitudes which the program is trying to promote. It could also be argued that it would be in the national interest to divorce the United States Government entirely from the emigration and its activities. In this event the efforts of Soviet conservatives to justify repression of dissent on the basis of American "subversion" would lose some of their credibility. This argument, however, is negated by the fact that suspicions of U.S. intentions are so deeply ingrained that any change in U.S. policy toward the emigration would have minimal impact on the conservatives. Moreover, a source of support for those in the Soviet Union who are sustained by a sense of contact with the emigration would be removed and the Soviet authorities would be able more easily to foist their own version of events on the people and be under less pressure to make reforms. Soviet Union 1974 Project Azorian (previously believed to be code named Jennifer (clandestine intelligence collection)) Project Azorian was a clandestine technical collection operation to salvage the sunken Russian sub K-129. The purpose built ship, the Glomar Explorer, employed a custom designed "capture vehicle" to grasp the submarine. During the subsequent lift to the surface, the submarine broke apart due to a failure in the capture vehicle arms. The hoped-for complete recovery did not happen, but a 38-foot forward section was brought into the Glomar Explorer moon pool. The fact that the US was able to show the Russians the at-sea burial of K-129 sailors clearly indicated the US recovered, at least, bodies in this forward section. Given the bodies were recovered, it is a reasonable assumption that other objects were recovered as well from the forward section. A follow-up mission (Project Matador) was aborted due to disclosure of the mission by US news sources. Soviet Union 1975 Review of Soviet space systems (intelligence analysis) Certain Soviet space programs are important to the overall Soviet system. The systems fall into three classes: Scientific and national prestige Economic benefit Military and intelligence. 75% of Soviet satellites have been dedicated to missions including intelligence collection, geodesy, communications relay, weather and radar calibration. They have also developed an anti-satellite weapon Soviet dependence on system has to be evaluated in terms of: Dependence: systems for which there is no substantial alternative that is not space-based, and also perform critical functions Degradation: space systems that have no terrestrial alternative, but whose functions are important, but not critical to the overall Soviet Union Current development priorities include ocean surveillance and missile launch detection. Communications satellites are expected to become critical after 1985. The Soviets depend on these. Space systems that can degrade include photographic imaging and satellite interception. These will become increasingly critical. Radar calibration satellites are essential if the Soviets deploy and need to test an anti-ballistic missile defense system. It was estimated that even though they have a satellite interceptor, they will generally practice a non-interference policy toward other nations' satellites [15] Soviet Union 1981 Intelligence analysis It was the judgment of CIA and the IC that the Soviets were deeply committed to "revolutionary violence worldwide". They see this as a basic part of destabilizing their adversaries. The USSR has different policies toward different groups, depending on the goals of the groups, their methods, and presumably their security. Terrorist tactics, per se, do not offend Soviet scruples. The Soviets simply determine if those tactics are helpful or harmful to Soviet objectives. Not all groups accept Soviet control, and the Soviets deal with this on a case-by-case basis. There is compelling evidence that the Soviets have sponsored a number of revolutionary and separatist-irredentist groups, especially in El Salvador, where they directly delivered arms. Soviet operations in this area are under the direction of the International Department organization of the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party, not the security organs (i.e., KGB) or military. The International Department, however, tasks the KGB, GRU, and 10th Department of the General Staff to provide training and other support. They also use proxies, in the form of allies such as Libya, South Yemen, and Cuba, which directly support revolutionary groups. The policy of the Soviet Union toward nihilistic terrorist groups remains unclear. There is some evidence of Soviet support, but not coordination of activities. At times, they have labeled certain of these groups "criminal", and counseled other groups to shun them. There is no possibility the Soviet Union could be persuaded to join with the West in a comprehensive antiterrorist program. It was emphasized that revolutionary violence, in the Third World, is not synonymous with terrorism, and that violent revolution would be an issue with which the United States will have to deal for the indefinite future.[16] Counterintelligence (offensive) The Farewell Dossier in 1981 revealed massive Soviet espionage on Western technology. A successful counter-espionage program was created which involved giving defective technologies to Soviet agents.[17] Soviet Union 1984 The Cooperative Research Project website gives a photo of Casey touring Afghanistan and cites Steve Coll's 7/19/1992 Washington Post article asserting that "Casey wanted to ship subversive propaganda through Afghanistan to the Soviet Union's predominantly Muslim southern republics."[18] In the case of Uzbekistan, one example of this propaganda was to have the Qu'ran translated into Uzbek.[19] This was the idea of then CIA director William Casey, who believed that spreading Islam in Uzbekistan would become a problem for the USSR. Pakistani General Mohammad Yousaf quoted him as saying "We should take the books and try to raise the local population against them, and you can also think of sending arms and ammunition if possible." Although no other sources exist for this quote, Steve Coll points not only to Qur'an translation and anti-Russian propaganda, but also Casey's work to establish cooperation between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. Soviet Union 1985 Covert action (paramilitary) While the actual document has not been declassified, National Security Decision Directive 166 of 27 March 1985, "US Policy, Programs and Strategy in Afghanistan" defined a US policy of using established the US goal of driving to drive Soviet forces from Afghanistan "by all means available". Initially, this involved close cooperation with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence to assist mujahideen groups and in planning operations inside Afghanistan. Indeed, it was evident to residents in Islamabad and Peshawar in the 1980s that large numbers of Americans were present and involved in mysterious activities. This created linkages among hardened Muslim fighters worldwide.[20] At first, the US supported the effort cautiously, concerned that the Soviet Union would act against Pakistan. "Some time into the war, however, the US began to take a much more overt position and US supplied technology played a key role in defeating the Soviet war machine in Afghanistan. References Central Intelligence Agency (11 December 1950), National Intelligence Estimate NIE-15: Probable Soviet Moves to Exploit the Present Situation "CIA Intelligence Report, Intelligence on the Soviet Bloc" (PDF), CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, March 1953, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 "Soviet Capabilities and Probable Courses of Action Through Mid-1959" (PDF), NIE 11-4-54: CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, September 1954, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 Guatemala, CIA FOIA Reading Room, archived from the original on 2008-04-18, retrieved 2008-04-28 Doolittle, James (30 September 1954), Report on the Covert Activities of the Central Intelligence Agency, archived from the original on 1 May 2008 There is no direct link. At the CIA FOIA reading room page, search on COVERT OPERATIONS "Special National Intelligence Estimate 11-8-5: Implications of Current Soviet Conduct", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, July 8, 1958, archived from the original on July 6, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 snie11-8-5 "INTERVIEW WITH SANDY GRIMES", The National Security Archive, CNN, January 30, 1998 National Intelligence Estimate 11-5-59: Soviet Capabilities in Guided Missiles and Space Vehicles (PDF), archived from the original (PDF) on February 27, 2008 Memorandum for the 303 Committee: United States Government Support of Covert Action Directed at the Soviet Union (PDF), vol. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XII, Washington, December 9, 1969, FRUS XII-103 NSC 5502/1, "Statement on U.S. Policy Toward Russian Anti-Soviet Political Activities,", vol. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955–1957, vol. XXIV, Soviet Union, Eastern Mediterranean, Document 3. "Special Statements Regarding the U - 2 Incident and the Recent Military Test Alert (NSC Action No. 2231)", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, May 25, 1950, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 "Bipartisan Leaders Breakfast with the President", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, May 25, 1950, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 Bohlen, Charles (July 8, 1960), "Memorandum of Conversation with [Soviet] Ambassador Menshikov", Foreign Relations of the United States, X, Part 1, FRUS, 1958-60: E. Europe Region, Soviet Union, Cyprus, archived from the original on July 20, 2008, retrieved April 28, 2008 Interagency Intelligence Memorandum (November 1975), Soviet Dependence on Space Systems (PDF) "SNIE 11/2-81: Soviet Support for International Terrorism and Revolutionary Violence" (PDF), CIA's Analysis Of The Soviet Union, 1947-1991, Central Intelligence Agency, May 1981, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-14, retrieved 2008-04-28 David E. Hoffman (February 27, 2004), "CIA slipped bugs to Soviets – Memoir recounts Cold War technological sabotage", msnbc.msn.com, archived from the original on February 29, 2004, retrieved 2007-07-20 "October 1984: CIA Director Secretly Visits Afghan Training Camps; He Urges Spread of Violence into Soviet Union", Center for Grassroots Oversight ("CGO"), Cooperative Research History Commons, archived from the original on 2008-04-13, retrieved 2008-04-28 Coll, Steve (2005), Ghost Wars, Penguin, pp. 104–105, ISBN 1-59420-007-6 Pervez Hoodbhoy (17–21 July 2003). "Afghanistan and the Genesis of Global Jihad". 53rd Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs: Advancing Human Security: The Role of Technology and Politics. Archived from the original on 2006-10-10.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Watergate scandal refers to the burglary and illegal wiretapping of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, in the Watergate complex by members of President Richard Nixon's re-election campaign, and the subsequent cover-up of the break-in resulting in Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, as well as other abuses of power by the Nixon White House that were discovered during the course of the scandal. 1960s November 5, 1968: Richard Nixon elected President.[1] January 20, 1969: Richard Nixon is inaugurated as the 37th President of The United States. 1970s July 1, 1971: David Young and Egil "Bud" Krogh write a memo suggesting the formation of what later became the "White House Plumbers" in response to the leak of the Pentagon Papers by Daniel Ellsberg. August 21, 1971: Nixon's Enemies List is started by White House aides (though Nixon himself may not have been aware of it); to "use the available federal machinery to screw our political enemies." September 3, 1971: "White House Plumbers" E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, and others break into the offices of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist Lewis Fielding looking for material that might discredit Ellsberg, under the direction of John Ehrlichman or his staff within the White House. This was the Plumbers' first major operation.[2] By early 1972, the Plumbers, at this stage assigned to the Committee to Re-Elect the President (abbreviated CRP, but often mocked by the acronym CREEP[3]), had become frustrated at the lack of additional assignments they were being asked to perform, and that any plans and proposals they suggested were being rejected by CRP. Liddy and Hunt took their complaints to the White House – most likely to Charles Colson – and requested that the White House start putting pressure on CRP to assign them new operations. It is likely that both Colson and White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman did so, starting the chain of events that led to the Watergate break-ins a few months later. This narrative was confirmed in the famous "Cancer on the Presidency" conversation between Nixon and White House Counsel John Dean on March 21, 1973.[4] May 2, 1972: J. Edgar Hoover dies; L. Patrick Gray is appointed acting FBI director.[5] May 28, 1972: Liddy’s team breaks into DNC Headquarters at the Watergate complex for the first time, bugging the telephones of staffers.[6] June 17, 1972: The plumbers are arrested at 2:30 a.m. in the process of burglarizing and planting surveillance bugs in the Democratic National Committee offices at the Watergate Building Complex. June 19, 1972: Despite efforts by Steve King, Martha Mitchell acquires a copy of the Los Angeles Times, and recognizes the name of one of the Watergate burglars, James W. McCord Jr., security director of the CRP.[7] June 20, 1972: Reportedly based on a tip from Deep Throat (associate director of the FBI Mark Felt), Bob Woodward reports in The Washington Post that one of the burglars had E. Howard Hunt in his address book and possessed checks signed by Hunt, and that Hunt was connected to Charles Colson. On the same day, Nixon and Haldeman have a conversation that is recorded by the White House taping system. Eighteen and a half minutes of this conversation will later be erased.[8] June 23, 1972: In the Oval Office, H.R. Haldeman recommends to President Nixon that they attempt to shut down the FBI investigation of the Watergate break-in, by having CIA Director Richard Helms and Deputy Director Vernon A. Walters tell acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray to, "Stay the hell out of this". Haldeman expects Gray will then seek and take advice from Deputy FBI Director Mark Felt, and Felt will obey direction from the White House out of ambition. Nixon agrees and gives the order.[9] The conversation is recorded. September 15, 1972: Hunt, Liddy, and the Watergate burglars are indicted by a federal grand jury. November 7, 1972: Nixon re-elected, defeating George McGovern with the largest plurality of votes in American history. January 8, 1973: Five defendants plead guilty as the burglary trial begins. Liddy and James W. McCord Jr. are convicted after the trial. January 20, 1973: Nixon is inaugurated for his second term. February 28, 1973: Confirmation hearings begin for confirming L. Patrick Gray as permanent Director of the FBI. During these hearings, Gray reveals that he had complied with an order from John Dean to provide daily updates on the Watergate investigation, and also that Dean had "probably lied" to FBI investigators. March 17, 1973: Watergate burglar McCord writes a letter to Judge John Sirica, claiming that some of his testimony was perjured under pressure and that the burglary was not a CIA operation, but had involved other government officials, thereby leading the investigation to the White House. March 21, 1973: Dean tells Nixon there is a "cancer" on the presidency. March 23, 1973: The McCord letter is made public by Judge Sirica in open court at McCord's sentencing hearing. April 6, 1973: White House counsel John Dean begins cooperating with federal Watergate prosecutors. April 27, 1973: L. Patrick Gray resigns after it comes to light that he destroyed files from E. Howard Hunt's safe. William Ruckelshaus is appointed as his replacement. April 30, 1973: Senior White House administration officials Ehrlichman, Haldeman, and Richard Kleindienst resign, and John Dean is fired. May 17, 1973: The Senate Watergate Committee begins its nationally televised hearings. May 19, 1973: Independent special prosecutor Archibald Cox appointed to oversee investigation into possible presidential impropriety. June 3, 1973: John Dean tells Watergate investigators that he has discussed the cover-up with Nixon at least 35 times. July 13, 1973: Alexander Butterfield, former presidential appointments secretary, reveals that all conversations and telephone calls in Nixon's office have been taped since 1971. July 18, 1973: Nixon orders White House taping systems disconnected. July 23, 1973: Nixon refuses to turn over presidential tapes to the Senate Watergate Committee or the special prosecutor. Vice President replaced: October 10, 1973: Spiro Agnew resigns as Vice President of the United States due to corruption while he was the governor of Maryland. October 12, 1973: Gerald Ford is nominated as vice president under the 25th Amendment. October 20, 1973: "Saturday Night Massacre" – Nixon orders Elliot Richardson and Ruckelshaus to fire special prosecutor Cox. They both refuse to comply and resign. Robert Bork considers resigning but carries out the order. November 1, 1973: Leon Jaworski is appointed new special prosecutor. November 17, 1973: Nixon delivers "I am not a crook" speech at a televised press conference at Disney World (Florida). November 27, 1973: the Senate votes 92 to 3 to confirm Ford as vice president. December 6, 1973: the House votes 387 to 35 to confirm Ford as vice president, and he takes the oath of office an hour after the vote. January 28, 1974: Nixon campaign aide Herbert Porter pleads guilty to perjury. February 25, 1974: Nixon personal counsel Herbert Kalmbach pleads guilty to two charges of illegal campaign activities. March 1, 1974: In an indictment against seven former presidential aides, delivered to Judge Sirica together with a sealed briefcase intended for the House Committee on the Judiciary, Nixon is named as an unindicted co-conspirator. March 4, 1974: The "Watergate Seven" (Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Colson, Gordon C. Strachan, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson) are formally indicted. March 18, 1974: Judge Sirica orders the grand jury's sealed report to be sent to the House Committee on the Judiciary. April 5, 1974: Dwight Chapin convicted of lying to a grand jury. April 7, 1974: Ed Reinecke, Republican lieutenant governor of California, indicted on three charges of perjury before the Senate committee. April 16, 1974: Special Prosecutor Jaworski issues a subpoena for 64 White House tapes. April 30, 1974: White House releases edited transcripts of the Nixon tapes, but the House Judiciary Committee insists the actual tapes must be turned over. May 9, 1974: Impeachment hearings begin before the House Judiciary Committee. June 15, 1974: Woodward and Bernstein's book All the President's Men is published by Simon & Schuster (ISBN 0-671-21781-X). July 8, 1974: The United States Supreme Court hears oral argument in United States v. Nixon. July 24, 1974: United States v. Nixon decided: Nixon is ordered to give up tapes to investigators. Congress moves to impeach Nixon. July 27 to July 30, 1974: House Judiciary Committee passes Articles of Impeachment. Early August 1974: A previously unknown tape from June 23, 1972 (recorded a few days after the break-in) documenting Nixon and Haldeman formulating a plan to block investigations is released. This recording later became known as the "Smoking Gun". Key Republican Senators tell Nixon that enough votes exist to convict him. August 8, 1974: Nixon delivers his resignation speech in front of a nationally televised audience. August 9, 1974: Nixon resigns from office and Ford becomes president. September 8, 1974: President Ford ends the investigations by granting Nixon a pardon. October 17, 1974: Ford testifies before Congress on the pardon, the first sitting president to testify before Congress since President Lincoln. November 7, 1974: 94th Congress elected: Democratic Party picks up 5 Senate seats and 49 House seats. Many of the freshman congressmen are very young; the media dubs them "Watergate Babies". December 31, 1974: As a result of Nixon administration abuses of privacy, Privacy Act of 1974 passes into law. January 1, 1975: John N. Mitchell, John Ehrlichman and H. R. Haldeman convicted of conspiracy, obstruction of justice and perjury. July 27, 1975: Church Committee, chaired by Frank Church, commences to investigate foreign and domestic intelligence-gathering activities. November 4, 1975: Ford replaces several Nixon cabinet members in the "Halloween Massacre", engineered by Ford aide Donald Rumsfeld. Richard Cheney, George H. W. Bush and Brent Scowcroft join Ford administration; Rumsfeld becomes Secretary of Defense; Henry Kissinger remains as Secretary of State but not National Security Advisor. May 5, 1976: Church Committee superseded by Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. November 2, 1976: Ford is defeated in the United States presidential election by Jimmy Carter. January 20, 1977: Jimmy Carter is inaugurated as the 39th President of The United States. May 4, 1977: Nixon gives his first major interview about Watergate with TV journalist David Frost. May 15, 1978: Nixon publishes his memoirs, giving more of his side of the Watergate saga. October 25, 1978: Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act enacted, creating Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court and limiting federal government domestic surveillance powers. Recommended by Church Committee. 1990s May, 1990: Publication of Wars of Watergate by Stanley Kutler, often cited as the definitive history of the Watergate Scandal.[10] January, 1992: Publication of Silent Coup by journalists Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, blaming Watergate burglary on John Dean who wanted to cover up involvement of his fiancée with a call-girl ring. Book endorsed by Liddy in his first major statement about Watergate case, prompting Dean to sue Liddy, Colodny and Gettlin for defamation. Dean's case was dismissed and settled out of court; DNC secretary Ida "Maxine" Wells, also implicated by Liddy in call-girl cover-up, sued for defamation but jury in that case deadlock and judge dismissed case in 2001.[11] The book, often dismissed as a revisionist, pro-Nixon apology or conspiracy theory, was also endorsed by Roger Stone.[12] April 22, 1994: Richard Nixon dies aged 81, after suffering a stroke. In keeping with his own wishes, he was not given a state funeral, though his funeral service five days later was a high-profile affair, attended by all five living U.S. Presidents and a host of other VIPs. 2000s May 31, 2005: W. Mark Felt, former Associate Director of the FBI during the Watergate years, declares that he is Deep Throat; this declaration was later confirmed by reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, although it was disputed by some writers. References Gerhard Peters. "The American Presidency Project Election of 1968". ucsb.edu. Archived from the original on 2016-09-28. Owen Edwards; Smithsonian Magazine (October 2012). "The World's Most Famous Filing Cabinet: After Daniel Ellsberg leaked the Pentagon Papers, the infamous Plumbers broke into his psychiatrist's office, looking for a way to discredit him". smithsonianmag.com. Joan Hoff (2010). L. Edward Purcell (ed.). Richard Milhous Nixon. Vol. Vice Presidents: A Biographical Dictionary. Infobase Publishing. p. 351. ISBN 978-1-4381-3071-2. Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. "Transcript of a recording of a meeting among the President, John Dean, and H.R. Haldeman in the Oval Office, on March 21, 1973, from 10:12 to 11:55 AM" (PDF). nixonlibrary.gov. Archived (PDF) from the original on February 22, 2013. Henry B. Hogue; Federation of American Scientists (March 17, 2005). "Nomination and Confirmation of the FBI Director: Process and Recent History" (PDF). fas.org. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2016. "The Watergate Scandal: A Timeline". Killian, Katie (2019-08-01). "Slow Burn. Leon Neyfakh. Slate, The Slate Group, a Graham Holdings Company. https://slate.com/slow-burn. 2017". The Oral History Review. 46 (2): 426–427. doi:10.1093/ohr/ohz018. ISSN 0094-0798. {{cite journal}}: External link in |title= (help) "The Watergate tapes' infamous 18.5-minute gap and Nixon's secretary's unusual explanation for it". ABC News. Retrieved 2022-06-13. "The Watergate Story | Nixon Resigns". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 2016-11-25. Retrieved 2016-12-30. "Stanley I. Kutler, Historian Who Got Nixon Tapes Released, Dies at 80". New York Times. April 11, 2015. "Liddy Case Dismissed Jury Unable To Reach A Verdict After Deliberating 8 Hours". CBS News. February 1, 2001. Archived from the original on September 1, 2006. "Mark Levin has warned before of Obama's 'silent coup.' Now he has a follower in the Oval Office". Washington Post. March 26, 2017. Bernstein, C., & Woodward, B. (1974). All the President's Men. New York: Pocket Books. vte Richard Nixon 37th President of the United States (1969–1974) 36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961) U.S. Senator from California (1950–1953) U.S. Representative for CA–12 (1947–1950) Pre-presidency Checkers speech Vice presidency Presidential transition of Dwight D. Eisenhower 1958 motorcade attack Kitchen Debate Operation 40 Presidential transition of John F. Kennedy Presidency (timeline) Transition First inauguration Second inauguration "Bring Us Together" Silent majority 1970 Lincoln Memorial visit State of the Union Address (1970 1973 1974) Wilson desk Judicial appointments Supreme Court controversies Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations Foreign policy Nixon Doctrine Vietnam War Cambodian bombing Paris Peace Accords "Peace with Honor" Vietnamization Cold War period Linkage policy Tar Baby Option 1972 visit to China Shanghai Communiqué 1973 Chilean coup d'état Détente 1972 Moscow Summit Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty SALT I Treaty Prevention of Nuclear War Agreement Threshold Test Ban Treaty Operation CHAOS Space exploration Economic policy Bank Secrecy Act Fair Credit Reporting Act National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1970 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 Nixon shock Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 Smithsonian Agreement Occupational Safety and Health Act National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health Occupational Safety and Health Administration Permissible exposure limit U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission Consumer Product Safety Act Lead-Based Paint Poisoning Prevention Act Poison Prevention Packaging Act of 1970 Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act Securities Investor Protection Act Securities Investor Protection Corporation Tax Reform Act of 1969 Alternative minimum tax Revenue Act of 1971 Agricultural Act of 1970 Farm Credit Act of 1971 Consolidated Farm and Rural Development Act of 1972 Agriculture and Consumer Protection Act of 1973 Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act Emergency Daylight Saving Time Energy Conservation Act Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act Environmental policy Council on Environmental Quality Environmental Quality Improvement Act National Environmental Policy Act Environmental Protection Agency Clean Air Amendments of 1970 Clean Water Act Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act National Ambient Air Quality Standards National Emissions Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants New Source Performance Standards Noise Control Act Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1970 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Coastal Zone Management Act Coastal Zone Management Program Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 Endangered Species Act of 1969 Endangered Species Act of 1973 Oil Pollution Act of 1973 Water Resources Development Act of 1974 Social policy Family Assistance Plan Revised Philadelphia Plan Minority Business Development Agency Native American policy Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Education Amendments of 1972 Title IX National Cancer Act of 1971 End Stage Renal Disease Program Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act Shafer Commission War on Drugs Drug Enforcement Administration Cannabis policy Federal Contested Elections Act Federal Election Campaign Act Voting Rights Act Amendments of 1970 District of Columbia Home Rule Act Watergate Timeline Operation Sandwedge Operation Gemstone Saturday Night Massacre CRP White House Plumbers Watergate Seven Enemies List list of opponents White House tapes United States v. Nixon (1974) Senate Watergate Committee impeachment process "I am not a crook" Resignation speech Pardon Life and politics Richard Nixon Foundation Presidential Library and Museum Birthplace and boyhood home "Last press conference" Florida White House "La Casa Pacifica" Nixon Center Nixon v. General Services Administration (1977) Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982) Death and state funeral Books Six Crises (1962) Bibliography Elections U.S. House of Representatives: 1946 1948 U.S. Senate: 1950 California gubernatorial election: 1962 GOP presidential primaries: 1960 1964 1968 1972 GOP national conventions: 1952 1956 1960 1968 campaign 1972 Presidential elections: 1952 1956 1960 debates 1968 1972 Popular culture "Nixon goes to China" Millhouse (1971 film) An Evening with Richard Nixon (1972 play) Richard (1972 film) Another Nice Mess (1972 film) Four More Years (1972 film) Impeach the President (1973 song) The Werewolf of Washington (1973 film) White House Madness (1975 film) All the President's Men (1976 film) The Public Burning (1977 novel) Washington: Behind Closed Doors (1977 miniseries) Secret Honor (1984 film) Nixon in China (1987 opera) The Final Days (1989 film) Nixon (1995 film) Elvis Meets Nixon (1997 film) Futurama (1999 TV series) Dick (1999 film) Nixon's China Game (2000 film) Dark Side of the Moon (2002 film) The Assassination of Richard Nixon (2004 film) Frost–Nixon interviews (2006 play, 2008 film) Black Dynamite (2009 film) "The Impossible Astronaut" (2011 TV episode) Our Nixon (2013 film) X-Men: Days of Future Past (2014 film) Crooked (2015 novel) Elvis & Nixon (2016 film) The Post (2017 film) Watergate (2019 board game) U.S. postage stamp Related Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act Presidential Townhouse Richard Nixon mask Staff Jack Brennan (aide de camp) Murray Chotiner (early campaign manager) Manolo Sanchez (valet) Rose Mary Woods (secretary) Family Thelma "Pat" Ryan Nixon (wife) Tricia Nixon Cox (daughter) Julie Nixon Eisenhower (daughter) Christopher Nixon Cox (grandson) Jennie Eisenhower (granddaughter) Francis A. Nixon (father) Hannah Milhous Nixon (mother) Donald Nixon (brother) Edward Nixon (brother) ← Lyndon B. Johnson Gerald Ford → ← Alben W. Barkley Lyndon B. Johnson →

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Arthur Robert Ashe Jr. (July 10, 1943 – February 6, 1993) was an American professional tennis player. He won three Grand Slam titles in singles and two in doubles. Ashe was the first black player selected to the United States Davis Cup team, and the only black man ever to win the singles titles at Wimbledon, the US Open, and the Australian Open. He retired in 1980. Ashe was ranked world No. 1 by Rex Bellamy,[3] Bud Collins,[4] Judith Elian,[5] Lance Tingay,[6] World Tennis[7] and Tennis Magazine (U.S.)[8] in 1975. That year, Ashe was awarded the 'Martini and Rossi' Award, voted for by a panel of journalists,[9] and the ATP Player of the Year award. In the ATP computer rankings, he peaked at No. 2 in May 1976.[10] Ashe is believed to have acquired HIV from a blood transfusion he received during heart bypass surgery in 1983. He publicly announced his illness in April 1992, and began working to educate others about HIV and AIDS. He founded the Arthur Ashe Foundation for the Defeat of AIDS and the Arthur Ashe Institute for Urban Health before his death from AIDS-related pneumonia at the age of 49 on February 6, 1993. On June 20, 1993, he was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by United States President Bill Clinton. Arthur Ashe Stadium, the main court for the US Open and the largest tennis arena in the world, is named in his honor. Ashe playing against Dennis Ralston at the 1964 Southern California Intercollegiates. Early life, education, and early tennis experience Arthur Ashe was born in Richmond, Virginia, to Arthur Ashe Sr. (d. 1989) and Mattie Cordell Cunningham Ashe on July 10, 1943. He had a brother, Johnnie, who was five years younger than he.[11] The brothers were born into a family that claimed direct descent from Amar, a West African woman who was enslaved and brought to America in 1735 aboard a ship called The Doddington.[12] Ashe family members were enslaved by North Carolina Governor Samuel Ashe.[13] In March 1950, Ashe's mother Mattie died from complications related to a toxemic pregnancy (now known as pre-eclampsia) at the age of 27.[14] Ashe and his brother were raised by their father who worked as a handyman and salaried caretaker/Special Policeman for Richmond's recreation department.[11] Ashe Sr. was a caring father and strict disciplinarian who encouraged Arthur to excel both in school and in sports, but forbade him to play American football, a popular game for many boys, due to his son's slight build, something that meant Arthur's childhood nicknames were "Skinny" and "Bones".[citation needed] The Ashes lived in the caretaker's cottage in the grounds of 18-acre Brookfield park, Richmond's largest blacks-only public playground, which had basketball courts, four tennis courts, a pool, and three baseball diamonds. Ashe started playing tennis at seven years of age and began practicing on the courts where his natural talent was spotted by Virginia Union University student and part-time Brookfield tennis instructor Ron Charity, who as the best black tennis player in Richmond at the time began to teach Ashe the basic strokes and encouraged him to enter local tournaments. Ashe attended Maggie L. Walker High School in Richmond, Virginia, where he continued to practice tennis. Ron Charity brought him to the attention of Robert Walter Johnson, a physician, and the coach of Althea Gibson, who founded and funded the Junior Development Program of the American Tennis Association (ATA). Ashe was coached and mentored by Johnson at his tennis summer-camp home in Lynchburg, Virginia, from 1953 when Ashe was aged 10, until 1960. Johnson helped fine-tune Ashe's game and taught him the importance of racial socialization through sportsmanship, etiquette, and the composure that would later become an Ashe hallmark. He was told to return every ball that landed within two inches of a line and never to argue with an umpire's decision. In 1958, Ashe became the first African American to play in the Maryland boys' championships. It was also his first integrated tennis competition. In 1960, Ashe was precluded from competing against White youths in segregated Richmond during the school year, and unable to use the city's indoor courts that were closed to Black players. He accepted an offer from Richard Hudlin, a 62-year-old St. Louis teacher, tennis coach, and friend of Johnson, to move to St. Louis and spend his senior year attending Sumner High School,[15] where he could compete more freely. Ashe lived with Hudlin and his family for the year, during which time Hudlin coached and encouraged him to develop the serve-and-volley game that Ashe's now-stronger physique allowed. Ashe was able to practice at the National Guard Armory indoor courts and in 1961, after lobbying by Johnson, was granted permission to compete in the previously segregated U.S. Interscholastic tournament and won it for the school. In December 1960 and again in 1963, Ashe was featured in Sports Illustrated, appearing in their Faces in the Crowd segment.[16] He became the first African American to win the National Junior Indoor tennis title. Higher education and military service Ashe was awarded a tennis scholarship to the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) in 1963. During his time at UCLA, he was coached by J. D. Morgan and practiced regularly with his sporting idol, Pancho Gonzales, who lived nearby and helped hone his game. Ashe was also a member of the ROTC, which required him to enter active military service after graduation in exchange for money for tuition. He was active in other organizations, later pledging the Upsilon chapter of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity and becoming a member/brother of the fraternity. After graduating with a bachelor's degree in Business Administration, Ashe joined the United States Army on August 4, 1966. He completed his basic training in Washington and was later commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Adjutant General Corps. He was assigned to the United States Military Academy at West Point where he worked as a data processor. During his time at West Point, Ashe headed the academy's tennis program. He was temporarily promoted to 1st Lieutenant on February 23, 1968, and was discharged from the Army on February 22, 1969, as a 1st Lieutenant. He was awarded the National Defense Service Medal for his service. He served a total of 2 years in the United States Army.[17][18] Tennis career 1960s In 1961, Ashe won the Eastern Clay Court Championships defeating George Ball and Bob Barker in close five set matches in the semifinal and final. In 1963, Ashe won the Pacific Southwest Championships in Los Angeles on cement defeating Rafael Osuna and Whitney Reed in the final two rounds. The following season he won the 1964 Eastern Grass Court Championships at South Orange, New Jersey defeating Dennis Ralston, Gene Scott, and Clark Graebner in close matches. In 1963, Ashe became the first black player ever selected for the United States Davis Cup team. In 1965, ranked the number 3 player in the United States, Ashe won both the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) singles title and the doubles title (with Ian Crookenden of New Zealand), helping UCLA win the team NCAA tennis championship. In 1966 and 1967, Ashe reached the final of the Australian Championship but lost on both occasions to Roy Emerson. He won the 1967 U.S. Men's Clay Court Championships in Milwaukee defeating Marty Riessen in the final. In 1968 Ashe won the United States Amateur Championships against Davis Cup Teammate Bob Lutz, and the first US Open of the open era, becoming the first black male to capture the title and the only player to have won both the amateur and open national championships in the same year.[19] In order to maintain Davis Cup eligibility and have time away from army duty for important tournaments, Ashe was required to maintain his amateur status. Because of this, he could not accept the $14,000 first-prize money, which was instead given to runner-up Tom Okker,[20] while Ashe received just $20 daily expenses for his historic triumph. His ability to compete in the championship (and avoid the Vietnam War) arose from his brother Johnnie's decision to serve an additional tour in Vietnam in Arthur's place.[21] In December 1968, Ashe helped the U.S. team become Davis Cup champions after victory in the final in Adelaide against defending champions, Australia. His only loss in the 12 Davis Cup tournament singles matches he played that year, was in the last dead rubber game after the U.S. team had already clinched victory. The season closed with Ashe the winner of 10 of 22 tournaments with a 72–10 win-loss match record. In September 1969, the U.S. Davis Cup team retained the cup, beating Romania in the final challenge round, with Ashe winning both his singles matches. The same year, Ashe applied for a visa to play in the South African Open but was denied the visa by the South African government who enforced a strict apartheid policy of racial segregation. He continued to apply for visas in the following years and the country continued to deny him one. In protest, he used this example of discrimination to campaign for U.S. sanctions against South Africa and the expulsion of the nation from the International Lawn Tennis Federation (ILTF) but, in defense of the individual South African players, refused the call from activists to forfeit matches against them. 1970s In January 1970, Ashe won his second Grand Slam singles title at the Australian Open. With the competition somewhat depleted by the absence of some world-class National Tennis League (NTL) professional players barred by their league from entering because the financial guarantees were deemed too low, Ashe defeated Dick Crealy in straight sets in the final to become the first non-Australian to win the title since 1959. In March 1970, triggered by South Africa's refusal to grant Ashe a visa to play there, the country was expelled from the Davis Cup competition for its racial policy. In September 1970, Ashe helped the U.S. Davis cup team defeat West Germany in the challenge round to win their third consecutive Davis Cup. Ashe then turned professional, signing a five-year contract with Lamar Hunt's World Championship Tennis.[22] In March 1971, Ashe reached the final of the Australian Open again but lost in straight sets to Ken Rosewall. In June that year, Ashe won the French Open men's doubles with partner Marty Riessen. In 1972, due to a dispute between the ILTF and the WCT, Ashe, as one of the 32 contracted WCT players, was barred from taking part in any ILTF Grand Prix tennis circuit tournaments from January to July. This ban meant Ashe was unable to play at the French Open and Wimbledon Grand Slam tournaments. In September, Ashe reached the final of the US Open for the second time. After leading his opponent, Ilie Năstase by 2 sets to 1 and with a break point to take a 4–1 lead in the fourth set, he eventually lost in five sets. The loss from such a winning position was the biggest disappointment of Ashe's professional tennis career. At the post-match award ceremony, irritated by some of Năstase's on-court antics during the game, Ashe praised Năstase as a tough opponent and 'colourful' player, then suggested, "... and when he brushes up on some of his court manners, he is going to be even better". At this tournament, concerned that men's tennis professionals were not receiving winnings commensurate with the sport's growing popularity and to protect players from promoters and associations, Ashe supported the founding of the Association of Tennis Professionals. He went on to become its elected president in 1974. In June 1973, as a result of an ATP boycott, Ashe was one of 13 seeded players and 81 players in total who withdrew from the Wimbledon tournament to much public criticism. The catalyst for the boycott was that Yugoslavian ATP member Niki Pilić had been suspended for nine months by his tennis federation after allegedly refusing to represent them in a Davis Cup tie against New Zealand in May, something Pilić denied. The ban was upheld by the ILTF though they reduced it to just one month. The ATP contested the ban but lost a lawsuit to force Pilić's participation at Wimbledon during the ban period. As a member of the ATP board, Ashe voted to boycott the tournament, a vote that was only narrowly passed when ATP chairman, Cliff Drysdale abstained. Commentators considered that the boycott demonstrated the power of the fledgling ATP, and showed the tennis associations that professional players could no longer be dictated to.[23] In November 1973, with the South African government seeking to end their Olympic ban and re-join the Olympic movement, Ashe was finally granted a visa to enter the country for the first time, to play in the South African Open. He lost in the final to Jimmy Connors, but won the doubles with partner Tom Okker. Despite boycotts against South African sport, Ashe believed that his presence could help break down stereotypes and that by competing and winning the tournament, it would stand as an example of the result of integration, and help bring about change in apartheid South Africa. He reached the singles final again in 1974, losing in straight sets to Connors for the second consecutive year. In 1977, Ashe addressed a small crowd of boycott supporters at the U.S. Open and admitted that he had been wrong to participate in South Africa and once again supported the boycott of South African players after he had tried to purchase tickets for some young Africans for a tennis match in South Africa, and was told to use an "Africans only" counter.[24] In the media, Ashe called for South Africa to be expelled from the professional tennis circuit and Davis Cup competition. In May 1975, Ashe beat Björn Borg to win the season-ending championship WCT Finals in Dallas. On July 5, 1975, in the first all-American Wimbledon final since 1947, Ashe, seeded sixth and just a few days short of his 32nd birthday, won Wimbledon at his ninth attempt, defeating the overwhelming favourite and defending champion, Jimmy Connors. Ashe had never beaten Connors in any of their previous encounters and Connors had not dropped a set in any of the six earlier rounds, but Ashe played an almost perfect game of tactical tennis to win in four sets.[25][26] In the lead-up to the final, the two players' relationship was already strained. Connors was suing the ATP, with Ashe as its president, for $10 million for alleged restraint of trade after opposition from the ATP and French officials meant he was refused entry to the 1974 French Open as a contracted member of World Team Tennis (WTT). Just two days before the start of the Wimbledon tournament, it had been announced that Connors was now suing Ashe for $5 million for comments in a letter Ashe had written to ATP members in his role as president, criticizing Connors' insistence that Davis Cup captain Dennis Ralston should be fired and Connors' "unpatriotic" boycott of the competition which had started after Ralston left him out of the team against the West Indies in Jamaica in March 1972. On the final day, Ashe pointedly and symbolically wore red, white and blue wristbands throughout the match and wore his U.S.A.-emblazoned Davis Cup warm-up jacket when walking out onto Centre Court and during the award ceremony while receiving the trophy and winner's cheque for GBP £10,000 (1975 equivalent US$23,000). Soon after the final, Connors dropped the libel suit. Ashe played for a few more years and won the Australian Open doubles with Tony Roche in January 1977, but a left foot heel injury requiring surgery a month later and subsequent long-term rehabilitation saw his world ranking drop to a lowly 257th before a remarkable comeback saw him rise back to 13th in the world again the following year at the age of 35. However, after undergoing heart surgery in December 1979, Ashe officially retired on April 16, 1980, at the age of 36. His career record was 818 wins, 260 losses, and 51 titles. Post-tennis career and activism President Reagan greets Arthur Ashe (left) in 1982 After his retirement, Ashe took on many roles, including writing for Time magazine and The Washington Post, commentating for ABC Sports and HBO from the early 1980s until a few months before his death, founding the National Junior Tennis League, and serving as captain of the U.S. Davis Cup team from 1981 to 1985. He was elected to the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985.[27] Ashe was an active civil rights supporter. He was a member of a delegation of 31 prominent African Americans who visited South Africa to observe political change in the country as it approached racial integration. He was arrested on January 11, 1985, for protesting outside the Embassy of South Africa, Washington, D.C., during an anti-apartheid rally. He was arrested again on September 9, 1992, outside the White House for protesting on the recent crackdown on Haitian refugees. In 1988, Ashe published a three-volume book titled A Hard Road to Glory: A History of the African-American Athlete,[28] after working with a team of researchers for nearly six years.[29] Ashe stated that the book was more important than any tennis titles.[30] After Ashe publicly acknowledged that he had contracted HIV, he founded the Arthur Ashe Foundation for the Defeat of AIDS, working to raise awareness about the virus and advocated teaching sex education and safe sex. He also fielded questions about his own diagnosis and attempted to clear up the misconception that only homosexual and bisexual men, or IV drug users were at risk for contracting HIV.[31] In a speech to the United Nations General Assembly on World AIDS Day, December 1, 1992, he addressed the growing need for AIDS awareness and increased research funding, saying: "We want to be able to look back and say to all concerned that we did what we had to do, when we had to do it, and with all the resources required." Two months before his death, he founded the Arthur Ashe Institute for Urban Health to help address issues of inadequate health care delivery and was named Sports Illustrated magazine's Sportsman of the Year. He also spent much of the last years of his life writing his memoir, Days of Grace, finishing the manuscript less than a week before his death. Personal life In October 1976, Ashe met photographer and graphic artist Jeanne Moutoussamy at a United Negro College Fund benefit. Moutoussamy, who is of mixed Indo-Guadeloupean and African-American heritage, is the daughter of architect John Moutoussamy. On February 20, 1977, they were married in the Church Center for the United Nations in New York City in a ceremony officiated by Andrew Young, the United States Ambassador to the United Nations.[32] In December 1986, Ashe and Moutoussamy adopted a daughter. They named their daughter Camera after her mother's professional instrument.[33] Health In July 1979, at the age of 36, Ashe suffered a heart attack while holding a tennis clinic in New York. In view of his high level of fitness as an athlete, his condition drew attention to the hereditary aspect of heart disease; his mother already had cardiovascular disease at the time of her death, aged 27, and his father had suffered a first heart attack, aged 55, and a second, aged 59, just a week before Ashe's own attack. Cardiac catheterization revealed one of Ashe's arteries was completely closed, another was 95 percent closed, and a third was closed 50 percent in two places. He underwent a quadruple bypass operation performed by John Hutchinson on December 13, 1979.[34] Ashe promoting heart health after his heart attack A few months after the operation, Ashe was on the verge of making his return to professional tennis. However, during a family trip in Cairo, Egypt, he developed chest pains while running. He stopped running and returned to see a physician accompanied by his close friend Douglas Stein. Stein urged him to return to New York City so he could be close to his cardiologist, his surgeon and top-class medical facilities.[34] In 1983, he underwent a second round of heart surgery to correct the previous bypass surgery. After the surgery, Ashe became national campaign chairman for the American Heart Association. In September 1988, Ashe was hospitalized after experiencing paralysis in his right arm. After undergoing exploratory brain surgery and a number of tests, doctors discovered that he had toxoplasmosis, a parasitic disease that is commonly found in people infected with HIV. A subsequent test later revealed that he was HIV-positive. Ashe and his doctors believed he contracted the virus from blood transfusions he received during his second heart surgery.[31][35] He and his wife decided to keep his illness private for the sake of their daughter, who was then two years old. In September 1992, Ashe suffered a mild heart attack. In 1992, a friend of Ashe who worked for USA Today heard that he was ill and called him to confirm the story. Ashe decided to preempt USA Today's plans to publish the story about his illness and, on April 8, 1992, publicly announced he had contracted HIV. He blamed USA Today for forcing him to go public with the news but also stated that he was relieved that he no longer had to lie about his illness. After the announcement, hundreds of readers called or wrote letters to USA Today criticizing their choice to run the story about Ashe that forced him to publicize his illness.[36] Death On February 6, 1993, Ashe died from AIDS-related pneumonia at New York Hospital at 3:13 p.m., at age 49. His funeral was held at the Arthur Ashe Athletic Center in Richmond, Virginia, on February 10.[35] Governor Douglas Wilder, who was a friend of Ashe's, allowed his body to lie in state at the Governor's Mansion in Richmond. More than 5,000 people lined up to walk past the casket. Andrew Young, who had performed the service for Ashe's wedding in 1977, officiated at his funeral. Over 6,000 mourners attended.[37] Ashe requested that he be buried alongside his mother, Mattie, who died in 1950, in Woodland Cemetery in Richmond, Virginia.[38] On February 12, 1993, a memorial service for Ashe was held at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in Manhattan.[39] Legacy Ashe remains the only Black man to win the singles title at Wimbledon, the US Open, or Australian Open.[citation needed] He is one of only two men of black African ancestry to win any Grand Slam singles title, the other being France's Yannick Noah, who won the French Open in 1983. He also led the United States to victory for three consecutive years (1968–70) in the Davis Cup.[citation needed] In his 1979 autobiography, Jack Kramer, the long-time tennis promoter and a world no. 1 player himself[40] in the 1940s, ranked Ashe as one of the 21 best players of all time.[41] Awards and honors The Arthur Ashe Stadium at the 2007 US Open The Arthur Ashe Student Health and Wellness Center, on the campus of UCLA In 1974, Ashe released one the sport's first instructional long-playing records, "Learn Tennis with Arthur Ashe. For Beginners and Advanced Players", co-produced by Richard B. Thompson.[42] In 1975, Arthur Ashe received the inaugural ATP Player of the Year Award. In 1975 he received the BBC Overseas Sports Personality of the Year.[43] In 1977, he received the ATP Sportsmanship Award, voted for by other ATP-tour players.[44] In 1979, Ashe was awarded ATP Comeback Player of the Year and was inducted into the Virginia Sports Hall of Fame. Commenting on the induction, the Hall started: "Arthur Ashe was certainly a hero to people of all ages and races, and his legacy continues to touch the lives of many today. For Arthur Ashe, tennis was a means to an end. Although he had a lucrative tennis career, it was always more than personal glory and individual accolades. He used his status as an elite tennis player to speak out against the moral inequalities that existed both in and out of the tennis world. Ashe sincerely wanted to bring about change in the world. What made him stand out was that he became a world champion along the way."[45] In 1982, The Arthur Ashe Athletic Center, a 6,000-seat multi-purpose arena, was built in Richmond, Virginia. It hosts local sporting events and concerts. Ashe was inducted into the Intercollegiate Tennis Association (ITA) Hall of Fame in 1983.[46] In 1985, he was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame. In 1986, Ashe won a Sports Emmy for co-writing the documentary A Hard Road to Glory, with Bryan Polivka.[47][48] On December 3, 1992, Ashe was presented with the "Sports Legend" Award by the American Sportscasters Association at their Eighth annual Hall of Fame Awards Dinner in New York City. On June 20, 1993, Ashe was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton.[49] In 1993, Ashe was awarded the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation's George Thomas "Mickey" Leland Award[50] In 1993, Arthur Ashe was also awarded posthumously the Arthur Ashe Humanitarian of the Year Award by the ATP, in honour of his career-long contributions to humanitarianism. In 1993, Arthur Ashe received the Award for Greatest Public Service Benefiting the Disadvantaged, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.[51] In 1996 the city of Richmond posthumously honored Arthur Ashe's life with a statue by sculptor Paul DiPasquale[52] on Monument Avenue, a place traditionally reserved for statues of key figures of the Confederacy. This decision led to some controversy in a city that was the capital of the Confederate States during the American Civil War.[53] The main stadium at the USTA National Tennis Center in Flushing Meadows Park, where the US Open is played, is named Arthur Ashe Stadium. This is also the home of the annual Arthur Ashe Kids' Day. In 2002, Ashe winning Wimbledon in 1975 was voted 95th in Channel 4's 100 Greatest Sporting Moments.[54] In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Arthur Ashe on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[55] In 2005, the United States Postal Service announced the release of an Arthur Ashe commemorative stamp, the first to feature a cover of Sports Illustrated magazine. Also in 2005, TENNIS Magazine ranked him 30th in their list of the 40 Greatest Players of the TENNIS Era.[56] ESPN's annual sports awards, the ESPY Awards, hands out the Arthur Ashe for Courage Award to a member of the sports world who best exhibits courage in the face of adversity. Philadelphia's Arthur Ashe Youth Tennis and Education Center (now named Legacy Youth Tennis and Education Center) and Richmond's Arthur Ashe Athletic Center have been named for Ashe. The Arthur Ashe Student Health and Wellness Center at Ashe's alma mater, UCLA, is named for him. It opened in 1997. On June 22, 2019, the renaming of the Boulevard as Arthur Ashe Boulevard was celebrated in Richmond, Virginia.[57] Diverse: Issues In Higher Education sponsors the Arthur Ashe Jr. Sports Scholar Awards to honor students of color who have excelled in the classroom as well as on the athletic field.[58] Grand Slam finals Singles: 7 (3 titles, 4 runner-ups) Result Year Championship Surface Opponent Score Loss 1966 Australian Open Grass Australia Roy Emerson 4–6, 8–6, 2–6, 3–6 Loss 1967 Australian Open Grass Australia Roy Emerson 4–6, 1–6, 4–6 ↓ Open Era ↓ Win 1968 US Open Grass Netherlands Tom Okker 14–12, 5–7, 6–3, 3–6, 6–3 Win 1970 Australian Open Grass Australia Dick Crealy 6–4, 9–7, 6–2 Loss 1971 Australian Open Grass Australia Ken Rosewall 1–6, 5–7, 3–6 Loss 1972 US Open Grass Romania Ilie Năstase 6–3, 3–6, 7–6, 4–6, 3–6 Win 1975 Wimbledon Grass United States Jimmy Connors 6–1, 6–1, 5–7, 6–4 Doubles: 5 finals (2 titles, 3 runners-up) Result Year Championship Surface Partner Opponents Score Loss 1968 US Open Grass Spain Andrés Gimeno United States Robert Lutz United States Stan Smith 9–11, 1–6, 5–7 Loss 1970 French Open Clay United States Charlie Pasarell Romania Ilie Năstase Romania Ion Țiriac 2–6, 4–6, 3–6 Win 1971 French Open Clay United States Marty Riessen United States Tom Gorman United States Stan Smith 6–8, 4–6, 6–3, 6–4, 11–9 Loss 1971 Wimbledon Grass United States Dennis Ralston Australia Roy Emerson Australia Rod Laver 6–4, 7–9, 8–6, 4–6, 4–6 Win 1977 (Jan) Australian Open Grass Australia Tony Roche United States Charlie Pasarell United States Erik van Dillen 6–4, 6–4 Grand Slam singles performance timeline Key W F SF QF #R RR Q# DNQ A NH (W) winner; (F) finalist; (SF) semifinalist; (QF) quarterfinalist; (#R) rounds 4, 3, 2, 1; (RR) round-robin stage; (Q#) qualification round; (DNQ) did not qualify; (A) absent; (NH) not held; (SR) strike rate (events won / competed); (W–L) win–loss record. Tournament 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 19771 1978 1979 SR W–L Australian Open A A A A A A A F F A A W F A A A A A QF A SF A 1 / 6 25–5 French Open A A A A A A A A A A 4R QF QF A 4R 4R A 4R A 4R 3R 0 / 8 25–8 Wimbledon A A A A 3R 4R 4R A A SF SF 4R 3R A A 3R W 4R A 1R 1R 1 / 12 35–11 US Open 1R 2R 2R 2R 3R 4R SF 3R A W SF QF SF F 3R QF 4R 2R A 4R A 1 / 18 53–17 Win–loss 0–1 1–1 1–1 1–1 4–2 6–2 8–2 7–2 4–1 11–1 13–3 15–3 15–4 6–1 5–2 9–3 10–1 7–3 3–1 10–4 2–2 3 / 44 138–41 1The Australian Open was held twice in 1977, in January and December. Singles titles (76) Note: Ashe won 28 titles before the Open Era No. Date Tournament Surface Opponent Score 1. Jul 1961 Eastern Clay Court Championships, Hackensack Clay United States Robert M. Baker 6–3, 2–6, 6–3, 4–6, 6–4 2. Aug 1961 American Tennis Association Championships, Hampton ? United States Wilbur H. Jenkins 6–1, 6–1, 6–3 3. Apr 1962 Ojai Tennis Tournament, Ojai Hard United States David R. Reed 6–3, 6–2 4. Jan 1962 Detroit Invitational, Detroit ? United States William (Bill) H.Wright 6–2, 6–2 5. Aug 1962 American Tennis Association Championships, Wilberforce ? United States Wilbur H. Jenkins 6–1, 6–2, 6–0[59] 6. Sep 1963 Pacific Southwest Championshipss, Los Angeles Hard United States Whitney Reed 2–6, 9–7, 6–2 7. Dec 1963 U.S. Hard Court Championships Hard United States Allen Fox 6–3, 12–10 8. Aug 1964 Eastern Grass Court Championships, New Jersey Grass United States Clark Graebner 4–6, 8–6, 6–4, 6–3[60] 9. Sep 1964 Perth Amboy Invitational, New Jersey ? United States Gene Scott 6–3, 8–6, 6–2[61] 10. Sep 1965 Colonial National Invitational, Texas ? Australia Fred Stolle 6–3, 6–4[62] 11. Nov 1965 Queensland Lawn Tennis Championships, Australia Grass Australia Roy Emerson 3–6, 6–2, 6–3, 3–6, 6–1[63] 12. Dec 1965 South Australian Championships Grass Australia Roy Emerson 7–9, 7–5, 6–0, 6–4[64] 13. Jan 1966 Western Australian Championships, Perth ? United States Cliff Richey 3–6, 6–2, 6–3, 6–4[65] 14. Jan 1966 Tasmanian Championships, Australia ? Australia John Newcombe 6–4, 6–4, 12–10[66] 15. Mar 1966 Thunderbird Invitational Tennis Tournament, Phoenix ? United States Jim Osborne 3–6, 6–3, 6–2[67] 16. Apr 1966 Caribe Hilton Invitational, Puerto Rico ? United States Cliff Richey 6–3, 6–4, 6–3[68] 17. Apr 1966 Dallas Invitational, Texas ? United States Charles Pasarell 7–9, 6–4, 6–4[69] 18. Feb 1967 Philadelphia International, USA ? United States Charles Pasarell 7–5, 9–7, 6–3[70] 19. Feb 1967 Concord International Indoor, Kiamesha Lake Hard (i) Brazil Thomaz Koch 6–3, 2–6, 6–2[71] 20. Feb 1967 Western Indoor Championship ? United States Clark Graebner 3–6, 6–3, 6–3[72] 21. Apr, 1967 Long Island Invitational ? round-robin [73] 22. Jul 1967 National Clay Court Championship, USA Clay United States Marty Riessen 4–6, 6–3, 6–1, 7–5[74] 23. 1967 Long Island Masters, New York ? United States Ronald Holmberg 31–27[75] 24. Jan 1968 Caribe Hilton Invitational, Puerto Rico ? United States Ronald Holmberg 6–4, 6–4[76] 25. Feb 1968 *Fidelity Bankers Invitational, Richmond ? United States Chuck McKinley 6–2, 6–1[77] 26. Feb 1968 Concord International Indoor, Kiamesha Lake Hard (i) United States Jan Leschly 6–3, 15–13[78] 27.[79] Mar 1968 Madison Square Garden Challenge Trophy, New York Carpet (i) Australia Roy Emerson 6–4, 6–4, 7–5[80] 28. Apr 1968 *Charlotte Invitation, Charlotte ? United States Ronald Holmberg 6–2, 6–4[81] ↓ Open Era ↓ 29. Jun 1968 West of England Championships, Bristol Grass United States Clark Graebner 6–4, 6–3[82] 30. Jul 1968 *Pennsylvania Lawn Tennis Championships, Haverford Grass United States Marty Riessen 6–2, 6–3, 6–3[83] 31. Aug 1968 *U.S. Amateur Championships, Boston Grass United States Bob Lutz 4–6, 6–3, 8–10, 6–0, 6–4 32. Sep 1968 *US Open, New York Grass Netherlands Tom Okker 14–12, 5–7, 6–3, 3–6, 6–3[84] 33. Sep 1968 Las Vegas Invitational ? United States Clark Graebner 9–7, 6–3[85] 34. Dec 1968 *Queensland Championships, Brisbane, Australia Grass United States Stan Smith 6–4, 1–6, 9–7, 4–6, 7–5[86] 35. Feb 1969 Balboa Bay Club Invitational ? United States Charles Pasarell shared title, rain[87] 36. Apr 1969 *Caribe Hilton International, San Juan, Puerto Rico Hard United States Charles Pasarell 5–7, 5–7, 6–0, 6–4, 6–3[88] 37. Jan 1970 *Australian Open, Melbourne Grass Australia Dick Crealy 6–4, 9–7, 6–2 38. Feb 1970 *Richmond WCT, Richmond Carpet (i) United States Stan Smith 6–2, 13–11[89] 39. Mar 1970 *Jacksonville Open, Florida Clay New Zealand Brian Fairlie 6–3, 4–6, 6–3[90] 40. Apr 1970 *Caribe Hilton International, San Juan, Puerto Rico Hard United States Cliff Richey 6–4, 6–3, 1–6, 6–3[91] 41. Apr 1970 Bacardi Invitational, Bermuda ? Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Željko Franulović 8–6, 7–5[92] 42. May 1970 *Glenwood Manor Invitational, Kansas City Hard United States Clark Graebner 7–6, 6–1[93] 43. May 1970 *Central California Championships, Sacramento Hard United States Barry MacKay 6–4, 6–2, 3–6, 10–8[94] 44. Jun 1970 John Player tournament ? round-robin [95] 45. Sep 1970 Seattle Tennis Invitational ? United States Tom Gorman 6–3, 6–4[96] 46. Sep 1970 *Berkeley, California Hard United States Cliff Richey 6–4, 6–2, 6–4 47. Oct 1970 *Denver Invitational, Denver, USA Hard (i) United States Charlie Pasarell 6–2, 5–6, 6–3[97] 48. Nov 1970 *Paris, France Carpet (i) United States Marty Riessen 7–6, 6–4, 6–3 49. Apr 1971 *Charlotte, USA Hard United States Stan Smith 6–3, 6–3 50. Nov 1971 *Stockholm WCT, Sweden Hard (i) Czechoslovakia Jan Kodeš 6–1, 3–6, 6–2, 1–6, 6–4 51. Jul 1972 *Louisville WCT Clay United Kingdom Mark Cox 6–4, 6–4 52. Sep 1972 *Montreal WCT Carpet (i) Australia Roy Emerson 7–5, 4–6, 6–2, 6–3 53. Nov 1972 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 3–6, 6–2, 6–1 54. Nov 1972 *Rome WCT Winter Finals Carpet (i) United States Bob Lutz 6–2, 3–6, 6–3, 3–6, 7–6 55. Feb 1973 *Chicago WCT Carpet (i) United Kingdom Roger Taylor 3–6, 7–6(11–9), 7–6(7–2) 56. Jul 1973 *Washington Clay Netherlands Tom Okker 6–4, 6–2 57. Feb 1974 *Bologna WCT Carpet (i) United Kingdom Mark Cox 6–4, 7–5 58. Mar 1974 *Barcelona WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 6–4, 3–6, 6–3 59. Nov 1974 *Stockholm Open Hard (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 6–2, 6–2 60. Feb 1975 *Barcelona WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 7–6, 6–3 61. Feb 1975 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 3–6, 6–2, 6–4 62. Mar 1975 *Munich WCT Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 6–4, 7–6 63. Apr 1975 *Stockholm WCT Carpet (i) Netherlands Tom Okker 6–4, 6–2 64. May 1975 *Dallas WCT Finals Carpet (i) Sweden Björn Borg 3–6, 6–4, 6–4, 6–0 65. Jun 1975 Kent Championships Grass United States Roscoe Tanner 7–5, 6–4[98] 66. Jun 1975 *Wimbledon Grass United States Jimmy Connors 6–1, 6–1, 5–7, 6–4 67. Sep 1975 *Los Angeles Carpet (i) United States Roscoe Tanner 3–6, 7–5, 6–3 68. Sep 1975 *San Francisco Carpet (i) Argentina Guillermo Vilas 6–0, 7–6(7–4) 69. Jan 1976 *Columbus WCT Carpet (i) Rhodesia Andrew Pattison 3–6, 6–3, 7–6(7–4) 70. Jan 1976 *Indianapolis WCT Carpet (i) United States Vitas Gerulaitis 6–2, 6–7, 6–4 71. Feb 1976 *Richmond WCT Carpet (i) United States Brian Gottfried 6–2, 6–4 72. Feb 1976 *Rome WCT Clay United States Bob Lutz 6–2, 0–6, 6–3 73. Feb 1976 *Rotterdam WCT Carpet (i) United States Bob Lutz 6–3, 6–3 74. Apr 1978 *San Jose Carpet (i) South Africa Bernard Mitton 6–7, 6–1, 6–2 75. Aug 1978 *Columbus Clay United States Bob Lutz 6–3, 6–4 76. Sep 1978 *Los Angeles Carpet (i) United States Brian Gottfried 6–2, 6–4 * 44 Open Era titles listed by the ATP website Notes In Grand Prix, WCT, Grand Slam-main draws, and Davis Cup.[2] References "Arthur Ashe: Career match record". thetennisbase.com. Tennis Base. Retrieved September 22, 2021. "Aurthur Ashe bio at ESPN". Retrieved August 6, 2014. The Times (London), 30 December 1975, p.6 Collins & Hollander (1997), p. 651 Quidet, Christian (1989). La Fabuleuse Histoire du Tennis (in French). Paris: Nathan. p. 772. ISBN 9782092864388. Barrett, John, ed. (1990). World Of Tennis. London: Collins Willow. pp. 235–237. ISBN 9780002183550. "Ashe replaces Connor in magazine rankings". The Morning Call. December 9, 1975. p. 38. "Rankings Dept". The Journal Herald. January 16, 1976. p. 18. "Times Tribune (Scranton), 8 February 1976". newspapers.com. February 8, 1976. "Arthur Ashe | Overview | ATP Tour | Tennis". ATP Tour. Retrieved June 12, 2019. Moore, Kenny (December 21, 1992). "The Eternal Example". sportsillustrated.cnn.com. p. 2. Retrieved October 31, 2015. Winiecki, Susan (February 22, 2019). "Blackwell-Ashe family tree to take root in Richmond". The Richmond Magazine. Retrieved April 14, 2020. Boyle, John (August 2, 2020). "What to do with the Vance obelisk?". Asheville Citizen-Times. Retrieved August 3, 2020. Ashe, Arthur; Rampersad, Arnold (1994). Days of Grace. Random House Digital, Inc. p. 58. ISBN 0-345-38681-7. "TRAVEL ADVISORY; Black History in St. Louis", The New York Times, May 10, 1992. Accessed December 11, 2007. "Sumner High School, the first school west of the Mississippi for Blacks, established in 1875 (among graduates are Grace Bumbry, Arthur Ashe, and Tina Turner)..." Daniel Schwartz/SI (August 24, 2010). "SI Cover History: August 23–29". SI.com. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: A Biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 22–23. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Army Register, 1969. Vol. 2, p. 32. "Arthur Robert Ashe Jr". TennisFame.com. Collins, Bud (2010). The Bud Collins History of Tennis (2nd ed.). [New York]: New Chapter Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-0942257700. "30 for 30 Shorts: 'Arthur & Johnnie'". Grantland. August 28, 2013. "Ashe signs 5-year professional contract". The Telegraph-Herald. September 16, 1970. Kamakshi Tandon (July 1, 2013). "It all changed in 1973 for the ATP". espn.go.com. ESPN. Richard E. Lapchick. "A legacy of change and hope". ESPN. "Ashe Wins Wimbledon Crown". Herald-Journal. AP. July 6, 1975. Fred Tupper (July 6, 1975). "Ashe Thrashes Connors For Wimbledon Title". Sarasota Herald-Tribune. N.Y. Times. "Arthur Ashe Biography". CMG WorldWide. Archived from the original on August 10, 2009. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Ashe, Arthur R. Jr. (November 13, 1988). "Views of Sport; Taking the Hard Road with Black Athletes". The New York Times. Retrieved May 27, 2012. Kupferberg, Herbert (March 12, 1989). "Their Hard Road to Glory". Parade. p. 12. Retrieved May 27, 2012. Michael O'Donnell (August 29, 2014). "Book Review: 'Arthur Ashe' by Eric Allen Hall". online.wsj.com. The Wall Street Journal. Sankaran, Gopal; Volkwein-Caplan, Karin A. E.; Bonsall, Dale R. (1999). HIV/Aids in Sport: Impact, Issues, and Challenges. Human Kinetics. p. 58. ISBN 0-880-11749-4. Ashe, Arthur (August 1981). "My Introduction To Sex, Love and Marriage". Ebony. Vol. 36, no. 10. Johnson Publishing Company. pp. 86, 90. ISSN 0012-9011. Young served as a minister in the United Church of Christ. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: A Biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 66. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Rampersad, Arnold; Arthur Ashe (1993). Days of Grace: A Memoir. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 35. ISBN 0-679-42396-6. Finn, Robin (February 8, 1993). "Arthur Ashe, Tennis Star, Is Dead at 49". nytimes.com. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Sankaran, Gopal; Volkwein-Caplan, Karin A. E.; Bonsall, Dale R. (1999). HIV/Aids in Sport: Impact, Issues, and Challenges. Human Kinetics. p. 59. ISBN 0-880-11749-4. "Friends and Fans Say Farewell to Arthur Ashe". Jet. Vol. 83, no. 18. Johnson Publishing Company. March 1, 1993. pp. 12–18. ISSN 0021-5996. Macenka, Joe (February 4, 1995). "Richmond still searching for way to honor Ashe". The Free Lance–Star. p. B1. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Goldman, John J. (February 13, 1993). "Thousands Pay Tribute to Ashe : Memorial service: Late tennis champion is honored by friends, politicians and others in New York". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 4, 2012. promoted to be ranked NO.1 Kramer considered the best ever to have been either Don Budge (for consistent play) or Ellsworth Vines (at the height of his game). The next four best were, chronologically, Bill Tilden, Fred Perry, Bobby Riggs, and Pancho Gonzales. After these six came the "second echelon" of Rod Laver, Lew Hoad, Ken Rosewall, Gottfried von Cramm, Ted Schroeder, Jack Crawford, Pancho Segura, Frank Sedgman, Tony Trabert, John Newcombe, Arthur Ashe, Stan Smith, Björn Borg, and Jimmy Connors. Kramer felt unable to rank Henri Cochet and René Lacoste accurately but felt they were among the very best. "Richard Thompson Obituary (2011) - Cliffside Park, NJ - The Record/Herald News". www.legacy.com. Retrieved May 9, 2021. "Past winners: 1973–1977: 1975 Winner". BBC. November 27, 2003. Archived from the original on December 14, 2007. Retrieved January 14, 2023. The ATP Player and Team of the Year awards are presently given to the player and team who end the year as world No. 1 in the ATP rankings Ashe induction Archived November 30, 2010, at the Wayback Machine at Virginia Sports Hall of Fame "ITA Men's Hall of Fame". Intercollegiate Tennis Association. Archived from the original on July 3, 2017. Retrieved September 9, 2009. "Arthur Ashe Biography". Encyclopedia of World Biography. [1][permanent dead link] "Presidential Medal of Freedom Recipients". senate.gov. Retrieved December 4, 2012. Arsenio hall to get black caucus award. (1993, Sep 16). Los Angeles Sentinel. "National – Jefferson Awards". Jefferson Awards. Archived from the original on November 24, 2010. Retrieved August 5, 2013. Correspondent, JOHN PACKETT Special. "On the 25th anniversary of Arthur Ashe's death, reflections on what he would make of today's society". Richmond Times-Dispatch. No. February 4, 2018. Richmond, Virginia. Retrieved February 4, 2018. Johnson, Nuala C. (2005). "Locating Memory: Tracing the Trajectories of Remembrance" (PDF). Historical Geography. 33: 165–179. Archived from the original (PDF) on November 5, 2013. Retrieved April 6, 2012. "C4 – 100 Greatest Sporting Moments". Channel Four. 2002. Archived from the original on September 16, 2002. Retrieved October 16, 2018. Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books. p. 400. ISBN 1-57392-963-8. "40 Greatest players of the TENNIS Era (29–32)". TENNIS Magazine. Retrieved September 9, 2009. "Signs for Arthur Ashe Boulevard are unveiled in Richmond". Retrieved June 22, 2019.[permanent dead link] "Arthur Ashe". Diverse: Issues In Higher Education. April 12, 2022. "Arthur Ashe Jr wins ATA singles crown". Alabama Tribune. August 31, 1962. p. 7. "Ashe wins his 1st major net tourney". The Boston Globe. August 3, 1964. p. 13. "Tennis title won by Ashe". The Courier News. September 14, 1964. p. 24. "Ashe topples Stolle". The Orlando Sentinel. September 20, 1965. p. 28. "Cannonball service, Ashe upsets Emerson". Fresno Bee. November 8, 1965. p. 20. "Yanks' Ashe tops Emerson". Southern Illinoisan. December 12, 1965. p. 13. "Ashe downs Richey". Democrat and Chronicle. January 10, 1966. p. 31. "Ashe outguns Newcombe". Asbury Park Press. January 17, 1966. p. 19. "Ashe wins Phoenix net title". Arizona Daily Star. March 21, 1966. p. 14. "Ashe stuns Richey in Caribe". Dayton Journal Herald. April 4, 1966. p. 18. "Ashe beats Pasarell in Dallas". Passiac Herald News. April 25, 1966. p. 26. "Ashe sweeps Pasarell in Phila. net final". The Philadelphia Inquirer. February 13, 1967. p. 22. "Ashe defeats Koch in final". New York Daily News. 23 February 1967. p. 417. "Western net meet won by Arthur Ashe". Indianapolis Star. February 27, 1967. p. 30. "Ashe takes indoor title". The Indianapolis News. April 3, 1967. p. 29. "Ashe whips Riessen in title dual". St. Joseph Gazette. July 24, 1967. p. 9. "Ashe beats Holmberg at Long Island Masters". Jet. Johnson Publishing Company. January 4, 1968. p. 51. Retrieved October 30, 2019. "Ashe beats Holmberg in Puerto Rico". Los Angeles Times. January 15, 1968. p. 41. "Ashe whips McKinley". The South Bend Tribune. February 5, 1968. p. 17. "Ashe stops Leschly, keeps Concord title". Pensacola News Journal. February 29, 1968. p. 36. "New York: Overview ATP Tour 1968 to 1972". ATP Tour. ATP. Retrieved October 6, 2023. "Ashe tops Emerson in tennis". Allentown Morning Call. March 31, 1968. p. 44. "Ashe crushes Holmberg for Charlotte title". The Boston Globe. April 22, 1968. p. 27. "Ashe tops Graebner". Waterloo The Courier. June 17, 1968. p. 11. "Arthur Ashe rips Riessen in net final". Springfield Leader and Press. July 29, 1968. p. 20. "Ashe Wins U.S. Open Singles Title", Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, September 10, 1968, p. 27. "Ashe trounces Graebner in Vegas net final". The Fresno Bee. September 14, 1968. p. 16. "Takes 5 sets, but Ashe defeats Smith". Harlington Valley Morning Star. December 16, 1968. p. 11. "Net final postponed". Los Angeles Times. February 24, 1969. p. 38. "Ashe beats Pasarell for Caribe title". Oakland Tribune. April 7, 1969. p. 46. "Ashe downs Stan Smith". The Des Moines Register. February 16, 1970. p. 21. "Ashe conquers Fairlie". Los Angeles Times. March 30, 1970. p. 44. "Ashe outlasts Richey". Hartford Courant. April 6, 1970. p. 24. "Ashe wins tourney in Bermuda". Tampa Bay Times. April 13, 1970. p. 34. "Ashe defeats Graebner". Wisconsin Rapids Daily Tribune. May 4, 1970. p. 10. "Ashe nips MacKay". Dayton Daily News. p. 9. "Round robin net crown to Ashe". Des Moines Register. June 14, 1970. p. 31. "Ashe Wins in Seattle". Spokane Spokesman-Review. September 22, 1970. p. 15. "Ashe tops Pasarell for Denver crown". Springfield Leader and Press. October 12, 1970. p. 15. "Arthur Ashe tops Tanner". The Post Crescent. June 15, 1975. p. 40. Bibliography iconTennis portal Ashe, Arthur; Clifford George Gewecke (1967). Advantage Ashe. University of Michigan: Coward-McCann. p. 192. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Ashe, Arthur; Neil Amdur (1981). Off the court. New American Library. p. 230. ISBN 0-453-00400-8. Ashe, Arthur; Rampersad, Arnold (1993). Days of Grace: A Memoir. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-679-42396-6. Ashe, Arthur (1993). A Hard Road to Glory: A History of the African-American Athlete. New York: Amistad. ISBN 1-56743-006-6. Collins, Bud; Hollander, Zander (1997). Bud Collins' Tennis Encyclopedia (3rd ed.). Detroit: Visible Ink Press. ISBN 978-1578590001. Further reading McPhee, John (1969). Levels of the Game – exploring the 1968 U.S. Open semifinal between Clark Graebner and Arthur Ashe. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN 0-374-51526-3. Robinson, Louie (1969). Arthur Ashe: Tennis Champion. Washington Square Press. p. 135. ISBN 0-671-29278-1. Retrieved September 9, 2009.[permanent dead link] Deford, Frank; Ashe, Arthur (1975). Arthur Ashe: Portrait in Motion. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-20429-1. Weissberg, Ted; Coretta Scott King (1991). Arthur Ashe – tennis great. Demco Media. p. 109. ISBN 0-7910-1115-1. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Collins, David (1994). Arthur Ashe: against the wind. Dillon Press. p. 128. ISBN 0-87518-647-5. Retrieved September 9, 2009. Towle, Mike (2001). I Remember Arthur Ashe: Memories of a True Tennis Pioneer and Champion of Social Causes by the People Who Knew Him. Cumberland House Publishing. ISBN 1-58182-149-2. Steins, Richard (2005). Arthur Ashe: a biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 103. ISBN 0-313-33299-1. Mantell, Paul (2006). Arthur Ashe: Young Tennis Champion. Simon & Schuster. p. 224. ISBN 0-689-87346-8. Henderson, Douglas Jr. (2010). Endeavor to Persevere: A Memoir on Jimmy Connors, Arthur Ashe, Tennis and Life Kindle Edition. Untreed Reads. ISBN 978-1-61187-039-8. Arsenault, Raymond (2018). Arthur Ashe: A Life. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-8904-7.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Australia, officially the Commonwealth of Australia,[17] is a sovereign country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent, the island of Tasmania, and numerous smaller islands.[18] Australia is the largest country by area in Oceania and the world's sixth-largest country. Australia is the oldest,[19] flattest,[20] and driest inhabited continent,[21][22] with the least fertile soils.[23][24] It is a megadiverse country, and its size gives it a wide variety of landscapes and climates, with deserts in the centre, tropical rainforests in the north-east, tropical savannas in the north, and mountain ranges in the south-east. The ancestors of Aboriginal Australians began arriving from south-east Asia 50,000 to 65,000 years ago, during the last glacial period.[25][26][27] Arriving by sea, they settled the continent and had formed approximately 250 distinct language groups by the time of European settlement, maintaining some of the longest known continuing artistic and religious traditions in the world.[28] Australia's written history commenced with the European maritime exploration of Australia. The Dutch navigator Willem Janszoon was the first known European to reach Australia, in 1606. In 1770, the British explorer James Cook mapped and claimed the east coast of Australia for Great Britain, and the First Fleet of British ships arrived at Sydney in 1788 to establish the penal colony of New South Wales. The European population grew in subsequent decades, and by the end of the 1850s gold rush, most of the continent had been explored by European settlers and an additional five self-governing British colonies were established. Democratic parliaments were gradually established through the 19th century, culminating with a vote for the federation of the six colonies and foundation of the Commonwealth of Australia on 1 January 1901.[29] This began a process of increasing autonomy from the United Kingdom, highlighted by the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, and culminating in the Australia Act 1986.[29] Australia is a federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy, comprising six states and ten territories. Australia's population of nearly 27 million[11] is highly urbanised and heavily concentrated on the eastern seaboard.[30] Canberra is the nation's capital, while its most populous cities are Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and Adelaide.[31] It is ethnically diverse and multicultural, the product of large-scale immigration, with almost half of the population having at least one parent born overseas.[32] Australia's abundant natural resources and well-developed international trade relations are crucial to the country's economy, which generates its income from various sources including services, mining exports, banking, manufacturing, agriculture and international education.[33][34][35] Australia ranks highly for quality of life, health, education, economic freedom, civil liberties and political rights.[36] Australia has a highly developed market economy and one of the highest per capita incomes globally.[37][38] Australia is a regional power, and has the world's thirteenth-highest military expenditure.[39] It is a member of international groupings including the United Nations; the G20; the OECD; the World Trade Organization; Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation; the Pacific Islands Forum; the Pacific Community; the Commonwealth of Nations; and the defence/security organisations ANZUS, AUKUS, and the Five Eyes. It is a major non-NATO ally of the United States.[40] Etymology Main article: Name of Australia The name Australia (pronounced /əˈstreɪliə/ in Australian English[41]) is derived from the Latin Terra Australis ("southern land"), a name used for a hypothetical continent in the Southern Hemisphere since ancient times.[42] Several sixteenth century cartographers used the word Australia on maps, but not to identify modern Australia.[43] When Europeans began visiting and mapping Australia in the 17th century, the name Terra Australis was naturally applied to the new territories.[N 5] Until the early 19th century, Australia was best known as New Holland, a name first applied by the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman in 1644 (as Nieuw-Holland) and subsequently anglicised. Terra Australis still saw occasional usage, such as in scientific texts.[N 6] The name Australia was popularised by the explorer Matthew Flinders, who said it was "more agreeable to the ear, and an assimilation to the names of the other great portions of the Earth".[49] The first time that Australia appears to have been officially used was in April 1817, when Governor Lachlan Macquarie acknowledged the receipt of Flinders' charts of Australia from Lord Bathurst.[50] In December 1817, Macquarie recommended to the Colonial Office that it be formally adopted.[51] In 1824, the Admiralty agreed that the continent should be known officially by that name.[52] The first official published use of the new name came with the publication in 1830 of The Australia Directory by the Hydrographic Office.[53] Colloquial names for Australia include "Oz" and "the Land Down Under" (usually shortened to just "Down Under"). Other epithets include "the Great Southern Land", "the Lucky Country", "the Sunburnt Country", and "the Wide Brown Land". The latter two both derive from Dorothea Mackellar's 1908 poem "My Country".[54] History Main article: History of Australia For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Australian history. Indigenous peoples Main articles: Prehistory of Australia and Indigenous Australians Aboriginal rock art in the Kimberley region of Western Australia Indigenous Australians comprise two broad groups: the Aboriginal peoples of the Australian mainland (and surrounding islands including Tasmania), and the Torres Strait Islanders, who are a distinct Melanesian people. Human habitation of the Australian continent is estimated to have begun 50,000 to 65,000 years ago,[25][55][56][26] with the migration of people by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia.[57] It is uncertain how many waves of immigration may have contributed to these ancestors of modern Aboriginal Australians.[58][59] The Madjedbebe rock shelter in Arnhem Land is recognised as the oldest site showing the presence of humans in Australia.[60] The oldest human remains found are the Lake Mungo remains, which have been dated to around 41,000 years ago.[61][62] Aboriginal Australian culture is one of the oldest continuous cultures on Earth.[63] At the time of first European contact, Aboriginal Australians were complex hunter-gatherers with diverse economies and societies and about 250 different language groups.[64][65] Recent archaeological finds suggest that a population of 750,000 could have been sustained.[66][67] Aboriginal Australians have an oral culture with spiritual values based on reverence for the land and a belief in the Dreamtime.[68] The Torres Strait Islander people first settled their islands around 4000 years ago.[69] Culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples, they were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas.[70] European exploration and colonisation Main articles: European maritime exploration of Australia, European land exploration of Australia, and History of Australia (1788–1850) Landing of Lieutenant James Cook at Botany Bay, 29 April 1770 Landing of James Cook at Botany Bay on 29 April 1770 to claim Australia's east coast for Great Britain The northern coasts and waters of Australia were visited sporadically for trade by Makassan fishermen from what is now Indonesia.[71] The first recorded European sighting of the Australian mainland, and the first recorded European landfall on the Australian continent, are attributed to the Dutch.[72] The first ship and crew to chart the Australian coast and meet with Aboriginal people was the Duyfken, captained by Dutch navigator Willem Janszoon.[73] He sighted the coast of Cape York Peninsula in early 1606, and made landfall on 26 February 1606 at the Pennefather River near the modern town of Weipa on Cape York.[74] Later that year, Spanish explorer Luís Vaz de Torres sailed through and navigated the Torres Strait Islands.[75] The Dutch charted the whole of the western and northern coastlines and named the island continent "New Holland" during the 17th century, and although no attempt at settlement was made,[74] a number of shipwrecks left men either stranded or, as in the case of the Batavia in 1629, marooned for mutiny and murder, thus becoming the first Europeans to permanently inhabit the continent.[76] In 1770, Captain James Cook sailed along and mapped the east coast, which he named "New South Wales" and claimed for Great Britain.[77] Following the loss of its American colonies in 1783, the British Government sent a fleet of ships, the First Fleet, under the command of Captain Arthur Phillip, to establish a new penal colony in New South Wales. A camp was set up and the Union Flag raised at Sydney Cove, Port Jackson, on 26 January 1788,[78][79] a date which later became Australia's national day. Most early convicts were transported for petty crimes and assigned as labourers or servants to "free settlers" (non-convict immigrants). While the majority of convicts settled into colonial society once emancipated, convict rebellions and uprisings were also staged, but invariably suppressed under martial law. The 1808 Rum Rebellion, the only successful armed takeover of government in Australia, instigated a two-year period of military rule.[80] The following decade, social and economic reforms initiated by Governor Lachlan Macquarie saw New South Wales transition from a penal colony to a civil society.[81][82] The indigenous population declined for 150 years following settlement, mainly due to infectious disease.[83] Thousands more died as a result of frontier conflict with settlers.[84] Colonial expansion Main articles: History of Australia (1788–1850) and History of Australia (1851–1900) A calm body of water is in the foreground. The shoreline is about 200 metres away. To the left, close to the shore, are three tall gum trees; behind them on an incline are ruins, including walls and watchtowers of light-coloured stone and brick, what appear to be the foundations of walls, and grassed areas. To the right lie the outer walls of a large rectangular four-storey building dotted with regularly spaced windows. Forested land rises gently to a peak several kilometres back from the shore. Tasmania's Port Arthur penal settlement is one of eleven UNESCO World Heritage-listed Australian Convict Sites. The British continued to push into other areas of the continent in the early 19th century, initially along the coast. In 1803, a settlement was established in Van Diemen's Land (present-day Tasmania),[85] and in 1813, Gregory Blaxland, William Lawson and William Wentworth crossed the Blue Mountains west of Sydney, opening the interior to European settlement.[86] The British claim extended to the whole Australian continent in 1827 when Major Edmund Lockyer established a settlement on King George Sound (modern-day Albany).[87] The Swan River Colony (present-day Perth) was established in 1829, evolving into the largest Australian colony by area, Western Australia.[88] In accordance with population growth, separate colonies were carved from New South Wales: Tasmania in 1825, South Australia in 1836, New Zealand in 1841, Victoria in 1851, and Queensland in 1859.[89] South Australia was founded as a "free province"—it was never a penal colony.[90] Western Australia was also founded "free" but later accepted transported convicts, the last of which arrived in 1868, decades after transportation had ceased to the other colonies.[91] In 1823, a Legislative Council nominated by the governor of New South Wales was established, together with a new Supreme Court, thus limiting the powers of colonial governors.[92] Between 1855 and 1890, the six colonies individually gained responsible government, thus becoming elective democracies managing most of their own affairs while remaining part of the British Empire.[93] The Colonial Office in London retained control of some matters, notably foreign affairs[94] and defence.[95] In the mid-19th century, explorers such as Burke and Wills went further inland to determine its agricultural potential and answer scientific questions.[96] A series of gold rushes beginning in the early 1850s led to an influx of new migrants from China, North America and continental Europe,[97] as well as outbreaks of bushranging and civil unrest; the latter peaked in 1854 when Ballarat miners launched the Eureka Rebellion against gold license fees.[98] From 1886, Australian colonial governments began introducing policies resulting in the removal of many Aboriginal children from their families and communities (referred to as the Stolen Generations).[99] Federation to the World Wars Main article: History of Australia (1901–1945) See also: Federation of Australia, Military history of Australia during World War I, and Military history of Australia during World War II The Big Picture, a painting by Tom Roberts, depicts the opening of the first Australian Parliament in 1901. On 1 January 1901, federation of the colonies was achieved after a decade of planning, constitutional conventions and referendums, resulting in the establishment of the Commonwealth of Australia as a nation and the entering into force of the Australian Constitution.[100] After the 1907 Imperial Conference, Australia and several other self-governing British settler colonies were given the status of self-governing "dominions" within the British Empire.[101][102] Australia was one of the founding members of the League of Nations in 1920,[103] and subsequently of the United Nations in 1945.[104] Britain's Statute of Westminster 1931 formally ended most of the constitutional links between Australia and the United Kingdom. Australia adopted it in 1942,[105] but it was backdated to 1939 to confirm the validity of legislation passed by the Australian Parliament during World War II.[106][107] The Federal Capital Territory (later renamed the Australian Capital Territory) was formed in 1911 as the location for the future federal capital of Canberra. Melbourne was the temporary seat of government from 1901 to 1927 while Canberra was being constructed.[108] The Northern Territory was transferred from the control of the South Australian government to the federal parliament in 1911.[109] Australia became the colonial ruler of the Territory of Papua (which had initially been annexed by Queensland in 1883)[110] in 1902 and of the Territory of New Guinea (formerly German New Guinea) in 1920. The two were unified as the Territory of Papua and New Guinea in 1949 and gained independence from Australia in 1975.[111][112][113] The 1942 Bombing of Darwin, the first of over 100 Japanese air raids on Australia during World War II In 1914, Australia joined the Allies in fighting the First World War, and took part in many of the major battles fought on the Western Front.[114] Of about 416,000 who served, about 60,000 were killed and another 152,000 were wounded.[115] Many Australians regard the defeat of the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZACs) at Gallipoli in 1915 as the nation's "baptism of fire"—its first major military action,[116][117] with the anniversary of the landing at Anzac Cove commemorated each year on Anzac Day.[118] From 1939 to 1945, Australia joined the Allies in fighting the Second World War. Australia's armed forces fought in the Pacific, European and Mediterranean and Middle East theatres.[119][120] The shock of Britain's defeat in Asia in 1942, followed soon after by the bombing of Darwin and other Japanese attacks on Australian soil, led to a widespread belief in Australia that a Japanese invasion was imminent, and a shift from the United Kingdom to the United States as Australia's principal ally and security partner.[121] Since 1951, Australia has been a formal military ally of the United States, under the ANZUS treaty.[122] Post-war and contemporary eras Main article: History of Australia (1945–present) Postwar migrants from Europe arriving in Australia in 1954 In the decades following World War II, Australia enjoyed significant increases in living standards, leisure time and suburban development.[123][124] Using the slogan "populate or perish", the nation encouraged a large wave of immigration from across Europe, with such immigrants referred to as "New Australians".[125] A member of the Western Bloc during the Cold War, Australia participated in the Korean War and the Malayan Emergency during the 1950s and the Vietnam War from 1962 to 1972.[126] During this time, tensions over communist influence in society led to unsuccessful attempts by the Menzies Government to ban the Communist Party of Australia,[127] and a bitter splitting of the Labor Party in 1955.[128] As a result of a 1967 referendum, the Federal Government received a mandate to implement policies to benefit Aboriginal people, and all Indigenous Australians were included in the Census.[129] Traditional ownership of land ("native title") was recognised in law for the first time when the High Court of Australia held in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) that the legal doctrine of terra nullius ("land belonging to no one") did not apply to Australia at the time of European settlement.[130] Following the final abolition of the White Australia policy in 1973,[131] Australia's demography and culture transformed as a result of a large and ongoing wave of non-European immigration, mostly from Asia.[132][133] The late 20th century also saw an increasing focus on foreign policy ties with other Pacific Rim nations.[134] While the Australia Act 1986 severed the remaining vestigial constitutional ties between Australia and the United Kingdom,[135] a 1999 referendum resulted in 55% of voters rejecting a proposal to abolish the Monarchy of Australia and become a republic.[136] Following the September 11 attacks on the United States, Australia joined the United States in fighting the Afghanistan War from 2001 to 2021 and the Iraq War from 2003 to 2009.[137] The nation's trade relations also became increasingly oriented towards East Asia in the 21st century, with China becoming the nation's largest trading partner by a large margin.[138] During the COVID-19 pandemic which commenced in Australia in 2020, several of Australia's largest cities were locked down for extended periods of time, and free movement across state borders was restricted in an attempt to slow the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus.[139] Geography Main articles: Geography of Australia and Environment of Australia See also: Environmental issues in Australia General characteristics Map showing the topography of Australia, showing some elevation in the west and very high elevation in mountains in the southeast Topographic map of Australia. Dark green represents the lowest elevation and dark brown the highest. Surrounded by the Indian and Pacific oceans,[N 7] Australia is separated from Asia by the Arafura and Timor seas, with the Coral Sea lying off the Queensland coast, and the Tasman Sea lying between Australia and New Zealand. The world's smallest continent[141] and sixth largest country by total area,[142] Australia—owing to its size and isolation—is often dubbed the "island continent"[143] and is sometimes considered the world's largest island.[144] Australia has 34,218 km (21,262 mi) of coastline (excluding all offshore islands),[145] and claims an extensive Exclusive Economic Zone of 8,148,250 square kilometres (3,146,060 sq mi). This exclusive economic zone does not include the Australian Antarctic Territory.[146] Mainland Australia lies between latitudes 9° and 44° South, and longitudes 112° and 154° East.[147] Australia's size gives it a wide variety of landscapes, with tropical rainforests in the north-east, mountain ranges in the south-east, south-west and east, and desert in the centre.[148] The desert or semi-arid land commonly known as the outback makes up by far the largest portion of land.[149] Australia is the driest inhabited continent; its annual rainfall averaged over continental area is less than 500 mm.[150] The population density is 3.4 inhabitants per square kilometre, although the large majority of the population lives along the temperate south-eastern coastline. The population density exceeds 19,500 inhabitants per square kilometre in central Melbourne.[151] Fitzroy Island, one of the 600 islands within the main archipelago of the Great Barrier Reef The Great Barrier Reef, the world's largest coral reef,[152] lies a short distance off the north-east coast and extends for over 2,000 km (1,200 mi). Mount Augustus, claimed to be the world's largest monolith,[153] is located in Western Australia. At 2,228 m (7,310 ft), Mount Kosciuszko is the highest mountain on the Australian mainland. Even taller are Mawson Peak (at 2,745 m (9,006 ft)), on the remote Australian external territory of Heard Island, and, in the Australian Antarctic Territory, Mount McClintock and Mount Menzies, at 3,492 m (11,457 ft) and 3,355 m (11,007 ft) respectively.[154] Eastern Australia is marked by the Great Dividing Range, which runs parallel to the coast of Queensland, New South Wales and much of Victoria. The name is not strictly accurate, because parts of the range consist of low hills, and the highlands are typically no more than 1,600 m (5,200 ft) in height.[155] The coastal uplands and a belt of Brigalow grasslands lie between the coast and the mountains, while inland of the dividing range are large areas of grassland and shrubland.[155][156] These include the western plains of New South Wales, and the Mitchell Grass Downs and Mulga Lands of inland Queensland.[157][158][159][160] The northernmost point of the mainland is the tropical Cape York Peninsula.[147] Uluru in the semi-arid region of Central Australia The landscapes of the Top End and the Gulf Country—with their tropical climate—include forest, woodland, wetland, grassland, rainforest and desert.[161][162][163] At the north-west corner of the continent are the sandstone cliffs and gorges of The Kimberley, and below that the Pilbara. The Victoria Plains tropical savanna lies south of the Kimberley and Arnhem Land savannas, forming a transition between the coastal savannas and the interior deserts.[164][165][166] At the heart of the country are the uplands of central Australia. Prominent features of the centre and south include Uluru (also known as Ayers Rock), the famous sandstone monolith, and the inland Simpson, Tirari and Sturt Stony, Gibson, Great Sandy, Tanami, and Great Victoria deserts, with the famous Nullarbor Plain on the southern coast.[167][168][169][170] The Western Australian mulga shrublands lie between the interior deserts and Mediterranean-climate Southwest Australia.[169][171] Geology Main article: Geology of Australia Basic geological regions of Australia, by age Lying on the Indo-Australian Plate, the mainland of Australia is the lowest and most primordial landmass on Earth with a relatively stable geological history.[172][173] The landmass includes virtually all known rock types and from all geological time periods spanning over 3.8 billion years of the Earth's history. The Pilbara Craton is one of only two pristine Archaean 3.6–2.7 Ga (billion years ago) crusts identified on the Earth.[174] Having been part of all major supercontinents, the Australian continent began to form after the breakup of Gondwana in the Permian, with the separation of the continental landmass from the African continent and Indian subcontinent. It separated from Antarctica over a prolonged period beginning in the Permian and continuing through to the Cretaceous.[175] When the last glacial period ended in about 10,000 BC, rising sea levels formed Bass Strait, separating Tasmania from the mainland. Then between about 8,000 and 6,500 BC, the lowlands in the north were flooded by the sea, separating New Guinea, the Aru Islands, and the mainland of Australia.[176] The Australian continent is moving toward Eurasia at the rate of 6 to 7 centimetres a year.[177] The Australian mainland's continental crust, excluding the thinned margins, has an average thickness of 38 km, with a range in thickness from 24 km to 59 km.[178] Australia's geology can be divided into several main sections, showcasing that the continent grew from west to east: the Archaean cratonic shields found mostly in the west, Proterozoic fold belts in the centre and Phanerozoic sedimentary basins, metamorphic and igneous rocks in the east.[179] The Australian mainland and Tasmania are situated in the middle of the tectonic plate and have no active volcanoes,[180] but due to passing over the East Australia hotspot, recent volcanism has occurred during the Holocene, in the Newer Volcanics Province of western Victoria and southeastern South Australia. Volcanism also occurs in the island of New Guinea (considered geologically as part of the Australian continent), and in the Australian external territory of Heard Island and McDonald Islands.[181] Seismic activity in the Australian mainland and Tasmania is also low, with the greatest number of fatalities having occurred in the 1989 Newcastle earthquake.[182] Climate Main article: Climate of Australia Köppen climate types of Australia[183] The climate of Australia is significantly influenced by ocean currents, including the Indian Ocean Dipole and the El Niño–Southern Oscillation, which is correlated with periodic drought, and the seasonal tropical low-pressure system that produces cyclones in northern Australia.[184][185] These factors cause rainfall to vary markedly from year to year. Much of the northern part of the country has a tropical, predominantly summer-rainfall (monsoon).[150] The south-west corner of the country has a Mediterranean climate.[186] The south-east ranges from oceanic (Tasmania and coastal Victoria) to humid subtropical (upper half of New South Wales), with the highlands featuring alpine and subpolar oceanic climates. The interior is arid to semi-arid.[150] Driven by climate change, average temperatures have risen more than 1°C since 1960. Associated changes in rainfall patterns and climate extremes exacerbate existing issues such as drought and bushfires. 2019 was Australia's warmest recorded year,[187] and the 2019–2020 bushfire season was the country's worst on record.[188] Australia's greenhouse gas emissions per capita are among the highest in the world.[189] Water restrictions are frequently in place in many regions and cities of Australia in response to chronic shortages due to urban population increases and localised drought.[190][191] Throughout much of the continent, major flooding regularly follows extended periods of drought, flushing out inland river systems, overflowing dams and inundating large inland flood plains, as occurred throughout Eastern Australia in the early 2010s after the 2000s Australian drought.[192] Biodiversity See also: Fauna of Australia, Flora of Australia, and Fungi of Australia A koala holding onto a eucalyptus tree with its head turned so both eyes are visible The koala and the eucalyptus form an iconic Australian pair. Although most of Australia is semi-arid or desert, the continent includes a diverse range of habitats from alpine heaths to tropical rainforests. Fungi typify that diversity—an estimated 250,000 species—of which only 5% have been described—occur in Australia.[193] Because of the continent's great age, extremely variable weather patterns, and long-term geographic isolation, much of Australia's biota is unique. About 85% of flowering plants, 84% of mammals, more than 45% of birds, and 89% of in-shore, temperate-zone fish are endemic.[194] Australia has at least 755 species of reptile, more than any other country in the world.[195] Besides Antarctica, Australia is the only continent that developed without feline species. Feral cats may have been introduced in the 17th century by Dutch shipwrecks, and later in the 18th century by European settlers. They are now considered a major factor in the decline and extinction of many vulnerable and endangered native species.[196] Seafaring immigrants from Asia are believed to have brought the dingo to Australia sometime after the end of the last ice age—perhaps 4000 years ago—and Aboriginal people helped disperse them across the continent as pets, contributing to the demise of thylacines on the mainland.[197] Australia is also one of 17 megadiverse countries.[198] Australian forests are mostly made up of evergreen species, particularly eucalyptus trees in the less arid regions; wattles replace them as the dominant species in drier regions and deserts.[199] Among well-known Australian animals are the monotremes (the platypus and echidna); a host of marsupials, including the kangaroo, koala, and wombat, and birds such as the emu and the kookaburra.[199] Australia is home to many dangerous animals including some of the most venomous snakes in the world.[200] The dingo was introduced by Austronesian people who traded with Indigenous Australians around 3000 BCE.[201] Many animal and plant species became extinct soon after first human settlement,[202] including the Australian megafauna; others have disappeared since European settlement, among them the thylacine.[203][204] Many of Australia's ecoregions, and the species within those regions, are threatened by human activities and introduced animal, chromistan, fungal and plant species.[205] All these factors have led to Australia's having the highest mammal extinction rate of any country in the world.[206] The federal Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 is the legal framework for the protection of threatened species.[207] Numerous protected areas have been created under the National Strategy for the Conservation of Australia's Biological Diversity to protect and preserve unique ecosystems;[208][209] 65 wetlands are listed under the Ramsar Convention,[210] and 16 natural World Heritage Sites have been established.[211] Australia was ranked 21st out of 178 countries in the world on the 2018 Environmental Performance Index.[212] There are more than 1,800 animals and plants on Australia's threatened species list, including more than 500 animals.[213] Paleontologists discovered a fossil site of a prehistoric rainforest in McGraths Flat, in South Australia, that presents evidence that this now arid desert and dry shrubland/grassland was once home to an abundance of life.[214][215] Government and politics Main articles: Government of Australia and Politics of Australia Charles III, King of Australia David Hurley, Governor-General of Australia Anthony Albanese, Prime Minister of Australia Australia is a federal parliamentary constitutional monarchy.[216] The country has maintained a stable liberal democratic political system under its constitution, which is one of the world's oldest, since Federation in 1901. It is also one of the world's oldest federations, in which power is divided between the federal and state and territorial governments. The Australian system of government combines elements derived from the political systems of the United Kingdom (a fused executive, constitutional monarchy and strong party discipline) and the United States (federalism, a written constitution and strong bicameralism with an elected upper house), along with distinctive indigenous features.[217][218] The federal government is separated into three branches:[219] Legislature: the bicameral Parliament, comprising the monarch (represented by the governor-general), the Senate, and the House of Representatives; Executive: the Federal Executive Council, which in practice gives legal effect to the decisions of the cabinet, comprising the prime minister and other ministers of state appointed by the governor-general on the advice of Parliament;[220] Judiciary: the High Court of Australia and other federal courts, whose judges are appointed by the governor-general on advice of Parliament Charles III reigns as King of Australia and is represented in Australia by the governor-general at the federal level and by the governors at the state level, who by convention act on the advice of his ministers.[221][222] Thus, in practice the governor-general acts as a legal figurehead for the actions of the prime minister and the Federal Executive Council. The governor-general, however, does have reserve powers which, in some situations, may be exercised outside the prime minister's request. These powers are held by convention and their scope is unclear. The most notable exercise of these powers was the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in the constitutional crisis of 1975.[223] A large white and cream coloured building with grass on its roof. The building is topped with a large flagpole. Parliament House, Canberra In the Senate (the upper house), there are 76 senators: twelve each from the states and two each from the mainland territories (the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory).[224] The House of Representatives (the lower house) has 151 members elected from single-member electoral divisions, commonly known as "electorates" or "seats", allocated to states on the basis of population,[225] with each original state guaranteed a minimum of five seats.[226] Elections for both chambers are normally held every three years simultaneously; senators have overlapping six-year terms except for those from the territories, whose terms are not fixed but are tied to the electoral cycle for the lower house; thus only 40 of the 76 places in the Senate are put to each election unless the cycle is interrupted by a double dissolution.[224] Australia's electoral system uses preferential voting for all lower house elections with the exception of Tasmania and the ACT which, along with the Senate and most state upper houses, combine it with proportional representation in a system known as the single transferable vote. Voting is compulsory for all enrolled citizens 18 years and over in every jurisdiction,[227] as is enrolment.[228] The party with majority support in the House of Representatives forms the government and its leader becomes Prime Minister. In cases where no party has majority support, the Governor-General has the constitutional power to appoint the Prime Minister and, if necessary, dismiss one that has lost the confidence of Parliament.[229] Due to the relatively unique position of Australia operating as a Westminster parliamentary democracy with an elected upper house, the system has sometimes been referred to as having a "Washminster mutation",[230] or as a semi-parliamentary system.[231] There are two major political groups that usually form government, federally and in the states: the Australian Labor Party and the Coalition, which is a formal grouping of the Liberal Party and its minor partner, the National Party.[232][233] The Liberal National Party and the Country Liberal Party are merged state branches in Queensland and the Northern Territory that function as separate parties at a federal level.[234] Within Australian political culture, the Coalition is considered centre-right and the Labor Party is considered centre-left.[235] Independent members and several minor parties have achieved representation in Australian parliaments, mostly in upper houses. The Australian Greens are often considered the "third force" in politics, being the third largest party by both vote and membership.[236][237] The most recent federal election was held on 21 May 2022 and resulted in the Australian Labor Party, led by Anthony Albanese, being elected to government.[238] States and territories Main article: States and territories of Australia A map of Australia's states and territories Australia has six states—New South Wales (NSW), Queensland (Qld), South Australia (SA), Tasmania (Tas), Victoria (Vic) and Western Australia (WA)—and three mainland territories—the Australian Capital Territory (ACT), the Northern Territory (NT), and the Jervis Bay Territory (JBT). The ACT and NT are mostly self-governing, except that the Commonwealth Parliament has the power to modify or repeal any legislation passed by the territory parliaments.[239] Under the constitution, the states essentially have plenary legislative power to legislate on any subject, whereas the Commonwealth (federal) Parliament may legislate only within the subject areas enumerated under section 51. For example, state parliaments have the power to legislate with respect to education, criminal law and state police, health, transport, and local government, but the Commonwealth Parliament does not have any specific power to legislate in these areas.[240] However, Commonwealth laws prevail over state laws to the extent of the inconsistency.[241] Each state and major mainland territory has its own parliament—unicameral in the Northern Territory, the ACT and Queensland, and bicameral in the other states. The states are sovereign entities, although subject to certain powers of the Commonwealth as defined by the Constitution. The lower houses are known as the Legislative Assembly (the House of Assembly in South Australia and Tasmania); the upper houses are known as the Legislative Council. The head of the government in each state is the Premier and in each territory the Chief Minister. The King is represented in each state by a governor. In the Commonwealth, the King's representative is the governor-general.[242] The Commonwealth Parliament also directly administers the external territories of Ashmore and Cartier Islands, Christmas Island, the Cocos (Keeling) Islands, the Coral Sea Islands, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, and the claimed region of Australian Antarctic Territory, as well as the internal Jervis Bay Territory, a naval base and sea port for the national capital in land that was formerly part of New South Wales.[220] The external territory of Norfolk Island previously exercised considerable autonomy under the Norfolk Island Act 1979 through its own legislative assembly and an Administrator to represent the monarch.[243] In 2015, the Commonwealth Parliament abolished self-government, integrating Norfolk Island into the Australian tax and welfare systems and replacing its legislative assembly with a council.[244] Macquarie Island is part of Tasmania,[245] and Lord Howe Island of New South Wales.[246] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Australia Diplomatic missions of Australia Over recent decades, Australia's foreign relations have been driven by a focus on relationships within the Asia-Pacific region and a continued close association with the United States through the ANZUS pact and its status as a major non-NATO ally of that country.[247] A regional power, Australia is a member of regional and cultural groupings including the Pacific Islands Forum, the Pacific Community and the Commonwealth of Nations, and is a participant in the ASEAN+6 mechanism and the East Asia Summit. Australia is a member of several defence, intelligence and security groupings including the Five Eyes intelligence alliance with the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand; the ANZUS alliance with the United States and New Zealand; the AUKUS security treaty with the United States and United Kingdom; the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with the United States, India and Japan; the Five Power Defence Arrangements with New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Malaysia and Singapore; and the Reciprocal Access defence and security agreement with Japan. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese with American President Joe Biden in Kantei, Tokyo, 2022 Australia has pursued the cause of international trade liberalisation.[248] It led the formation of the Cairns Group and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation,[249][250] and is a member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the World Trade Organization (WTO).[251][252] In recent decades, Australia has entered into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership multilateral free trade agreements as well as bilateral free trade agreements with the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, the United Kingdom and New Zealand.[253] Australia maintains a deeply integrated relationship with neighbouring New Zealand, with free mobility of citizens between the two countries under the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement and free trade under the Closer Economic Relations agreement.[254] The most favourably viewed countries by the Australian people in 2021 include New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Japan, Germany, Taiwan, Thailand, the United States and South Korea.[255] A founding member country of the United Nations, Australia is strongly committed to multilateralism,[256] and maintains an international aid program under which some 60 countries receive assistance.[257] Australia ranked fourth in the Center for Global Development's 2021 Commitment to Development Index.[258] Military Main articles: Australian Defence Force, Royal Australian Navy, Australian Army, and Royal Australian Air Force HMAS Canberra, a Canberra class landing helicopter dock, and HMAS Arunta, an Anzac-class frigate, sailing in formation Australia's armed forces—the Australian Defence Force (ADF)—comprise the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), the Australian Army and the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF), in total numbering 81,214 personnel (including 57,982 regulars and 23,232 reservists) as of November 2015. The titular role of Commander-in-Chief is vested in the Governor-General, who appoints a Chief of the Defence Force from one of the armed services on the advice of the government.[259] In a diarchy, the Chief of the Defence Force serves as co-chairman of the Defence Committee, conjointly with the Secretary of Defence, in the command and control of the Australian Defence Organisation.[260] In the 2016–2017 budget, defence spending comprised 2% of GDP, representing the world's 12th largest defence budget.[261] Australia has been involved in United Nations and regional peacekeeping, disaster relief, as well as armed conflicts from the First World War onwards. Human rights See also: Human rights in Australia and LGBT rights in Australia Legal and social rights in Australia are regarded as among the most developed in the world.[36] Attitudes towards LGBT people are generally positive within Australia, and same-sex marriage has been legal in the nation since 2017.[262][263] Australia has had anti-discrimination laws regarding disability since 1992.[264] Economy Main article: Economy of Australia Further information: Economic history of Australia and Tourism in Australia The central business district of Sydney is the financial centre of Australia. Australia's high-income mixed-market economy is rich in natural resources.[265] It is the world's fourteenth-largest by nominal terms, and the 18th-largest by PPP. As of 2021, it has the second-highest amount of wealth per adult, after Luxembourg,[266] and has the thirteenth-highest financial assets per capita.[267] Australia has a labour force of some 13.5 million, with an unemployment rate of 3.5% as of June 2022.[268] According to the Australian Council of Social Service, the poverty rate of Australia exceeds 13.6% of the population, encompassing 3.2 million. It also estimated that there were 774,000 (17.7%) children under the age of 15 living in relative poverty.[269][270] The Australian dollar is the national currency, which is also shared with three Island states in the Pacific: Kiribati, Nauru, and Tuvalu.[271] Australian government debt, about $963 billion, exceeds 45.1% of the country's total GDP, and is the world's eighth-highest.[272] Australia had the second-highest level of household debt in the world in 2020, after Switzerland.[273] Its house prices are among the highest in the world, especially in the large urban areas.[274] The large service sector accounts for about 71.2% of total GDP, followed by the industrial sector (25.3%), while the agriculture sector is by far the smallest, making up only 3.6% of total GDP.[275] Australia is the world's 21st-largest exporter and 24th-largest importer.[276][277] China is Australia's largest trading partner by a wide margin, accounting for roughly 40% of the country's exports and 17.6% of its imports.[278] Other major export markets include Japan, the United States, and South Korea.[279] Australia has high levels of competitiveness and economic freedom, and was ranked fifth in the Human Development Index in 2021.[280] As of 2022, it is ranked twelfth in the Index of Economic Freedom and nineteenth in the Global Competitiveness Report.[281][282] It attracted 9.5 million international tourists in 2019,[283] and was ranked thirteenth among the countries of Asia-Pacific in 2019 for inbound tourism.[284] The 2021 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report ranked Australia seventh-highest in the world out of 117 countries.[285] Its international tourism receipts in 2019 amounted to $45.7 billion.[284] Energy Main articles: Energy policy of Australia and Renewable energy in Australia In 2003, Australia's energy sources were coal (58.4%), hydropower (19.1%), natural gas (13.5%), liquid/gas fossil fuel-switching plants (5.4%), oil (2.9%), and other renewable resources like wind power, solar energy, and bioenergy (0.7%).[286] During the 21st century, Australia has been trending to generate more energy using renewable resources and less energy using fossil fuels. In 2020, Australia used coal for 62% of all energy (3.6% increase compared to 2013), wind power for 9.9% (9.5% increase), natural gas for 9.9% (3.6% decrease), solar power for 9.9% (9.8% increase), hydropower for 6.4% (12.7% decrease), bioenergy for 1.4% (1.2% increase), and other sources like oil and waste coal mine gas for 0.5%.[287][288] In August 2009, Australia's government set a goal to achieve 20% of all energy in the country from renewable sources by 2020.[289] They achieved this goal, as renewable resources accounted for 27.7% of Australia's energy in 2020.[287] Science and technology In 2019, Australia spent A$35.6 billion on research and development, allocating about 1.79% of GDP.[290] A recent study by Accenture for the Tech Council shows that the Australian tech sector combined contributes $167 billion a year to the economy and employs 861,000 people.[291] The country's most recognized and important sector of this type is mining,[292] where Australia continues to have the highest penetration of technologies, especially drones, autonomous and remote-controlled vehicles and mine management software.[293] In addition, recent startup ecosystems in Sydney and Melbourne are already valued at $34 billion combined.[294] Australia ranked 24th in the Global Innovation Index 2023.[295] With only 0.3% of the world's population, Australia contributed 4.1% of the world's published research in 2020, making it one of the top 10 research contributors in the world.[296][297] CSIRO, Australia's national science agency, contributes 10% of all research in the country, while the rest is carried out by universities.[297] Its most notable contributions include the invention of atomic absorption spectroscopy,[298] the essential components of Wi-Fi technology,[299] and the development of the first commercially successful polymer banknote.[300] Australia is a key player in supporting space exploration. Facilities such as the Square Kilometre Array and Australia Telescope Compact Array radio telescopes, telescopes such as the Siding Spring Observatory, and ground stations such as the Canberra Deep Space Communication Complex are of great assistance in deep space exploration missions, primarily by NASA.[301] Demographics Main article: Demographics of Australia For a more comprehensive list, see List of cities in Australia by population. Australia has an average population density of 3.5 persons per square kilometre of total land area, which makes it one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world. The population is heavily concentrated on the east coast, and in particular in the south-eastern region between South East Queensland to the north-east and Adelaide to the south-west.[302] Australia is highly urbanised, with 67% of the population living in the Greater Capital City Statistical Areas (metropolitan areas of the state and mainland territorial capital cities) in 2018.[303] Metropolitan areas with more than one million inhabitants are Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and Adelaide.[304] In common with many other developed countries, Australia is experiencing a demographic shift towards an older population, with more retirees and fewer people of working age. In 2018 the average age of the Australian population was 38.8 years.[305] In 2015, 2.15% of the Australian population lived overseas, one of the lowest proportions worldwide.[306] vte Largest populated areas in Australia 2021 data from Australian Bureau of Statistics[307] Rank Name State Pop. Rank Name State Pop. 1 Sydney NSW 5,259,764 11 Geelong Vic 289,400 2 Melbourne Vic 4,976,157 12 Hobart Tas 251,047 3 Brisbane Qld 2,568,927 13 Townsville Qld 181,665 4 Perth WA 2,192,229 14 Cairns Qld 155,638 5 Adelaide SA 1,402,393 15 Darwin NT 148,801 6 Gold Coast–Tweed Heads Qld/NSW 706,673 16 Toowoomba Qld 143,994 7 Newcastle–Maitland NSW 509,894 17 Ballarat Vic 111,702 8 Canberra–Queanbeyan ACT/NSW 482,250 18 Bendigo Vic 102,899 9 Sunshine Coast Qld 355,631 19 Albury-Wodonga NSW/Vic 97,676 10 Wollongong NSW 305,880 20 Launceston Tas 93,332 Ancestry and immigration Main article: Immigration to Australia Australian residents by country of birth, 2021 census Between 1788 and the Second World War, the vast majority of settlers and immigrants came from the British Isles (principally England, Ireland and Scotland), although there was significant immigration from China and Germany during the 19th century. In the decades immediately following the Second World War, Australia received a large wave of immigration from across Europe, with many more immigrants arriving from Southern and Eastern Europe than in previous decades. Since the end of the White Australia policy in 1973, Australia has pursued an official policy of multiculturalism,[308] and there has been a large and continuing wave of immigration from across the world, with Asia being the largest source of immigrants in the 21st century.[309] Today, Australia has the world's eighth-largest immigrant population, with immigrants accounting for 30% of the population, the highest proportion among major Western nations.[310][311] 160,323 permanent immigrants were admitted to Australia in 2018–2019 (excluding refugees),[309] whilst there was a net population gain of 239,600 people from all permanent and temporary immigration in that year.[312] The majority of immigrants are skilled,[309] but the immigration program includes categories for family members and refugees.[312] In 2020, the largest foreign-born populations were those born in England (3.8%), India (2.8%), Mainland China (2.5%), New Zealand (2.2%), the Philippines (1.2%) and Vietnam (1.1%).[313] The Australian Bureau of Statistics does not collect data on race, but asks each Australian resident to nominate up to two ancestries each census.[314] These ancestry responses are classified into broad standardised ancestry groups.[315] At the 2021 census, the number of ancestry responses within each standardised group as a proportion of the total population was as follows:[316] 57.2% European (including 46% North-West European and 11.2% Southern and Eastern European), 33.8% Oceanian,[N 8] 17.4% Asian (including 6.5% Southern and Central Asian, 6.4% North-East Asian, and 4.5% South-East Asian), 3.2% North African and Middle Eastern, 1.4% Peoples of the Americas, and 1.3% Sub-Saharan African. At the 2021 census, the most commonly nominated individual ancestries as a proportion of the total population were:[6] English (33%) Australian (29.9%)[N 9] Irish (9.5%) Scottish (8.6%) Chinese (5.5%) Italian (4.4%) German (4%) Indian (3.1%) Aboriginal (2.9%)[N 10] Greek (1.7%) Filipino (1.6%) Dutch (1.5%) Vietnamese (1.3%) Lebanese (1%) At the 2021 census, 3.8% of the Australian population identified as being Indigenous—Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders.[N 11][318] Language Main article: Languages of Australia Although English is not the official language of Australia in law, it is the de facto official and national language.[319][320] Australian English is a major variety of the language with a distinctive accent and lexicon,[321] and differs slightly from other varieties of English in grammar and spelling.[322] General Australian serves as the standard dialect.[323] At the 2021 census, English was the only language spoken in the home for 72% of the population. The next most common languages spoken at home were Mandarin (2.7%), Arabic (1.4%), Vietnamese (1.3%), Cantonese (1.2%) and Punjabi (0.9%).[32] Over 250 Australian Aboriginal languages are thought to have existed at the time of first European contact.[324] The National Indigenous Languages Survey (NILS) for 2018–19 found that more than 120 Indigenous language varieties were in use or being revived, although 70 of those in use were endangered.[325] The 2021 census found that 167 Indigenous languages were spoken at home by 76,978 Indigenous Australians.[326] NILS and the Australian Bureau of Statistics use different classifications for Indigenous Australian languages.[327] The Australian sign language known as Auslan was used at home by 16,242 people at the time of the 2021 census.[328] Religion Main article: Religion in Australia Australia is secular and hosts a diversity of religions. St Mary's Cathedral in Sydney belongs to the Roman Catholic Church, Australia's largest religious denomination. Australia has no state religion; Section 116 of the Australian Constitution prohibits the federal government from making any law to establish any religion, impose any religious observance, or prohibit the free exercise of any religion.[329] As of 2023, a plurality of Australians are irreligious.[330] At the 2021 Census, 38.9% of the population identified as having "no religion",[6] up from 15.5% in 2001.[331] The largest religion is Christianity (43.9% of the population).[6] The largest Christian denominations are the Roman Catholic Church (20% of the population) and the Anglican Church of Australia (9.8%). Multicultural immigration since the Second World War has led to the growth of non-Christian religions, the largest of which are Islam (3.2%), Hinduism (2.7%), Buddhism (2.4%), Sikhism (0.8%), and Judaism (0.4%).[6] In 2021, just under 8,000 people declared an affiliation with traditional Aboriginal religions.[6] In Australian Aboriginal mythology and the animist framework developed in Aboriginal Australia, the Dreaming is a sacred era in which ancestral totemic spirit beings formed The Creation. The Dreaming established the laws and structures of society and the ceremonies performed to ensure continuity of life and land.[332] Health See also: Health care in Australia Australia's life expectancy of 83 years (81 years for males and 85 years for females),[333] is the fifth-highest in the world. It has the highest rate of skin cancer in the world,[334] while cigarette smoking is the largest preventable cause of death and disease, responsible for 7.8% of the total mortality and disease. Ranked second in preventable causes is hypertension at 7.6%, with obesity third at 7.5%.[335][336] Australia ranked 35th in the world in 2012 for its proportion of obese women[337] and near the top of developed nations for its proportion of obese adults;[338] 63% of its adult population is either overweight or obese.[339] Australia spent around 9.91% of its total GDP to health care in 2021.[340] It introduced universal health care in 1975.[341] Known as Medicare, it is now nominally funded by an income tax surcharge known as the Medicare levy, currently at 2%.[342] The states manage hospitals and attached outpatient services, while the Commonwealth funds the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (subsidising the costs of medicines) and general practice.[341] During the COVID-19 pandemic Australia had one of the most restrictive quarantine policies, resulting in one of the lowest death rates worldwide.[343] Education Main article: Education in Australia Five Australian universities rank in the top 50 of the QS World University Rankings, including the Australian National University (19th).[344] School attendance, or registration for home schooling,[345] is compulsory throughout Australia. Education is the responsibility of the individual states and territories[346] so the rules vary between states, but in general children are required to attend school from the age of about 5 until about 16.[347][348] In some states (Western Australia, Northern Territory and New South Wales), children aged 16–17 are required to either attend school or participate in vocational training, such as an apprenticeship.[349][350][351][352] Australia has an adult literacy rate that was estimated to be 99% in 2003.[353] However, a 2011–2012 report for the Australian Bureau of Statistics reported that Tasmania has a literacy and numeracy rate of only 50%.[354] Australia has 37 government-funded universities and three private universities, as well as a number of other specialist institutions that provide approved courses at the higher education level.[355] The OECD places Australia among the most expensive nations to attend university.[356] There is a state-based system of vocational training, known as TAFE, and many trades conduct apprenticeships for training new tradespeople.[357] About 58% of Australians aged from 25 to 64 have vocational or tertiary qualifications[358] and the tertiary graduation rate of 49% is the highest among OECD countries. 30.9% of Australia's population has attained a higher education qualification, which is among the highest percentages in the world.[359][360][361] Australia has the highest ratio of international students per head of population in the world by a large margin, with 812,000 international students enrolled in the nation's universities and vocational institutions in 2019.[362][363] Accordingly, in 2019, international students represented on average 26.7% of the student bodies of Australian universities. International education therefore represents one of the country's largest exports and has a pronounced influence on the country's demographics, with a significant proportion of international students remaining in Australia after graduation on various skill and employment visas.[364] Education is Australia's third-largest export, after iron ore and coal, and contributed over $28 billion to the economy in 2016–17.[297] Culture Main article: Culture of Australia Ornate white building with an elevated dome in the middle, fronted by a golden fountain and orange flowers The Royal Exhibition Building in Melbourne was the first building in Australia to be listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2004.[365] The country is home to a diversity of cultures, a result of its history of immigration.[366] Prior to 1850, Australia was dominated by Indigenous cultures.[367][368] Since then, Australian culture has primarily been a Western culture, strongly influenced by Anglo-Celtic settlers.[369][370] Other influences include Australian Aboriginal culture, the traditions brought to the country by waves of immigration from around the world,[371] and the culture of the United States.[372] The cultural divergence and evolution that has occurred over the centuries since European settlement has resulted in a distinctive Australian culture.[373][374] Arts Main articles: Australian art, Australian literature, Theatre of Australia, and Dance in Australia Sidney Nolan's Snake mural (1970), held at the Museum of Old and New Art in Hobart, Tasmania, is inspired by the Aboriginal creation myth of the Rainbow Serpent, as well as desert flowers in bloom after a drought.[375] Australia has over 100,000 Aboriginal rock art sites,[376] and traditional designs, patterns and stories infuse contemporary Indigenous Australian art, "the last great art movement of the 20th century" according to critic Robert Hughes;[377] its exponents include Emily Kame Kngwarreye.[378] Early colonial artists showed a fascination with the unfamiliar land.[379] The impressionistic works of Arthur Streeton, Tom Roberts and other members of the 19th-century Heidelberg School—the first "distinctively Australian" movement in Western art—gave expression to nationalist sentiments in the lead-up to Federation.[379] While the school remained influential into the 1900s, modernists such as Margaret Preston, and, later, Sidney Nolan, explored new artistic trends.[379] The landscape remained central to the work of Aboriginal watercolourist Albert Namatjira,[380] as well as Fred Williams, Brett Whiteley and other post-war artists whose works, eclectic in style yet uniquely Australian, moved between the figurative and the abstract.[379][381] Australian literature grew slowly in the decades following European settlement though Indigenous oral traditions, many of which have since been recorded in writing, are much older.[382] In the 19th-century, Henry Lawson and Banjo Paterson captured the experience of the bush using a distinctive Australian vocabulary.[383] Their works are still popular; Paterson's bush poem "Waltzing Matilda" (1895) is regarded as Australia's unofficial national anthem.[384] Miles Franklin is the namesake of Australia's most prestigious literary prize, awarded annually to the best novel about Australian life.[385] Its first recipient, Patrick White, went on to win the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1973.[386] Australian Booker Prize winners include Peter Carey, Thomas Keneally and Richard Flanagan.[387] Australian public intellectuals have also written seminal works in their respective fields, including feminist Germaine Greer and philosopher Peter Singer.[388] Many of Australia's performing arts companies receive funding through the federal government's Australia Council.[389] There is a symphony orchestra in each state,[390] and a national opera company, Opera Australia,[391] well known for its famous soprano Joan Sutherland.[392] At the beginning of the 20th century, Nellie Melba was one of the world's leading opera singers.[393] Ballet and dance are represented by The Australian Ballet and various state companies. Each state has a publicly funded theatre company.[394] Media Main articles: Cinema of Australia, Television in Australia, Media of Australia, and Music of Australia Actor playing the bushranger Ned Kelly in The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906), the world's first feature-length narrative film The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906), the world's first feature-length narrative film, spurred a boom in Australian cinema during the silent film era.[395] After World War I, Hollywood monopolised the industry,[396] and by the 1960s Australian film production had effectively ceased.[397] With the benefit of government support, the Australian New Wave of the 1970s brought provocative and successful films, many exploring themes of national identity, such as Wake in Fright and Gallipoli,[398] while Crocodile Dundee and the Ozploitation movement's Mad Max series became international blockbusters.[399] In a film market flooded with foreign content, Australian films delivered a 7.7% share of the local box office in 2015.[400] The AACTAs are Australia's premier film and television awards, and notable Academy Award winners from Australia include Geoffrey Rush, Nicole Kidman, Cate Blanchett and Heath Ledger.[401] Australia has two public broadcasters (the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the multicultural Special Broadcasting Service), three commercial television networks, several pay-TV services,[402] and numerous public, non-profit television and radio stations. Each major city has at least one daily newspa

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Former CIA official John Stockwell delves into the covert operations and political machinations of the United States in Nicaragua and Grenada. Drawing from personal experiences and intimate knowledge of CIA workings, Stockwell draws parallels between his involvement in Angola and the agency's activities in these Central American nations. In this revealing discourse recorded in April 1984, Stockwell dissects the US intervention in Nicaragua, offering a critical analysis of the events in Grenada, including the coup and subsequent invasion. With an insider's perspective, he scrutinizes Reagan's justifications for the invasion and dissects media coverage while shedding light on the historical context of American interference in Grenada. Drawing on his connections with key figures in Grenada's government, Stockwell unpicks the intricacies of destabilization efforts, including CIA-backed terrorist attacks and economic manipulation. By juxtaposing Nicaragua's situation with Grenada's, he offers a comparative analysis, connecting the dots between Reagan's foreign policy and CIA operations. Stockwell's insights, gained from direct interactions with Nicaraguan leaders and his comprehensive understanding of historical contexts, provide a thought-provoking examination of US foreign policy in the 1980s, exposing the covert actions and their repercussions in these nations. Since the 19th century, the United States government has participated and interfered, both overtly and covertly, in the replacement of many foreign governments. In the latter half of the 19th century, the U.S. government initiated actions for regime change mainly in Latin America and the southwest Pacific, including the Spanish–American and Philippine–American wars. At the onset of the 20th century, the United States shaped or installed governments in many countries around the world, including neighbors Hawaii, Panama, Honduras, Nicaragua, Mexico, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. During World War II, the United States helped overthrow many Nazi German or Imperial Japanese puppet regimes. Examples include regimes in the Philippines, Korea, East China, and parts of Europe. United States forces, together with the Soviet Union, were also instrumental in removing Adolf Hitler from power in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy. In the aftermath of World War II, the U.S. government struggled with the Soviet Union for global leadership, influence and security within the context of the Cold War. Under the Truman administration, the U.S. government feared that communism would be spread, sometimes with the assistance of the Soviet Union's own involvement in regime change, and promoted the domino theory, with later presidents following Truman's precedent.[1] Subsequently, the United States expanded the geographic scope of its actions beyond traditional area of operations, Central America and the Caribbean. Significant operations included the United States and United Kingdom-orchestrated 1953 Iranian coup d'état, the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion targeting Cuba, and support for the overthrow of Sukarno by General Suharto in Indonesia. In addition, the U.S. has interfered in the national elections of countries, including Italy in 1948,[2] the Philippines in 1953, Japan in the 1950s and 1960s[3][4] Lebanon in 1957,[5] and Russia in 1996.[6] According to one study, the U.S. performed at least 81 overt and covert known interventions in foreign elections during the period 1946–2000.[7] According to another study, the U.S. engaged in 64 covert and six overt attempts at regime change during the Cold War.[1] Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United States has led or supported wars to determine the governance of a number of countries. Stated U.S. aims in these conflicts have included fighting the War on Terror, as in the Afghan War, or removing weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), as in the Iraq War. Prior to 1887 1846–1848 Annexation of Texas and invasion of California Main articles: Mexican–American War and Texas annexation The United States annexed the Republic of Texas, at the time considered by Mexico to be a rebellious state of Mexico.[8] During the war with Mexico that ensued, the United States seized Alta California from Mexico.[9] 1865–1867: Mexico See also: Second French intervention in Mexico While the American Civil War was taking place in the United States, France and other countries invaded Mexico to collect debts. France then installed Habsburg prince Maximilian I as the Emperor of Mexico. After the Civil war ended, the United States began supporting the Liberal forces of Benito Juárez (who had been the interim President of Mexico since 1858 under the liberal Constitution of 1857 and then elected as president in 1861 before the French invasion) against the forces of Maximilian. The United States began sending and dropping arms into Mexico and many Americans fought alongside Juarez. Eventually, Juarez and the Liberals took back power and executed Maximillian I.[10][11][12] The United States opposed Maximilian and had invoked the Monroe Doctrine. William Seward said afterwards "The Monroe Doctrine, which eight years ago was merely a theory, is now an irreversible fact."[13] 1887–1912: U.S. expansionism and Roosevelt administration 1880s 1887–1889: Samoa Main articles: Samoan Civil War, Samoan crisis, and Second Samoan Civil War Samoa in Oceania In the 1880s, Samoa was a monarchy with two rival claimants to the throne: Malietoa Laupepa and Mata'afa Iosefo. The Samoan crisis was a confrontation between the United States, Germany and the United Kingdom from 1887 to 1889, with the powers backing rival claimants to the throne of the Samoan Islands which became the First Samoan Civil War.[14] 1890s 1893: Kingdom of Hawaii Main articles: Overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom and Republic of Hawaii Hawaii in Oceania Anti-monarchs, mostly Americans, in Hawaii, engineered the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii. On January 17, 1893, the native monarch, Queen Lili'uokalani, was overthrown. Hawaii was initially reconstituted as an independent republic, but the ultimate goal of the action was the annexation of the islands to the United States, which was finally accomplished with the Newlands Resolution of 1898.[15] 1899–1901: Boxer Rebellion [icon] This section needs expansion with: the Boxer Rebellion. You can help by adding to it. (March 2021) 1899–1902: Philippines Main article: History of the Philippines (1898–1946) The successful Philippine Revolution saw the defeat of the Spanish Empire and the establishment of the First Philippine Republic, ending centuries of Spanish colonial rule in the archipelago. The U.S., which had allied with the revolutionaries and emerged victorious in the concurrent Spanish–American War, was "granted" the Philippines in the Treaty of Paris. Wishing to establish its own control over the country, the U.S. engaged in the Philippine–American War, the success of which saw the dissolution of the self-governing Philippine Republic and formation of an Insular Government of the Philippine Islands in 1902. The Philippines became a self-governing Commonwealth in 1935 and was granted full sovereignty by 1946. 1900s 1903–1925: Honduras Main article: Banana Wars In what became known as the "Banana Wars," between the end of the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the inception of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934, the U.S. staged many military invasions and interventions in Central America and the Caribbean.[16] One of these incursions, in 1903, involved regime change rather than regime preservation. The United States Marine Corps, which most often fought these wars, developed a manual called The Strategy and Tactics of Small Wars in 1921 based on its experiences. On occasion, the Navy provided gunfire support and Army troops were also used. The United Fruit Company and Standard Fruit Company dominated Honduras' key banana export sector and associated land holdings and railways. The U.S. staged invasions and incursions of US troops in 1903 (supporting a coup by Manuel Bonilla), 1907 (supporting Bonilla against a Nicaraguan-backed coup), 1911 and 1912 (defending the regime of Miguel R. Davila from an uprising), 1919 (peacekeeping during a civil war, and installing the caretaker government of Francisco Bográn), 1920 (defending the Bográn regime from a general strike), 1924 (defending the regime of Rafael López Gutiérrez from an uprising) and 1925 (defending the elected government of Miguel Paz Barahona) to defend US interests.[17] 1906–1909: Cuba Main article: Second Occupation of Cuba After the explosion of the USS Maine the United States declared war on Spain, starting the Spanish–American War.[18] The United States invaded and occupied Spanish-ruled Cuba in 1898. Many in the United States did not want to annex Cuba and passed the Teller Amendment, forbidding annexation. Cuba was occupied by the U.S. and run by military governor Leonard Wood during the first occupation from 1898 to 1902, after the end of the war. The Platt Amendment was passed later on outlining U.S. Cuban relations. It said the U.S. could intervene anytime against a government that was not approved, forced Cuba to accept U.S. influence, and limited Cuban abilities to make foreign relations.[19] The United States forced Cuba to accept the terms of the Platt Amendment, by putting it into their constitution.[20] After the occupation, Cuba and the U.S. would sign the Cuban–American Treaty of Relations in 1903, further agreeing to the terms of the Platt Amendment.[21] Tomás Estrada Palma became the first President of Cuba after the U.S. withdrew. He was a member of the Republican Party of Havana. He was re-elected in 1905 unopposed; however, the Liberals accused him of electoral fraud. Fighting began between the Liberals and Republicans. Due to the tensions he resigned on September 28, 1906, and his government collapsed soon afterwards. U.S. Secretary of State William Howard Taft invoked the Platt Amendment and the 1903 treaty, under approval of President Theodore Roosevelt, invading the country, and occupying it. The country would be governed by Charles Edward Magoon during the occupation. They oversaw the election of José Miguel Gómez in 1909, and afterwards withdrew from the country.[22] 1909–1910: Nicaragua See also: United States occupation of Nicaragua Governor Juan José Estrada, member of the Conservative Party, led a revolt against President José Santos Zelaya, member of the Liberal Party reelected in 1906. This became what is known as the Estrada rebellion. The United States supported the conservative forces because Zelaya had wanted to work with Germany or Japan to build a new canal through the country. The U.S. controlled the Panama Canal and did not want competition from another country outside of the Americas. Thomas P Moffat, a US council[23] in Bluefields, Nicaragua would give overt support, in conflict with the US trying to only give covert support. Direct intervention would be pushed by the secretary of state Philander C. Knox. Two Americans were executed by Zelaya for their participation with the conservatives. Seeing an opportunity the United States became directly involved in the rebellion and sent in troops, which landed on the Mosquito Coast. On December 14, 1909 Zelaya was forced to resign under diplomatic pressure from America and fled Nicaragua. Before Zelaya fled, he along with the liberal assembly choose José Madriz to lead Nicaragua. The U.S. refused to recognize Madriz. The conservatives eventually beat back the liberals and forced Madriz to resign. Estrada then became the president. Thomas Cleland Dawson was sent as a special agent to the country and determined that any election held would bring the liberals into power, so had Estrada set up a constituent assembly to elect him instead. In August 1910 Estrada became President of Nicaragua under U.S. recognition, agreeing to certain conditions from the U.S. After the intervention, the U.S. and Nicaragua signed a treaty on June 6, 1911.[24][25][26] 1912–1941: Wilson administration, World War I and interwar period 1910s 1912–1933: Nicaragua See also: United States occupation of Nicaragua The Taft administration sent troops into Nicaragua and occupied the country. When the Wilson administration came into power, they extended the stay and took complete financial and governmental control of the country, leaving a heavily armed legation. U.S. president Calvin Coolidge removed troops from the country, leaving a legation and Adolfo Diaz in charge of the country. Rebels ended up capturing the town with the legation and Diaz requested troops came back, which they did a few months after leaving. The U.S. government fought against rebels led by Augusto Cesar Sandino. Franklin D. Roosevelt pulled out because the U.S. could no longer afford to keep troops in the country due to the Great Depression. The second intervention in Nicaragua would become one of the longest wars in United States history. The United States left the Somoza family in charge, who killed Sandino in 1934.[27] 1915–1934: Haiti Main article: United States occupation of Haiti The U.S. occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. U.S.-based banks had lent money to Haiti and the banks requested U.S. government intervention. In an example of "gunboat diplomacy," the U.S. sent its navy to intimidate to get its way.[28] Eventually, in 1917, the U.S. installed a new government and dictated the terms of a new Haitian constitution of 1917 that instituted changes that included an end to the prior ban on land ownership by non-Haitians. The Cacos were originally armed militias of formerly enslaved persons who rebelled and took control of mountainous areas following the Haitian Revolution in 1804. Such groups fought a guerrilla war against the U.S. occupation in what were known as the "Caco Wars."[29] 1916–1924: Dominican Republic Main article: United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924) U.S. marines invaded the Dominican Republic and occupied it from 1916 to 1924, and this was preceded by US military interventions in 1903, 1904, and 1914. The US Navy installed its personnel in all key positions in government and controlled the Dominican military and police.[30] Within a couple of days, President Juan Isidro Jimenes resigned.[31] World War I Main article: United States in World War I 1917–1919: Germany After the release of the Zimmermann Telegram the United States joined the First World War on April 6, 1917, declaring war on the German Empire, a monarchy.[32] The Wilson Administration made abdication of the Kaiser and the creation of a German Republic a requirement of surrender. Woodrow Wilson had made U.S. policy to "Make the World Safe for Democracy". Germany surrendered November 11, 1918.[33] Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated on November 28, 1918.[34] While the United States did not ratify it, the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 had much input from the United States. It mandated for Kaiser Wilhelm II to be removed from the government and tried, though the second part was never carried out.[35] Germany would then become the Weimar Republic, a liberal democracy. The United States signed the U.S.-German peace Treaty in 1921, solidifying the agreements made previously to the rest of the Entente with the U.S.[36] 1917–1920: Austria-Hungary On December 7, 1917, the United States declared war on Austria-Hungary, a monarchy, as part of World War I.[37] Austria-Hungary surrendered on November 3, 1918.[38] Austria became a republic and signed Treaty of Saint Germain in 1919 effectively dissolving Austria-Hungary.[39] The Treaty disallowed Austria to ever unite with Germany. Even though the United States had much effect on the treaty it did not ratify it and instead signed the U.S.-Austrian Peace Treaty in 1921, solidifying their new borders and government to the United States.[40] After brief civil strife, the Kingdom of Hungary became a monarchy without a monarch, instead governed by Miklós Horthy as Regent. Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon, in 1920 with the Entente, without the United States.[41] They signed the U.S.-Hungarian Peace Treaty in 1921 solidifying their status and borders with the United States.[42] 1918–1920: Russia Main article: Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War In 1918 the U.S. military took part in the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War to support White movement and overthrow the Bolsheviks.[43] President Wilson agreed to send 5,000 United States Army troops in the campaign. This force, which became known as the "American North Russia Expeditionary Force"[44] (a.k.a. the Polar Bear Expedition) launched the North Russia Campaign from Arkhangelsk, while another 8,000 soldiers, organised as the American Expeditionary Force Siberia,[45] launched the Siberia intervention from Vladivostok.[46] The forces were withdrawn in 1920.[47] 1941–1945: World War II and aftermath Main article: Military history of the United States during World War II 1941–1952: Japan Main article: Occupation of Japan Representatives of the Empire of Japan stand aboard USS Missouri prior to signing of the Instrument of Surrender In December 1941, the US joined the Allies in war against the Empire of Japan, a monarchy. After the Allied victory, Japan was occupied by Allied forces under the command of American general Douglas MacArthur. In 1946, the Japanese Diet ratified a new Constitution of Japan that followed closely a 'model copy' prepared by MacArthur's command,[48] and was promulgated as an amendment to the old Prussian-style Meiji Constitution. The constitution renounced aggressive war and was accompanied by liberalization of many areas of Japanese life. While liberalizing life for most Japanese, the Allies tried many Japanese war criminals and executed some, while granting amnesty to the family of Emperor Hirohito.[49] The occupation was ended by the Treaty of San Francisco.[49] Following the United States invasion of Okinawa during the Pacific War, the U.S. installed the United States Military Government of the Ryukyu Islands. Pursuant to a treaty with the Japanese government (Message of Emperor), in 1950 the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands took over and ruled Okinawa and the rest of the Ryukyu Islands until 1972. During this "trusteeship rule," the U.S. built numerous military bases, including bases that operated nuclear weapons. U.S. rule was opposed by many local residents, creating the Ryukyu independence movement that struggled against U.S. rule.[50] 1941–1949: Germany Main articles: Western Allied invasion of Germany and Allied-occupied Germany In December 1941, the United States joined the Allied campaign against Nazi Germany, a fascist dictatorship. The US took part in the Allied occupation and Denazification of the Western portion of Germany. Former Nazis were subjected to varying levels of punishment, depending on how the US assessed their levels of guilt. US general Dwight D. Eisenhower initially estimated that the process would take 50 years.[51] Depending on a former Nazi's level of culpability, punishments could range from a fine (for those judged least culpable), to denial of permission to work as anything but a manual laborer, to imprisonment and even death for the most severe offenders, such as those convicted in the Nuremberg Trials. At the end of 1947, for example, the Allies held 90,000 Nazis in detention; another 1,900,000 were forbidden to work as anything but manual laborers.[52] As Germans took more and more responsibility for Germany, they pushed for an end to the denazification process, and the Americans allowed this. In 1949, an independent liberal democracy, the Federal Republic of Germany, also known as West Germany, was formed and took responsibility for denazification. For most former Nazis, the process came to an end with amnesty laws passed in 1951.[53] The ultimate outcome of denazification was the creation of a parliamentary democracy in West Germany.[54] 1941–1946: Italy Main articles: Italian Civil War and Liberation of Italy In July–August 1943, the US participated in the Allied invasion of Sicily, spearheaded by the U.S. Seventh Army, under Lieutenant General George S. Patton, in which over 2000 US servicemen were killed,[55] initiating the Italian Campaign which conquered Italy from the fascist regime of Benito Mussolini and its Nazi German allies. Mussolini was arrested by order of King Victor Emmanuel III, provoking a civil war. The king appointed Pietro Badoglio as new Prime Minister. Badoglio stripped away the final elements of Fascist rule by banning the National Fascist Party, then signed an armistice with the Allied armed forces. The Royal Italian Army outside of the peninsula itself collapsed, its occupied and annexed territories fell under German control. Italy capitulated to the Allies on 3 September 1943. The northern half of the country was occupied by the Germans with help from Italian fascists and made a collaborationist puppet state, while the south was governed by monarchist forces, which fought for the Allied cause as the Italian Co-Belligerent Army.[56] 1944–1946: France Main articles: Liberation of France, Operation Goodwood, and Operation Cobra General Charles de Gaulle and his entourage proudly stroll down the Champs-Élysées to Notre-Dame Cathedral for a Te Deum ceremony following Paris's liberation on 25 August 1944. British, Canadian and United States forces were critical participants in Operation Goodwood and Operation Cobra, leading to a military breakout that ended the Nazi occupation of France. The actual Liberation of Paris was accomplished by French forces. The French formed the Provisional Government of the French Republic in 1944, leading to the formation of the French Fourth Republic in 1946.[citation needed] The liberation of France is celebrated regularly up to the present day.[57][58] See also: Free France § Liberation of France 1944–1945: Belgium Main article: Liberation of Belgium American troops during the Battle of the Bulge In the wake of the 1940 invasion, Germany established the Reichskommissariat of Belgium and Northern France to govern Belgium. United States, Canadian, British, and other Allied forces ended the Nazi occupation of most of Belgium in September 1944. The Belgian Government in Exile under Prime Minister Hubert Pierlot returned on 8 September.[59] In December, American forces suffered over 80,000 casualties defending Belgium from a German counterattack in the Battle of the Bulge. By February 1945, all of Belgium was in Allied hands.[60] The year 1945 was chaotic. Pierlot resigned, and Achille Van Acker of the Belgian Socialist Party formed a new government. There were riots over the Royal Question—the return of King Leopold III. Although the war continued, Belgians were again in control of their own country.[61] 1944–1945: Netherlands Main articles: Operation Market Garden and Operation Plunder During the Nazi occupation, the Netherlands was governed by the Reichskommissariat Niederlande, headed by Arthur Seyss-Inquart. British, Canadian, and American forces liberated portions of the Netherlands in September 1944. However, after the failure of Operation Market Garden, the liberation of the largest cities had to wait until the last weeks of the European theatre of World War II. The occupied portions of the Netherlands suffered a famine that winter. British and American forces crossed the Rhine on 23 March 1945; Canadian forces in their wake then entered the Netherlands from the east. The remaining German forces in the Netherlands surrendered on 5 May, which is celebrated as Liberation Day in the Netherlands. Queen Wilhelmina returned on 2 May; elections were held in 1946, leading to a new government headed by Prime Minister Louis Beel.[62][63] 1944–1945: Philippines Main articles: Philippines Campaign (1944–1945) and Commonwealth of the Philippines General Douglas MacArthur, President Osmeña and staff land at Palo, Leyte on October 20, 1944 United States landings in 1944 ended the Japanese occupation of the Philippines.[64] After the Japanese were defeated and the puppet regime that was controlling the Second Philippine Republic was overthrown, the United States fulfilled a promise by granting independence to the Philippines. Sergio Osmeña formed the government of the restored Commonwealth of the Philippines, overseeing democratic transition to the fully sovereign Third Philippine Republic in 1946.[65] 1945–1955: Austria Main article: Allied-occupied Austria Austria was annexed to Germany in the 1938 Anschluss. As German citizens, many Austrians fought on the side of Germany during World War II. After the Allied victory, the Allies treated Austria as a victim of Nazi aggression, rather than as a perpetrator. The United States Marshall Plan provided aid.[66] The 1955 Austrian State Treaty re-established Austria as a free, democratic, and sovereign state. It was signed by representatives of the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and France. It provided for the withdrawal of all occupying troops and guaranteed Austrian neutrality in the Cold War.[67] 1945–1991: Cold War 1940s 1945–1948: South Korea Main articles: United States Army Military Government in Korea, First Republic of Korea, and Syngman Rhee The Empire of Japan surrendered to the United States in August 1945, ending the Japanese rule of Korea. Under the leadership of Lyuh Woon-Hyung People's Committees throughout Korea formed to coordinate transition to Korean independence. On August 28, 1945 these committees formed the temporary national government of Korea, naming it the People's Republic of Korea (PRK) a couple of weeks later.[68][69] On September 8, 1945, the United States government landed forces in Korea and thereafter established the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGK) to govern Korea south of the 38th parallel. The USAMGK outlawed the PRK government.[70][71] In May 1948, Syngman Rhee, who had previously lived in the United States, won the 1948 South Korean presidential election, which had been boycotted by most other politicians and in which voting was limited to property owners and tax payers or, in smaller towns, to town elders voting for everyone else.[72][73] Syngman Rhee, backed by the U.S. government, set up authoritarian rule that coordinated closely with the business sector and lasted until Rhee's overthrow in 1961, which led to a similarly authoritarian regime that would last ultimately until the late 1980s.[74] 1947–1949: Greece Main article: Greek Civil War Greece had been under Axis occupation since 1941. Its government-in-exile, unelected and loyal to King George II, was based in Cairo. By the Summer of 1944, communist guerrillas, then known as the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), who had been armed by the Western powers, exploiting the gradual collapse of the Axis, claimed to have liberated nearly all of Greece outside of Athens from Axis occupation, while also attacking and defeating rival non-Communist partisan groups, forming a rival unelected government, the Political Committee of National Liberation. On 12 August 1944, German forces retreated from the Athens area two days ahead of British landings there, ending the occupation.[75] The British Armed Forces together with Greek forces under control of the Greek government (now a government of national unity led by Konstantinos Tsaldaris, elected in the 1946 Greek legislative election boycotted by the Communist Party of Greece) then fought for control of the country in the Greek Civil War against the communists, who at that time were self-proclaimed as the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). By early 1947, the British government could no longer afford the huge cost of financing the war against DSE, and pursuant to the October 1944 Percentages Agreement between Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin, Greece was to remain part of the Western sphere of influence. Accordingly, the British requested the US government to step in and the U.S. flooded the country with military equipment, military advisers and weapons.[76]: 553–554 [77]: 129 [78][79] With increased U.S. military aid, by September 1949 the government eventually won, fully restoring the Kingdom of Greece.[80]: 616–617  1948: Costa Rica Main article: Costa Rican Civil War Christian socialist medic Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia of the National Republican Party was elected in 1944, promoting a general social reform and allied to the Costa Rican Communist Party.[81] In the 1948 election, the opposition won the presidency but lost the Congress. This prompted the Congress to annul the results of the presidential election but not the results of the congressional election; on the same day as the annulment, the leader of the opposition campaign was assassinated.[82] These events led to the short-lived Costa Rican Civil War of 1948, in which the US supported the opposition, and Somoza-ran Nicaragua supported Calderón. The war ended Calderón's government and led to the short de facto rule of 18 months by José Figueres Ferrer.[81] However, Figueres also held some left-leaning ideas and continued the process of social reform.[83] After the war, democracy was quickly restored and a two-party system encompassed by the parties of the Calderonistas and Figueristas developed in the country for nearly 60 years.[83] 1949–1953: Albania See also: Albanian Subversion Albania was in chaos after World War II and the country was not as focused on peacetime conferences in comparison to other European nations, while having suffered high casualties.[84] It was threatened by its larger neighbors with annexation. After Yugoslavia dropped out of the Eastern Bloc, the small country of Albania was geographically isolated from the rest of the Eastern Bloc.[citation needed] The United States and United Kingdom took advantage of the situation and recruited anti-communist Albanians who had fled after the USSR invaded. The US and UK formed the Free Albania National Committee, made up of many of the emigres. Recruited Albanians were trained by the U.S. and U.K. and infiltrated the country multiple times. Eventually, the operation was found out and many of the agents fled, were executed, or were tried. The operation would become a failure. The operation was declassified in 2006, due to the Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act and is now available in the National Archives.[85][86] 1949: Syria Main article: March 1949 Syrian coup d'état The government of Shukri al-Quwatli, reelected in 1948, was overthrown by a junta led by the Syrian Army chief of staff at the time, Husni al-Za'im, who became President of Syria on April 11, 1949. Za'im had extensive connections to CIA operatives,[87] although the exact nature of U.S. involvement in the coup remains highly controversial.[88][89][90] The construction of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, which had been held up in the Syrian parliament, was approved by Za'im, the new president, just over a month after the coup.[91] 1950s 1950–1953: Burma and China See also: Kuomintang in Burma § CIA connection and opium trade The Chinese Civil War had recently ended, with the communists winning and the nationalists losing. The nationalists retreated to areas such as Taiwan and north Burma.[92] Operation Paper began in late 1950[93] or early 1951 following Chinese involvement in the Korean War.[94] Operation Paper entailed CIA plans used by CIA military advisors on the ground in Burma to assist Kuomintang incursions into Western China over several years, under the command of General Li Mi, with Kuomintang leadership hoping to eventually retake China, despite opposition from the US State Department.[95] However, each attempted invasion was repelled by the Chinese army. The Kuomintang took control of large swaths of Burma, while the government of Burma complained repeatedly of the military invasion to the United Nations.[96] On secret flights from Thailand to Burma, CAT aircraft flown by pilots hired by the CIA brought American weapons and other supplies to the Kuomintang and on return flights the CAT aircraft transported opium from the Kuomintang to Chinese organized crime drug traffickers in Bangkok, Thailand.[96][97] 1952: Egypt Main articles: Egyptian revolution of 1952 and Project FF In February 1952, following January's riots in Cairo amid widespread nationalist discontent over the continued British occupation of the Suez Canal and Egypt's defeat in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, CIA officer Kermit Roosevelt Jr. was dispatched by the State Department to meet with Farouk I of the Kingdom of Egypt. American policy at that time was to convince Farouk to introduce reforms that would weaken the appeal of Egyptian radicals and stabilize Farouk's grip on power. The U.S. was notified in advance of the successful July coup led by nationalist and anti-communist Egyptian military officers (the "Free Officers") that replaced the Egyptian monarchy with the Republic of Egypt under the leadership of Mohamed Naguib and Gamal Abdel Nasser. CIA officer Miles Copeland Jr. recounted in his memoirs that Roosevelt helped coordinate the coup during three prior meetings with the plotters (including Nasser, the future Egyptian president); this has not been confirmed by declassified documents but is partially supported by circumstantial evidence. Roosevelt and several of the Egyptians said to have been present in these meetings denied Copeland's account; another U.S. official, William Lakeland, said its veracity is open to question. Hugh Wilford notes that "whether or not the CIA dealt directly with the Free Officers prior to their July 1952 coup, there was extensive secret American-Egyptian contact in the months after the revolution."[98][99] 1952: Guatemala Main article: Operation PBFortune Operation PBFortune, also known as Operation Fortune, was a covert United States operation to overthrow Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz in 1952. The operation was authorized by U.S. President Harry Truman and planned by the Central Intelligence Agency. The plan involved providing weapons to the exiled Guatemalan military officer Carlos Castillo Armas, who was to lead an invasion from Nicaragua.[100] 1952–1953: Iran Main article: 1953 Iranian coup d'état Since 1944, Iran was a constitutional monarchy ruled by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. From the discovery of oil in Iran in the late nineteenth century major powers exploited the weakness of the Iranian government to obtain concessions that many believed failed to give Iran a fair share of the profits. During World War II, the UK, the USSR and the US all became involved in Iranian affairs, including the joint Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. Iranian officials began to notice that British taxes were increasing while royalties to Iran declined. By 1948, Britain received substantially more revenue from the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) than Iran. Negotiations to meet this and other Iranian concerns exacerbated rather than eased tensions.[101] On March 15, 1951 the Majlis, the Iranian parliament, passed legislation championed by reformist politician Mohammad Mosaddegh to nationalize the AIOC. The senate approved the measure two days later. Fifteen months later, Mosadegh was elected Prime Minister by the Majlis. International business concerns then boycotted oil from the nationalized Iranian oil industry. This contributed to concerns in Britain and the US that Mosadegh might be a communist. He was reportedly supported by the Communist Tudeh Party.[102][103] The CIA began supporting 18 of their favorite candidates in the 1952 Iranian legislative election, which Mosaddegh suspended after urban deputies loyal to him were elected.[104] The new parliament gave Mosaddegh emergency powers which weakened the power of the Shah, and there was a constitutional struggle over the roles of the Shah and prime minister. Britain strongly backed the Shah, while the US officially remained neutral. However, America's position shifted in late 1952 with the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as U.S. president. The CIA launched Operation Ajax, directed by Kermit Roosevelt Jr., with help from Norman Darbyshire, to remove Mosaddegh by persuading the Shah to replace him, using diplomacy and bribery. The 1953 Iranian coup d'état (known in Iran as the "28 Mordad coup")[105] was orchestrated by the intelligence agencies of the United Kingdom such as MI6 (under the name "Operation Boot") and the United States (under the name "TPAJAX Project").[106][107][108][109] The coup saw the transition of Pahlavi from a constitutional monarch to an authoritarian, who relied heavily on United States government support. That support dissipated during the Iranian Revolution of 1979, as his own security forces refused to shoot into non-violent crowds.[110] The CIA did not admit its responsibility until the 60th anniversary of the coup in August 2013.[111] 1954: Guatemala Main article: 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état See also: Guatemalan Civil War In a 1954 CIA operation code named Operation PBSuccess, the U.S. government executed a coup that successfully overthrew the government of President Jacobo Árbenz, elected in 1950, and installed Carlos Castillo Armas, the first of a line of right-wing dictators, in its place.[112][113][114] Not only was it done for the ideological purpose of containment, but the CIA had been approached by the United Fruit Company as it saw possible loss in profits due to the situation of workers in the country, i.e. the introduction of anti-exploitation laws.[115] The perceived success of the operation made it a model for future CIA operations because the CIA lied to the president of the United States when briefing him regarding the number of casualties.[116][117] 1956–1957: Syria See also: CIA activities in Syria In 1956 Operation Straggle was a failed coup plot against Nasserist civilian politician Sabri al-Asali. The CIA made plans for a coup for late October 1956 to topple the Syrian government. The plan entailed takeover by the Syrian military of key cities and border crossings.[118][119][120] The plan was postponed when Israel invaded Egypt in October 1956 and US planners thought their operation would be unsuccessful at a time when the Arab world is fighting "Israeli aggression." The operation was uncovered and American plotters had to flee the country.[121] In 1957 Operation Wappen was a second coup plan against Syria, orchestrated by the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt Jr.. It called for assassination of key senior Syrian officials, staged military incidents on the Syrian border to be blamed on Syria and then to be used as pretext for invasion by Iraqi and Jordanian troops, an intense US propaganda campaign targeting the Syrian population, and "sabotage, national conspiracies and various strong-arm activities" to be blamed on Damascus.[122][123][120][124] This operation failed when Syrian military officers paid off with millions of dollars in bribes to carry out the coup revealed the plot to Syrian intelligence. The U.S. Department of State denied accusation of a coup attempt and along with US media accused Syria of being a "satellite" of the USSR.[123][125][126] There was also a third plan in 1957, called "The Preferred Plan". Alongside Britain's MI6, the CIA planned to support and arm several uprisings. However, this plan was never carried out.[122] 1957–1959: Indonesia See also: Permesta and CIA activities in Indonesia Starting in 1957, Eisenhower ordered the CIA to overthrow Sukarno. The CIA supported the failed Permesta Rebellion by rebel Indonesian military officers in February 1958. CIA pilots, such as Allen Lawrence Pope, piloted planes operated by CIA front organization Civil Air Transport (CAT) that bombed civilian and military targets in Indonesia. The CIA instructed CAT pilots to target commercial shipping in order to frighten foreign merchant ships away from Indonesian waters, thereby weakening the Indonesian economy and thus destabilizing the government of Indonesia. The CIA aerial bombardment resulted in the sinking of several commercial ships[127] and the bombing of a marketplace that killed many civilians.[128] Pope was shot down and captured on 18 May 1958, revealing U.S. involvement, which Eisenhower publicly denied at the time. The rebellion was ultimately defeated by 1961.[129][130] 1959: Iraq See also: CIA activities in Iraq Iraq_in_its_region Concerned about the influence of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) in Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim's administration, President Eisenhower questioned that "it might be good policy to help [Gamal Abdel Nasser] take over in Iraq," recommending that Nasser be provided with "money and support," thus the U.S. "moved into increasingly close alignment with Egypt with regard to Qasim and Iraq."[131] After Iraq withdrew from the anti-Soviet alliance—the Baghdad Pact—the United States National Security Council (NSC) proposed various contingencies for preventing a communist takeover of the country,[132] and "soon developed a detailed plan for assisting nationalist elements committed to the overthrow of Qasim."[131] The U.S. also "approached Nasser to discuss 'parallel measures' that could be taken by the two countries against Iraq."[133] During a NSC meeting on September 24, two representatives from the State Department urged a cautious approach, while the other twelve representatives, namely from the CIA and the Department of Defense, "strong[ly] pitch[ed] for a more active policy toward Iraq." One CIA representative noted that there is a "small stockpile [of weapons] in the area," and that the CIA "could support elements in Jordan and the UAR to help Iraqis filter back to Iraq."[133] That same day, the NSC would also prepare a study which called for "covert assistance to Egyptian efforts to topple Qasim," and for "grooming political leadership for a successor government."[131] Bryan R. Gibson writes that "there is no documentation that ties the United States directly to any of Nasser's many covert attempts to overthrow the Qasim regime."[134] However, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt states that the U.S. issued its "tacit support for Egyptian efforts to bring [Qasim's government] down,"[131] and Kenneth Osgood writes that "circumstantial evidence in declassified records suggests that ... [t]he United States was working with Nasser on some level, even if the precise nature of that collaboration is not known."[133] Contemporary documents pertaining to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified or heavily redacted, thus "allow[ing] for plausible deniability."[135] Richard Sale of United Press International (UPI), citing former U.S. diplomat and intelligence officials, Adel Darwish, and other experts, reported that the unsuccessful October 7, 1959 assassination attempt on Qasim involving a young Saddam Hussein and other Ba'athist conspirators was a collaboration between the CIA and Egyptian intelligence.[136] Gibson has disputed Sale and Darwish's account, concluding that available declassified records show that "while the United States was aware of several plots against Qasim, it had still adhered to [a] nonintervention policy."[137] Wolfe-Hunnicutt observes that "[i]t seems more likely that it was October 7 that brought the Ba'ath to the attention of the US government."[138] On the other hand, Osgood writes that "the circumstantial evidence is such that the possibility of US–UAR collaboration with Ba'ath Party activists cannot be ruled out," concluding that: "Whatever the validity of [Sale's] charges, at the very least currently declassified documents reveal that US officials were actively considering various plots against Qasim and that the CIA was building up assets for covert operations in Iraq."[133] The assassins, including Saddam, escaped to Cairo, Egypt "where they enjoyed Nasser's protection for the remainder of Qasim's tenure in power."[139] One of the conspirators involved in the assassination attempt, Hazim Jawad, "received training from the UAR intelligence service in clandestine wireless telegraphy," before returning to Iraq in 1960 to coordinate "clandestine radio operations for the UAR." Wolfe-Hunnicutt writes that in the 1959–1960 period, during the "peak of US-UAR intelligence collaboration ... [i]t is quite possible that Jawad became familiar to US intelligence," as a 1963 State Department cable described him as "one of our boys."[140] Similarly, it is possible that Saddam visited the U.S. embassy in Cairo,[141] and some evidence suggests that he was "in frequent contact with US officials and intelligence agents."[133] A former high-ranking U.S. official told Marion Farouk–Sluglett and Peter Sluglett that Iraqi Ba'athists, including Saddam, "had made contact with the American authorities in the late 1950s and early 1960s."[142] 1959–1963: South Vietnam Main articles: War in Vietnam (1959–1963), 1963 South Vietnamese coup, Arrest and assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem, and Buddhist crisis See also: 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt and 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing In 1959 a branch of the Worker's Party of Vietnam was formed in the south of the country and began an insurgency against the Republic of Vietnam.[143] They were supplied through Group 559, which was formed the same year by North Vietnam to send weapons down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.[144][145] The US supported the RoV against the communists. After the 1960 US election, President John F. Kennedy became much more involved with the fight against the insurgency.[146] Location of South Vietnam From mid-1963, the Kennedy administration became increasingly frustrated with South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem's corrupt and repressive rule and his persecution of the Buddhist majority. In light of Diem's refusal to adopt reforms, American officials debated whether they should support efforts to replace him. These debates crystallized after the ARVN Special Forces, which took their orders directly from the palace, raided Buddhist temples across the country, leaving a death toll estimated in the hundreds, and resulted in the dispatch of Cable 243 on August 24, 1963, which instructed United States Ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., to "examine all possible alternative leadership and make detailed plans as to how we might bring about Diem's replacement if this should become necessary". Lodge and his liaison officer, Lucien Conein, contacted discontented Army of the Republic of Vietnam officers and gave assurances that the US would not oppose a coup or respond with aid cuts. These efforts culminated in a coup d'état on November 1–2, 1963, during which Diem and his brother were assassinated.[147] By the end of 1963 the Viet Cong switched to a much more aggressive strategy in fighting the Southern government and the US. The Pentagon Papers concluded that "Beginning in August of 1963 we variously authorized, sanctioned and encouraged the coup efforts of the Vietnamese generals and offered full support for a successor government. In October we cut off aid to Diem in a direct rebuff, giving a green light to the generals. We maintained clandestine contact with them throughout the planning and execution of the coup and sought to review their operational plans and proposed new government."[148] 1959–1962: Cuba Main articles: Cuban Project, Bay of Pigs Invasion, and Assassination attempts on Fidel Castro Location of Bay of Pigs in Cuba Fulgencio Batista was a military dictator who seized power in Cuba in March 1952 via a coup d'état and was backed by the U.S. government until March 1958. His regime was overthrown on December 31, 1958, thus bringing an end to the Cuban Revolution that was led by Fidel Castro and his 26th of July Movement. Castro became President in February 1959. The CIA backed a force composed of CIA-trained Cuban exiles to invade Cuba with support and equipment from the US military, in an attempt to overthrow Castro's government. The invasion was launched in April 1961, three months after John F. Kennedy assumed the presidency in the United States, but the Cuban armed forces defeated the invading combatants within three days.[149] Operation MONGOOSE was a year-long U.S. government effort to overthrow the government of Cuba.[150] The operation included economic warfare, including an embargo against Cuba, "to induce failure of the Communist regime to supply Cuba's economic needs", a diplomatic initiative to isolate Cuba, and psychological operations "to turn the peoples' resentment increasingly against the regime."[151] The economic warfare prong of the operation also included the infiltration of CIA operatives to carry out many acts of sabotage against civilian targets, such as a railway bridge, a molasses storage facilities, an electric power plant, and the sugar harvest, notwithstanding Cuba's repeated requests to the United States government to cease its armed operations.[152][151] In addition, the CIA planned a number of assassination attempts against Fidel Castro, head of government of Cuba, including attempts that entailed CIA collaboration with the American mafia.[153][154][155] In April 2021, documents released by the National Security Archive showed that the CIA was also involved in a plot to assassinate Raúl Castro in 1960.[156] 1959: Cambodia Main article: Bangkok Plot Ngo Dinh Nhu meeting US Vice-President Lyndon Johnson in 1961 In December 1958 Ngo Dinh Nhu – Ngo Dinh Diem's younger brother and chief adviser – broached the idea of orchestrating a coup to overthrow Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[157] Nhu contacted Dap Chhuon, Sihanouk's Interior Minister, who was known for his pro-American sympathies, to prepare for the coup against his boss.[158] Chhuon received covert financial and military assistance from Thailand, South Vietnam, and the CIA.[159] In January 1959 Sihanouk learned of the coup plans through intermediaries who were in contact with Chhuon.[160] The following month, Sihanouk sent the army to capture Chhuon, who was summarily executed as soon as he was captured, effectively ending the coup attempt.[161] Sihanouk then accused South Vietnam and the U.S. of orchestrating the coup attempt.[162] Six months later, on 31 August 1959, a small packaged lacquer gift, which was fitted with a parcel bomb, was delivered to the royal palace. Norodom Vakrivan, the chief of protocol, was killed instantly when he opened the package. Sihanouk's parents, Suramarit and Kossamak, who were sitting in another room not far from Vakrivan, narrowly escaped unscathed. An investigation traced the origin of the parcel bomb to an American military base in Saigon.[163] While Sihanouk publicly accused Ngo Dinh Nhu of masterminding the bomb attack, he secretly suspected that the U.S. was also involved.[164] The incident deepened his distrust of the U.S.[165] 1960s 1960–1965: Congo-Leopoldville Main articles: Patrice Lumumba and Congo Crisis Patrice Lumumba was elected the first Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in May 1960, and in June 1960, the country achieved full independence from Belgium. In July, the Congo Crisis erupted with a mutiny among army, followed by the regions Katanga and South Kasai succeeding with support from Belgium, who wished to keep power over resources in the region. Lumumba called in the United Nations to help him, but the U.N. force only agreed to keep peace and not stop the separatist movements. Lumumba then agreed to receive help from the USSR in order to stop the separatists, worrying the United States, due to the supply of uranium in the country. At first, The Eisenhower Administration planned to poison him with his toothpaste, but this was abandoned.[166] The CIA sent official Sydney Gottlieb with a poison to liaison with an African CIA asset code-named WI/Rogue who was to assassinate Lumumba, but Lumumba went into hiding before the operation was completed.[167] The United States encouraged Mobutu Sese Seko, a colonel in the army, to overthrow him, which he did on September 14, 1960. After being locked in prison, Mobutu sent him to Katanga, and he was executed soon after on January 17, 1961.[168][169] After Lumumba was killed, the US began funding Mobutu in order to secure him against the separatists and opposition. Many of Lumumba's supporters went east and formed the Free Republic of the Congo with its capital in Stanleyville in opposition to Mobutu's government. Eventually, the government in Stanleyville agreed to rejoin with the Leopoldville government under the latter's rule,[170][171] however in 1963, Lumumba supporters formed another separate government in the east of the country and launched the Simba rebellion. The rebellion had support from the Soviet Union and many other countries in the Eastern Bloc.[172] In November 1964, the U.S. and Belgium launched Operation Dragon Rouge to rescue hostages taken by Simba rebels in Stanleyville. The operation was a success and expelled the Simba rebels from the city, leaving them in disarray. The Simbas were ultimately defeated the following year by the Congolese army.[173][174] After the March 1965 elections, Mobutu Sese Seko launched a second coup in November with the support of the U.S. and other powers. Mobutu Sese Seko claimed democracy would return in five years and he was popular initially.[175] However, he instead took increasingly authoritarian powers eventually becoming the dictator of the country.[175] 1960: Laos Main articles: Laotian Civil War and 1960 Laotian coups On August 9, 1960, Captain Kong Le with his Royal Lao Army paratroop battalion seized control of the administrative capital city of Vientiane in a bloodless coup on a "neutralist" platform with the stated aims of ending the civil war raging in Laos, ending foreign interference in the country, ending the corruption caused by foreign aid, and better treatment for soldiers.[176][177] With CIA support, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, the Prime Minister of Thailand, set up a covert Royal Thai Armed Forces advisory group, called Kaw Taw. Kaw Taw together with the CIA backed a November 1960 counter-coup against the new Neutralist government in Vientiane, supplying artillery, artillerymen, and advisers to General Phoumi Nosavan, first cousin of Sarit. It also deployed the Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit (PARU) to operations within Laos, sponsored by the CIA.[178] With the help of CIA front organization Air America to airlift war supplies and with other U.S. military assistance and covert aid from Thailand, General Phoumi Nosavan's forces captured Vientiane in November 1960.[179][180] 1961: Dominican Republic Main article: Rafael Trujillo In May 1961, the ruler of the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo was murdered with weapons supplied by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[181][182] An internal CIA memorandum states that a 1973 Office of Inspector General investigation into the murder disclosed "quite extensive Agency involvement with the plotters." The CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the Dominican Republic as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the Dominican Republic from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy."[183][184] Juan Bosch, an earlier recipient of CIA funding, was elected president of the Dominican Republic in 1962 and was deposed in 1963.[185] 1963: Iraq Main article: Ramadan Revolution Qasim in 1959 During the coup, the Ba'ath Party executed Iraq's prime minister, Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim (pictured), and desecrated his corpse on Iraqi television. It has long been suspected that the Ba'ath Party collaborated with the CIA in planning and carrying out its violent coup that overthrew Iraq's leader, Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim, on February 8, 1963.[186] Pertinent contemporary documents relating to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified[135][187][188] and as of 2021, "[s]cholars are only beginning to uncover the extent to which the United States was involved in organizing the coup,"[189] but are "divided in their interpretations of American foreign policy."[190] Bryan R. Gibson, writes that although "[i]t is accepted among scholars that the CIA ... assisted the Ba’th Party in its overthrow of [Qasim's] regime," that "barring the release of new information, the preponderance of evidence substantiates the conclusion that the CIA was not behind the February 1963 Ba'thist coup."[191] Peter Hahn argues that "[d]eclassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support" suggestions of direct U.S. involvement.[192] On the other hand, Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt cites "compelling evidence of an American role,"[190] and that publicly declassified documents "largely substantiate the plausibility" of CIA involvement in the coup.[193] Eric Jacobsen, citing the testimony of contemporary prominent Ba'athists and U.S. government officials, states that "[t]here is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup."[194] Nathan J. Citino writes that "Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba‘th Party that overthrew Qasim," but that "the extent of U.S. responsibility cannot be fully established on the basis of available documents," and that "[a]lthough the United States did not initiate the 14 Ramadan coup, at best it condoned and at worst it contributed to the violence that followed."[195] Ba'athist leaders maintained supportive relationships with U.S. officials before, during, and after the coup.[196][197] A March 1964 State Department memorandum would state that U.S. "officers assiduously cultivated" a "Baathi student organization, which triggered the revolution of February 8, 1963 by sponsoring a successful student strike at the University of Baghdad,"[198] and according to Wolfe-Hunnicutt, documents at the Kennedy Library suggest that the Kennedy administration viewed two prominent Ba'athist officials as "assets."[197] Senior National Security Council official Robert Komer wrote to President John F. Kennedy on February 8, 1963 that the Iraqi coup "is almost certainly a net gain for our side ... CIA had excellent reports on the plotting, but I doubt either they or UK should claim much credit for it."[199][200] The U.S. offered material support to the new Ba'athist government after the coup, amidst an anti-communist purge and Iraqi atrocities against Kurdish rebels and civilians,[201] and while it is unlikely that the Ba'athists would've needed assistance in identifying Iraqi communists,[202][203] it is widely believed that the CIA provided the Ba'athist National Guard with lists of communists and other leftists, who were then arrested or killed.[204] Gibson emphasizes that the Ba'athists compiled their own lists, citing Bureau of Intelligence and Research reports.[205] On the other hand, Citino and Wolfe-Hunnicutt consider the assertions plausible because the U.S. embassy in Iraq had actually compiled such lists, were known to be in contact with the National Guard during the purge, and because National Guard members involved in the purge received training in the U.S.[203][206] Furthermore, Wolfe-Hunnicutt, citing contemporary U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine, notes that the assertions "would be consistent with American special warfare doctrine" regarding U.S. covert support to anti-communist "Hunter-Killer" teams "seeking the violent overthrow of a communist dominated and supported government",[207] and draws parallels to other CIA operations in which lists of suspected communists were compiled, such as Guatemala in 1954 and Indonesia in 1965-66.[208] 1964: Brazil Main articles: 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, Operation Brother Sam, and Operation Condor The United States through Operation Brother Sam used their Navy[209] and Air Force[210] to support the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état agaisnt the democratically elected João Goulart,[211] who was accused of being a communist by his political opponents. Since the Cuban Revolution, the United States started keeping an eye on Latin America to keep any socialist governments out,[212][213] and in 1961, when the Brazilian president Jânio Quadros resigned and the vice-president João Goulart assumed power after the scandal of the Legality Campaign,[214] the United States started to get worried, because João Goulart had alredy showed sympathy for the socialist ideology, and slowly, the relationship between Brazil and the United States started deteriorating, and Washington started to get favorable to a coup d'état to oust him.[215][216] When João Goulart started talking about an agrarian reform,[217] many groups, specially in the military, started conspiring agaisnt him, and the idea of a coup d'état to overthrow him started appearing and gain force within the Brazilian population and military.[218] A series of political chaos would go on until the March of the Family with God for Liberty happened where many people who opposed him went to the streets to protest agaisnt him,[219] it became clear that a coup d'état agaisnt him would happen, and when the coup d'état broke out on the 31st of March of 1964, the United States sent its Navy[209] and Air Force[210] to help the military rebels through Operation Brother Sam, the coup d'état ended up being successful and João Goulart was overthrown, after that, a right-wing military dictatorship assumed power and ended up running the country until March of 1985. The United States would also go on to support the Brazilian military dictatorship through Operation Condor.[220][221][222] 1965–1967: Indonesia Main article: Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66 Junior army officers and the commander of the palace guard of President Sukarno accused senior Indonesian National Armed Forces brass of planning a CIA-backed coup against President Sukarno and killed six senior generals on October 1, 1965. General Suharto and other senior military officers attacked the junior officers on the same day and accused the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) of planning the killing of the six generals.[223] The army launched a propaganda campaign based on lies and riled up civilian mobs to attack those believed to be PKI supporters and other political opponents. Indonesian government forces with collaboration of some civilians perpetrated mass killings over many months. Scholars estimate the number of civilians killed range from a half million to over a million.[224][225][226] US Ambassador Marshall Green encouraged the military leaders to act forcefully against the political opponents.[227] In 2017, declassified documents from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta have confirmed that the US had knowledge of, facilitated and encouraged mass killings for its own geopolitical interests.[228][229][230][231] US diplomats admitted to journalist Kathy Kadane in 1990 that they had provided the Indonesian army with thousands of names of alleged PKI supporters and other alleged leftists, and that the U.S. officials then checked off from their lists those who had been murdered.[232][233] President Sukarno's base of support was largely annihilated, imprisoned and the remainder terrified, and thus he was forced out of power in 1967, replaced by an authoritarian military regime led by General Suharto.[234][235] Historian John Roosa states that "almost overnight the Indonesian government went from being a fierce voice for cold war neutrality and anti-imperialism to a quiet, compliant partner of the US world order."[236]: 158 This campaign is considered a major turning point in the Cold War, and was such a success that it served as a model for other U.S.-backed coups and anti-communist extermination campaigns throughout Asia and Latin America.[231][236] 1970s 1970–1979: Cambodia Main articles: Cambodian Civil War, 1970 Cambodian coup d'ét

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Helen Suzman, OMSG, DBE (née Gavronsky; 7 November 1917 – 1 January 2009) was a South African anti-apartheid activist and politician. She represented a series of liberal and centre-left opposition parties during her 36-year tenure in the whites-only, National Party-controlled House of Assembly of South Africa at the height of apartheid. She hosted the meeting that founded the Progressive Party in 1959, and was its only MP in the 160-member House for thirteen years. She was the only member of the South African Parliament to consistently and unequivocally oppose all apartheid legislation. Suzman was instrumental in improving prison conditions for members of the banned African National Congress including Nelson Mandela, despite her reservations about Mandela's revolutionary policies, and was also known for using her parliamentary privilege to evade government censorship and pass information to the media about the worst abuses of apartheid. She was twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. Early life and education Suzman was born Helen Gavronsky in 1917 to Frieda and Samuel Gavronsky, Jewish Lithuanian immigrants.[1][2] She was born in Germiston, then a small mining town outside Johannesburg. Her mother died shortly after she was born.[3] Suzman matriculated in 1933 from Parktown Convent, Johannesburg. She studied for a bachelor's degree in commerce at Witwatersrand University. At age 19, she married Dr. Moses Suzman (who died in 1994), who was 33, and an eminent physician; the couple had two daughters, one of whom became a physician.[4] Helen Suzman returned to university in 1941 to complete a degree in economics and economic history. After completing her degree she spent the rest of the war working for the Governor-General's War Fund and as a statistician at the War Supply board. In 1945, she became a tutor and later lecturer in economic history at Witwatersrand University.[5][3] Career Career before Parliament As a member of the South African Institute of Race Relations, she was involved in preparing evidence for the Fagan Commission's inquiry into laws applying to Africans in urban areas and into the system of migrant labour. She attributed this experience to her first real awareness of the hardship and difficulties experienced by Africans seeking work in urban areas.[3] Parliamentary career Suzman has been described in The Guardian as having had "among the most courageous Parliamentary careers ever".[6] She was elected to the House of Assembly in 1953 as a member of the United Party for the Houghton constituency in Johannesburg. The United Party caucus supported the second reading of the 1953 Separate Amenities Bill that provided for separate (and effectively unequal) facilities for Blacks, Coloureds, Indians and Whites. When the vote was taken, Helen Suzman and one other UP member refused to vote and walked out of the House.[3] Dissatisfied with the supine stance of the United Party to the apartheid policies of the Government, Suzman and eleven other liberal members of the United Party broke away to form the Progressive Party in 1959. The party rejected race discrimination and advocated equal opportunities for all with a qualified franchise with a common voter's roll.[3] Suzman with the breakaway Progressive Party's House caucus in 1960. This was prior to the disastrous 1961 election that left Suzman as the sole parliamentarian opposed to apartheid for 13 years In the 1961 South African general election, all the other Progressive MPs lost their seats, while Suzman retained hers by a margin of just 564 votes.[5] This left Suzman as the sole parliamentarian unequivocally opposed to apartheid for 13 years from 1961 to 1974.[7][8] The solo years: 1961–1974 After the 1961 election, Prime Minister Hendrik F. Verwoerd announced in Parliament that he had never believed the Progressive Party would be a threat and, turning towards Suzman, said "I have written you off". Suzman replied "And the whole world has written you off".[9] As the sole representative of her party in Parliament, she sought to do the work of an entire opposition party by herself. In her first session she made 66 speeches, moved 26 amendments and put 137 questions. Most of her questions concerned treatment of Black, Coloured and Indian people – on issues such as housing, education, forced removals, Pass Law offences, detentions, bannings, whippings, police brutality and execution.[3] Mandela later wrote: "She was undoubtedly the only real anti-apartheid voice in parliament and the discourtesy of the Nat MPs towards her showed how they felt her punches and how deeply they resented her presence."[10] For two more general elections (1966 and 1970), she was again the sole member returned for her party to Parliament. As a result, for 13 years, she dined alone in Parliament with no other MP to discuss tactics or approach. Often, as apartheid legislation was introduced, she would call a division of the house, a process whereby the members of the Parliament had physically to stand up and be counted. On many such occasions, as when opposing the infamous 90-day detention law, she found herself alone at one side of the Parliamentary chamber and all other MPs at the other side.[9][5] An eloquent public speaker with a sharp and witty manner, Suzman was noted for her strong public criticism of the governing National Party's policies of apartheid at a time when this was atypical of white South Africans. She found herself even more of an outsider because she was an English-speaking Jewish woman in a parliament dominated by Calvinist Afrikaner men. In her 13 years as the sole member of her party in the South African Parliament, Suzman made 885 speeches on almost every conceivable subject and posed 2,262 questions. In a period in which there were numerous laws passed imposing censorship on the press, parliamentary privilege ensured that her exchanges in Parliament could be published.[11] She was once accused by a minister of asking questions in parliament that embarrassed South Africa, to which she replied: "It is not my questions that embarrass South Africa; it is your answers."[12] On one occasion, Prime Minister Verwoerd announced in Parliament to her: 'You are of no account. Your days in Parliament are numbered.' Suzman replied: 'Why? Are you going to put me under house arrest or put me on Robben Island?'[3] Suzman was resolute in her opposition to all forms of racial discrimination. Early in her career, a white woman said at a caucus meeting, "Well, I don't know about Mrs Suzman, but when I go to a museum, I don't like it if some strange black man rubs himself up against me". Suzman retorted: "Don't you mind it if some strange white man rubs himself up against you?" Later in her career, she mused in Parliament: "I do not know why we equate—and with such examples before us—a white skin with civilisation".[9] Abuse and Suzman's responses Suzman was subject to anti-semitic and misogynist abuse by Nationalist MPs in Parliament and out. Frequent comments were made to her in Parliament such as "We don't like your screeching Jewish voice" or "Go back to Israel!" One Nationalist MP, Piet Koornhof, said to her in Parliament: "If I should come home one evening and my wife should rant and rave the way the hon. member for Houghton did this afternoon, there would be only one of two things that one could do to her... I think she deserves a good hiding". In May 1965 P. W. Botha (then Minister of Coloured Affairs) remarked: ‘The Honourable Member for Houghton... is in the habit of chattering continually. If my wife chattered like that Honourable Member, I would know what to do with her. There is nothing that works on my nerves more than a woman who continually interrupts me. She is like water dripping on a tin roof.’ In 1986, she had the following exchange with the then State President Botha: "Helen Suzman: Stupid! P. W. Botha: Woman!" [9][3] When Prime Minister Verwoerd was assassinated in the Parliamentary chamber in 1966, P. W. Botha, then Minister of Defence, had accused Suzman of being responsible, saying: "It's you! You liberals did this! Now we'll get you!" She demanded, and eventually received a formal apology, but the enmity between the two remained. In the early 1980s, she had stayed to observe police dismantle shacks in a black settlement and take the occupants to jail. P. W. Botha warned in Parliament that her conduct was bordering on illegal and said "I am telling you that if you try to break the law you will see what happens". Suzman responded: "the prime minister has been trying to bully me for twenty-eight years and he has not succeeded yet. I am not frightened of you. I never have been and I never will be. I think nothing of you."[9] On one occasion, P. W. Botha said "The Hon. Member for Houghton, it is well known, does not like me". Suzman interjected: ‘Like you? I can’t stand you!’[3] She was often harassed by the police and her phone was tapped by them. She listed her name in the phone book and often received phone calls with obscene, racist and threatening messages.[9] She had a special technique for dealing with such calls, which was to blow a shrill whistle into the mouthpiece of the phone.[13][9] Marie van Zyl, of the Kappie Kommando (An ultra-conservative Afrikaner women's political organization)[further explanation needed], wrote to Suzman protesting the latter's support for "heathens" and boasting that her own people, the Voortrekkers, had brought the Bible over the mountains to the interior to the blacks. She asked what Suzman's people had done. Suzman replied: “You say your people brought the Bible over the mountains and ask what mine did. They wrote it, my dear …”[14] In February 1974, LJC Botha, Nationalist MP for Rustenburg remarked: ‘When she gets up in this House, she reminds me of a cricket in a thorn tree when it is very dry in the bushveld. His chirping makes you deaf but the tune remains the same year in and year out. In her fight for the Bantu, the honourable member... sings the same tune for year after year.’[3] She famously advised John Vorster, Prime Minister from 1966 to 1978, to some day visit a township, "in heavy disguise as a human being". When a minister complained of the murder rate in his constituency, she advised him not to go there "or it will rise by one".[15] Parliamentary career: 1974–1989 Later, as parliamentary white opposition to apartheid grew, the Progressive Party gained a further 6 seats (in 1974) and Suzman was joined in parliament by notable liberal colleagues such as Colin Eglin. The party then merged in 1975 with Harry Schwarz's Reform Party and became the Progressive Reform Party. It was renamed the Progressive Federal Party when further MPs from the reformist wing of the United Party joined in 1977 and the party became the official opposition.[3] She spent a total of 36 years in Parliament.[16] After the 1976 Soweto shootings, MP Dr HMJ van Rensburg said: "It is a pity you were not one of them, Helen" and another called her "a saboteur of the police". Suzman herself said: "Every Nationalist MP should go to at least one funeral for unrest victims heavily disguised as human beings, instead of sitting on their green benches in parliament, insulated like fish in an aquarium."[14] In 1982, following Neil Aggett's death, she read out in Parliament a letter smuggled out of prison concerning Aggett's torture at the hands of the security police.[17] In 1986, there was the following exchange in Parliament when Minister of Law and Order Le Grange asked "Who is the hon Member for Houghton's No 1 man in South Africa? It is Nelson Mandela" Mrs Suzman responded: "Let him go!" Le Grange continued: "She admires him with everything she has. He is the only man who according to her can counteract the present unrest situation in South Africa and negotiate on peace". Mrs Suzman interjected: "That's right!"[9] Extra-parliamentary activity Suzman's motto was to "go and see for yourself".[11] She was a frequent visitor to prisons to protect prisoners from warder brutality, and campaigned for improved prison conditions. She visited Nelson Mandela on numerous occasions while he was in prison and made representations to the authorities to improve his conditions and those of other prisoners on Robben Island. In his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela wrote: “It was an odd and wonderful sight to see this courageous woman peering into our cells and strolling around our courtyard. She was the first and only woman ever to grace our cells".[5] Many of the prisoners, including Neville Alexander and Mandela himself, attributed improvements to their conditions, in part, to her visits:[18][10] In his autobiography, Mandela attributes the removal of the sadistic warder Van Rensberg (aka "Suitcase"), who had a swastika tattooed on his hand, to Suzman's visit and her subsequent representations to the authorities and in Parliament.[19] Neville Alexander, too, attributed the transfer of Van Rensberg to another prison, to Suzman's visit. Alexander noted that:"Had Mrs Suzman not come in February 1967 there is no saying what might have happened"[20] According to Neville Alexander, it was "important to note that, unofficially, the first Suzman visit is considered to be the turning point in the treatment of the political prisoners at Robben Island. This was certainly no mere coincidence..."[21] Andrew Mlangeni, a senior ANC member who was on Robben Island with Mandela, described how "[w]henever our treatment in prison tended to improve a little bit, we knew that Suzman was on her way. We would get things such as books that you perhaps ordered more than six months ago. They would give you your books if you were studying, because those were some of the things we raised on Robben Island. You would have to wait for months before you could get books prescribed by the University of South Africa and other institutions, but as soon as you got them, you knew that Suzman was on her way to see the conditions under which we were living, to see how best she could help us. Only a person such as Suzman could help us. The International Red Cross also used to visit us on Robben Island, but they couldn’t do as much as Suzman. Suzman was not afraid to go to Pretoria to the commissioner and raise these issues personally, to say that these were the conditions under which people were living, please bring about some improvement. She was a fearless lady."[22] She visited Robert Sobukwe when he was in virtual solitary confinement for 6 years and repeatedly sought his release in Parliament.[5] During one debate in Parliament in which Suzman raised the conditions of Sobukwe's imprisonment without trial in a compound in Robben Island, Nationalist MP GPC Bezuidenhout asked: “Why do you say that he is living in a compound? Is it not a flat?” Mrs Suzman answered: “I wonder whether the hon member who is so cynical about this would care to take up permanent residence in that flat. Perhaps he will enjoy it.”[23] She visited banned persons, such as Albert Luthuli, Winnie Mandela and Mamphela Ramphele, and made effective representations on their behalf.[5] In 1963, Albert Luthuli, then President of the ANC, wrote to Helen Suzman and expressed his "deep appreciation and admiration for your heroic and lone stand against a most reactionary Parliament...I most heartily congratulate you for your untiring efforts in a situation that would frustrate and benumb many... For ever remember, you are a bright Star in a dark Chamber...Not only ourselves – your contemporaries, but also posterity, will hold you in high esteem".[24] She visited Bram Fischer and other ANC and Communist Party political prisoners and personally provided them with speakers and records, seeking improvements to their conditions with ministers and in Parliament.[25] She visited Fischer several times in hospital, calling repeatedly for his release and remarking in the press that with so many millions spent on security she did not understand why the government was so afraid of one incapacitated, bedridden old man. She was influential in his eventual release.[26] She attended the militant – and often dangerous – funerals of activists whenever invited to do so in the belief that her presence could prevent police brutality.[11][14] She visited resettlement areas, townships and squatter camps, observing conditions and giving assistance to individuals where she could.[27] She used these visits to arm herself with evidence from on the spot investigations "to challenge forcefully the government and bear personal witness to the suffering inflicted on millions of South Africans".[3] Suzman was inundated with requests for assistance from individuals harmed by the apartheid laws and bureaucracy. She regarded herself as the "honorary ombudsman of the dispossessed" and sought tirelessly to make representations on their behalf to the relevant authorities.[3] Nadine Gordimer commented: "[But over the years I have observed – that when people are in trouble, she has been the one they have appealed to. She is the one everyone trusted]…Suzman never refused anyone her help, that I knew of. No matter how unpleasant or hostile the individual's attitude to her and her political convictions had been."[28] Other issues Although principally concerned with issues of race discrimination, Suzman was also concerned with other issues including women's rights. Her maiden speech was on the 1953 Matrimonial Affairs Bill. Women's rights (and in particular those of Black women) became part of the larger fight for human rights. She campaigned against gender discrimination, particularly as it affected African women whose status in customary law was that of "perpetual minors." In 1988 she was instrumental in having matrimonial legislation enacted that greatly improved the legal status of women. She fought for equal matrimonial property rights for Black women, divorce by consent and the reform of abortion laws.[29][3] She was opposed to the death penalty and campaigned against its reintroduction.[30] In 1971, she was the only member of Parliament who voted against what she described as "the harshest drugs law in the world" that laid down a mandatory 2-year sentence of imprisonment for possession of cannabis and a mandatory 5-year sentence of imprisonment for possession of more than 115g of cannabis. She supported the decriminalisation of marijuana use long before it was fashionable, stating publicly that possession of marijuana/cannabis (or dagga, as it is known in South Africa) for personal use should not be a criminal offence.[31][32][33] Post-parliamentary career: 1989–2009 She was appointed by Mandela to the first electoral commission of South Africa that oversaw the first election based on universal franchise in 1994.[34] She was chairwoman of the Vaal Reef Disaster Fund for three years, appointed to look after the widows and children of the 104 men killed in the Vaal Reef mining disaster of 10 May 1995. She was president of the South African Institute of Race Relations, one of the premier research institutions in SA.[34] She served as a member of the Human Rights Commission from 1995 to 1998.[3] She was present with Mandela when he signed the new constitution in 1996.[35] Speaking in 2004 at the age of 86, Suzman confessed that she was disappointed by the African National Congress. Suzman stated: "I had hoped for something much better... [t]he poor in this country have not benefited at all from the ANC. This government spends 'like a drunken sailor'. Instead of investing in projects to give people jobs, they spend millions buying weapons and private jets, and sending gifts to Haiti." Referring to South Africa's relations with Zimbabwe, whose president Robert Mugabe had in 2001 declared Suzman an "enemy of the state", she said: "Mugabe has destroyed that country while South Africa has stood by and done nothing. The way Mugabe was feted at the inauguration last month was an embarrassing disgrace. But it served well to illustrate very clearly Mbeki's point of view."[36] Suzman also stated her distrust of the racial politics of Mbeki: "Don't think for a moment that Mbeki is not anti-white – he is, most definitely. His speeches all have anti-white themes and he continues to convince everyone that there are two types of South African – the poor black and the rich white."[36] Perhaps conscious that she might be misconstrued, Suzman added: "For all my criticisms of the current system, it doesn't mean that I would like to return to the old one. I don't think we will ever go the way of Zimbabwe, but people are entitled to be concerned. I am hopeful about any future for whites in this country – but not entirely optimistic."[36] Recognition and legacy Western Boulevard in Cape Town was renamed Helen Suzman Boulevard in 2011. Working from within the system, she earned the respect of Nelson Mandela. He praised her courage and credited her with improving prison conditions. Outspoken and independent, Suzman spoke out against the regime but sometimes opposed Mandela's policies. She was critical of Mandela when he praised dictator Muammar Gaddafi as a supporter of human rights.[8] Mandela wrote a message to Suzman on her 85th birthday, stating "Your courage, integrity and principled commitment to justice have marked you as one of the outstanding figures in the history of public life in South Africa. On your 85th birthday we can but pay tribute to you, thank you and let you know how fortunate our country feels for having had you as part of its public life and politics." Mandela added: "Now, looking back from the safety of our non-racial democracy, we can even feel some sympathy for the National Party members who shared Parliament with you. Knowing what a thorn in the flesh of even your friends and political allies you can be, your forthright fearlessness must have made life hell for them when confronted by you."[37] She opposed economic sanctions as counterproductive and harmful to poor blacks. After Mandela's release "she was prominent among those...who persuaded him to drop the ANC's revolutionary program in favour of an evolutionary one, retaining a market economy and a parliamentary democracy."[8] She continued to be a critic after the fall of Apartheid. According to her biographer, Lord Robin Renwick, before and after the ANC came to power, she continued to speak out against those in power who would "put party and state above the individual whether black or white".[8][38] Some in the ANC and SACP were critical of her method of opposition to apartheid. She was denounced as an agent of colonialism and "part of the system" as well as for her failure to back sanctions.[8] Mandela remained an admirer, saying "the consistency with which you defended the basic values of freedom and the rule of law over the last three decades has earned you the admiration of many South Africans."[8] So did many others in the anti-apartheid movement, including Winnie Mandela.[39] Suzman was awarded 27 honorary doctorates from universities around the world, including from Harvard, Yale, Oxford and Cambridge.[3] She was twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize[40] and received numerous other awards from religious and human rights organisations around the world. Former Queen of South Africa, Elizabeth II made her an honorary Dame Commander (Civil Division) of the Order of the British Empire in 1989.[41] She was awarded the Order for Meritorious Service, Class I, Gold by Nelson Mandela in 1997. She was voted No. 24 in the Top 100 Great South Africans TV series. She was awarded the Freedom of the City of Kingston upon Hull in 1987.[42] Suzman was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 2008.[43] Liberia issued a postage stamp to honour Suzman in March 2011, calling her one of the legendary heroes of Africa. In November 2017, the South African Post Office announced that it "has honoured this great, brave and pioneering woman with a rare gesture of a postage stamp" as an "indication of her importance to the country and to the liberation thereof and to that of women".[44] The Progressive Federal Party of which Suzman was the sole Parliamentary representative between 1961 and 1973 became the Democratic Party after merging with the National Democratic Movement and the Independent Party in 1989. The Democratic Party was renamed the Democratic Alliance (DA) in 2000. The DA is currently the official opposition party of South Africa, under the interim leadership of John Steenhuisen. In November 2017, former DA leader Mmusi Maimane paid tribute to Suzman, noting that "Every value we call our own in the DA can be traced back to the principles Helen fought for over her 36-year-long career as a Member of Parliament".[45] The poet George Szirtes wrote the poem "Song" in her honor.[46] The Helen Suzman Foundation was founded in 1993 to honour the life work of Helen Suzman. The Foundation seeks to promote the values espoused by Helen Suzman throughout her public life and in her devotion to public service.[47] Death Suzman died in her sleep of natural causes on 1 January 2009. She was 91 years old.[41] Achmat Dangor, the Nelson Mandela Foundation chief executive, said Suzman was a "great patriot and a fearless fighter against apartheid".[48] Flags in South Africa flew at half-mast in her honour.[49] See also Biography portalflagSouth Africa portal List of South Africans List of Jews from Sub-Saharan Africa Progressive Party References Tran, Mark (1 January 2009). "Anti-apartheid campaigner Helen Suzman dies at 91". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 4 May 2010. "Obituary: Helen Suzman". BBC News. 1 January 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Goldberg, B. "Moses Meyer Suzman". Royal College of Physicians. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Jenkins, Simon (6 March 2014). "Helen Suzman deserves her tribute alongside Nelson Mandela". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 September 2021. In No Uncertain Terms, Memoirs Helen Suzman Jonathan Ball Publishers "Liberal light: The long life of a South African heroine". The Economist. 18 January 2014. Archived from the original on 10 September 2018. "THE HON. MEMBER FOR HOUGHTON". The New Yorker. 13 April 1987. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 July 2013. Retrieved 9 July 2013. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "About Helen Suzsman". The Helen Suzman Foundation. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Burns, John F.; Cowell, Alan (2 January 2009). "Helen Suzman, Relentless Challenger of Apartheid System, Is Dead at 91". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 January 2009. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 September 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. Jenkins, Simon (6 March 2014). "Helen Suzman deserves her tribute alongside Nelson Mandela – Simon Jenkins". The Guardian. "Obituary: Helen Suzman". The Economist. Vol. 390, no. 8613. London. 10 January 2009. p. 73. "Neil Aggett's sister disturbed by testimonies about his torture". "the long walk of nelson mandela – interviews: neville alexander". PBS. "Long Walk To Freedom – 68". archives.obs-us.com. Robben Island Dossier 1964-1974, Report to the International Community, by Neville Alexander (UCT Press, 1994) p.34 Robben Island Dossier 1964-1974, Report to the International Community, by Neville Alexander (UCT Press, 1994) p. 88 https://hsf.org.za/publications/focus/focus-53 p.31 https://hsf.org.za/publications/focus/focus-53 p.28 "Maimane pays tribute to Helen Suzman on her 100th birthday". Stephen Clingman, Bram Fischer (Afrikaner Revolutionary), 2nd edn p. 384 Clingman, Bram Fischer (Afrikaner Revolutionary), 2nd edn p.293, 393, 397-8 "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 January 2017. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "On Helen Suzman and her legacy – Kgalema Motlanthe – DOCUMENTS – Politicsweb". politicsweb.co.za. "Helen Suzman – Jewish Women's Archive". jwa.org. "Helen Suzman – Liberal International". CALM (2 June 2016). "Helen Suzman on Cannabis" – via YouTube. Nullis, Clare (2 January 2009). "Helen Suzman; White Lawmaker Fought Apartheid in South Africa". The Washington Post. "Dagga clouds Polly's feat". "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 April 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "Côte Saint-Luc adds name to Human Rights Walkway". Archived from the original on 13 December 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. Flanagan, Jane (15 May 2004). "Democracy? It was better under apartheid, says Helen Suzman". The Daily Telegraph. "Nelson Mandela – Speeches – Message by Nelson Mandela to Helen Suzman on her 85th birthday". mandela.gov.za. Archived from the original on 7 February 2022. Retrieved 13 March 2022. "Nelson Mandela – Speeches – Message by Nelson Mandela to Helen Suzman on her 85th birthday". mandela.gov.za. "Celebrating Helen Suzman – A Bright Star in a Dark Chamber — Helen Suzman Foundation". Archived from the original on 26 January 2018. Retrieved 26 January 2018. "King's confers first Honorary Degree". King's College London. Archived from the original on 10 June 2011. Retrieved 1 January 2009. "Anti-apartheid icon Suzman dies". BBC News. 2 January 2009. Retrieved 1 January 2009. Shoesmith, Kevin (23 November 2017). "Bee Lady gets highest honour and she's humble as ever about it". "APS Member History". search.amphilsoc.org. Retrieved 3 May 2021. "Helen Suzman". Postoffice.co.za. Retrieved 10 August 2018. "Helen Suzman was unashamedly liberal – Mmusi Maimane – POLITICS – Politicsweb". politicsweb.co.za. "The Liberal: Poetry - Song (for Helen Suzman)". www.theliberal.co.uk. Retrieved 13 March 2022. "Helen Suzman Foundation". Hsf.org.za. Retrieved 10 August 2018. "South African Activist Helen Suzman Dies". CBS News. 1 January 2009. "Flags to fly at half-mast to honour Suzman – IOL News". Bibliography Joanna Strangwayes-Booth: A Cricket in the Thorn Tree: Helen Suzman and the Progressive Party. Johannesburg Hutchinson Group, 1976. ISBN 0-09 126080 9 Ed. Robin Lee, Values Alive. A Tribute to Helen Suzman. Johannesburg, Jonathan Ball, 1990. ISBN 0-947464 23 9 Ed. Phyllis Lewson, Helen Suzman's Solo Years. Johannesburg, Jonathan Ball and A.D Donker, 1991. ISBN 0-86852 191 4 Helen Suzman: In No Uncertain Terms: A South African Memoir. New York, Knopf, 1993. ISBN 0-679-40985-8 Exhib. Catalogue Helen Suzman: Fighter for Human Rights. Cape Town, South African Jewish Museum publ Kaplan Centre for Jewish Studies, UCT, 2005, ISBN 0-620 33955 1 Helen Suzman Foundation: Focus: Tribute Issue 48, December 2007, Helen Suzman Foundation: Focus: Suzman Tribute Edition, Issue 53, April 2009, Gillian Godsell, Helen Suzman (Series: They Fought for Freedom), Cape Town, Maskew Miller Longman, 2011. ISBN 978-0-636-09816-9 Robin Renwick: Helen Suzman: Bright Star in a Dark Chamber. London, Biteback Publ., 2014. ISBN 978-184954667 Parameter error in {{ISBN}}: length External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Helen Suzman. Wikiquote has quotations related to Helen Suzman. Helen Suzman (BBC radio programme) Helen Suzman honoured in Côte Saint-Luc, Quebec Canada The Post, 1 January 2009 Archived 29 May 2020 at the Wayback Machine Mark Tran, "Anti-apartheid campaigner Helen Suzman dies at 91", The Guardian, 1 January 2009 Stanley Uys, "Helen Suzman: Campaigner who single-handedly carried the anti-racism banner in South Africa's apartheid parliament", The Guardian, Thursday, 1 January 2009 Scott Bobb, "Anti-Apartheid Activist Helen Suzman Dies at 91" Voice of America "Helen Suzman, Anti-Apartheid Leader, Dies at 91", The New York Times, 1 January 2009 "Helen Suzman: The woman who changed a nation" M&G House of Assembly of South Africa Preceded by Eric Bell Member of Parliament for Houghton 1953–1989 Succeeded by Tony Leon vte Liberalism in South Africa Apartheid-era political parties and groups Liberal Party of South Africa Progressive Party Democratic Party Progressive Federal Party Reform Party Progressive Reform Party Independent Party Black Sash Post-Apartheid political parties and groups Democratic Alliance South African Institute of Race Relations Helen Suzman Foundation People before and during the apartheid era Alan Paton Colin Eglin Harry Schwarz Helen Suzman Zach de Beer Denis Worrall Wynand Malan Frederik van Zyl Slabbert Donald Barkly Molteno Jan Steytler Margaret Ballinger Post-apartheid people Tony Leon Helen Zille Gwen Ngwenya John Steenhuisen Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway Germany Israel United States Australia Croatia Netherlands Academics CiNii People Trove Other SNAC IdRef Categories: 1917 births2009 deathsPeople from GermistonSouth African JewsUnited Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Reform Party (South Africa) politiciansProgressive Federal Party politiciansHonorary Dames Commander of the Order of the British EmpireJewish South African politiciansSouth African women activistsWomen members of the Parliament of South AfricaSouth African people of Lithuanian-Jewish descentMembers of the House of Assembly (South Africa)20th-century South African women politicians20th-century South African politiciansJewish South African anti-apartheid activistsUniversity of the Witwatersrand alumniAcademic staff of the University of the WitwatersrandWomen civil rights activists

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The North African campaign of the Second World War took place in North Africa from 10 June 1940 to 13 May 1943. It included campaigns fought in the Libyan and Egyptian deserts (Western Desert campaign, also known as the Desert War) and in Morocco and Algeria (Operation Torch), as well as Tunisia (Tunisia campaign). The campaign was fought between the Allies and the Axis Powers. The Allied war effort was dominated by the British Commonwealth and exiles from German-occupied Europe. The United States officially entered the war in December 1941 and began direct military assistance in North Africa on 11 May 1942. Fighting in North Africa started with the Italian declaration of war on 10 June 1940. On 14 June, the British 11th Hussars and part of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment, 1st RTR) crossed the border from Egypt into Libya and captured Fort Capuzzo. This was followed by an Italian counter-offensive into Egypt and the capture of Sidi Barrani in September. The British recaptured Sidi Barrani in December during Operation Compass. The Italian 10th Army was destroyed and the German Afrika Korps was dispatched to North Africa in February 1941 in Operation Sonnenblume to reinforce Italians and prevent an Axis defeat. Battles for control of Libya and Egypt followed, with advances and retreats until the Second Battle of El Alamein in October 1942 when the Eighth Army (Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery) defeated the German–Italian Panzerarmee Afrika and forced its remnants into Tunisia. After Operation Torch, the Anglo-American landings in North-West Africa in November 1942 and fighting against Vichy France forces (which then changed sides), the Allies trapped about 250,000 German and Italian personnel in northern Tunisia, forcing their surrender in May 1943. Information gleaned via British Ultra code-breaking was important in the Allied victory in North Africa. The Italian campaign followed, which culminated in the downfall of the fascist government in Italy and the elimination of Germany's main European ally. German and Italian forces committed atrocities against prisoners of war and Jewish, Berber and Arab populations. Darryl Francis Zanuck (September 5, 1902 – December 22, 1979) was an American film producer and studio executive; he earlier contributed stories for films starting in the silent era. He played a major part in the Hollywood studio system as one of its longest survivors (the length of his career was rivaled only by that of Adolph Zukor).[1] He produced three films that won the Academy Award for Best Picture during his tenure. Early life Zanuck was born in Wahoo, Nebraska, the son of Sarah Louise (née Torpin), who later married Charles Norton,[2] and Frank Harvey Zanuck, who owned and operated a hotel in Wahoo. He had an older brother, Donald (1893–1903), who died in an accident when he was only 9 years old.[3][4] Zanuck was of partial Swiss descent, and raised a Protestant.[5] At age six, Zanuck and his mother moved to Los Angeles, where the better climate could improve her poor health. At age eight, he found his first movie job as an extra, but his disapproving father recalled him to Nebraska.[citation needed] In 1917, despite being 15, he deceived a recruiter, joined the United States Army, and served in France with the Nebraska National Guard during World War I. Upon returning to the US, he worked in many part-time jobs while seeking work as a writer. He found work producing movie plots, and sold his first story in 1922 to William Russell and his second to Irving Thalberg. Screenwriter Frederica Sagor Maas, story editor at Universal Pictures' New York office, stated that one of the stories Zanuck sent out to movie studios around this time was completely plagiarized from another author's work.[6] Zanuck then worked for Mack Sennett and FBO (where he wrote the serials The Telephone Girl and The Leather Pushers) and took that experience to Warner Bros., where he wrote stories for Rin Tin Tin and under a number of pseudonyms wrote over 40 scripts from 1924 to 1929, including Red Hot Tires (1925) and Old San Francisco (1927). He moved into management in 1929, and became head of production in 1931.[citation needed] Career Studio head Zanuck at the Academy Awards celebration In 1933, Zanuck left Warner Bros. over a salary dispute with studio head Jack L. Warner. A few days later, he partnered with Joseph Schenck to form 20th Century Pictures, Inc. with financial help from Joseph's brother Nicholas Schenck and Louis B. Mayer, president and studio head of Loew's, Inc and its subsidiary Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, along with William Goetz and Raymond Griffith. 20th Century released its material through United Artists. During that short time (1933–1935), 20th Century became the most successful independent movie studio of its time, breaking box-office records with 18 of its 19 films, all profitable, including Clive of India, Les Miserables, and The House of Rothschild. After a dispute with United Artists over stock ownership, Schenck and Zanuck negotiated and used their studio to bring the bankrupt Fox studios in 1935 to create Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation.[7] Zanuck was Vice President of Production of this new studio and took a hands-on approach, closely involving himself in scripts, film editing, and producing.[citation needed] World War II This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Darryl F. Zanuck" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (November 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) When the U.S. entered World War II at the end of 1941, he was commissioned as a colonel in the Army Signal Corps, but was frustrated to find himself posted to the Astoria studios in Queens, New York, and even worse, serving alongside the spoiled son of Universal's founder, Carl Laemmle Jr., who was chauffeured by limousine to the facility each morning from a luxury Manhattan hotel. Appalled by such privileged cosseting, Zanuck stormed down to Washington, DC, and into the War Department, demanding a riskier assignment from Chief of Staff, General George C. Marshall. Since American forces were not yet fighting anywhere, Marshall had Zanuck posted to London as chief U.S. liaison officer to the British Army film unit, where at least he would be studying army training films while under Nazi bombardment by Hitler's Luftwaffe.[8] He even persuaded Lord Mountbatten to allow him along on a secret coastal raid across the Channel to occupied France. The daring nighttime attack on a German radar site was a success. Zanuck, ever the showman, sent his wife in Santa Monica a package of "Nazi-occupied sand", writing her "I've just been swimming on an enemy beach" – not allowed, of course, to tell her where he had been, let alone that they had been under Nazi gunfire and helped the wounded back to the ship.[9] While Zanuck was on duty, 20th Century-Fox, like the other studios, contributed to the war effort by releasing a large number of their male stars for overseas service and many of their female stars for USO and war bond tours — while creating patriotic films under the often contentious supervision of a fledgling Office of War Information. Jack L. Warner, whose studio lot happened to be next door to a Lockheed factory, was made a colonel in the Army Air Corps without ever actually having to leave the studio, let alone put on a uniform. Not so Zanuck, who pleaded with the War Department, as soon as American troops were posted for action in North Africa, and was rewarded with the assignment of covering the invasion for the Signal Corps. Director John Ford, a longtime adversary of Zanuck despite the latter's having shepherded Ford's The Grapes of Wrath (1940) past the censorious Hays office into production, had been making films as a commander in the U.S. Navy even before the U.S. entered the war, and he was horrified to discover himself drafted into Zanuck's Africa unit. "Can't I ever get away from you?" he growled. "I bet if I die and go to heaven, you'll be waiting for me under a sign reading 'Produced by Darryl F. Zanuck'." Ford's chagrin turned to real outrage when Zanuck, after three months, took all their footage from battles in Tunisia, most of which Ford had shot, and hastily assembled it into a picture that went into American theaters without Ford's name appearing anywhere. The movie, released as At The Front with Zanuck credited as producer, was poorly received in the States, called amateurish, dull, and even lacking in realism, prompting the affronted Zanuck to counter in The New York Times that he had resisted the temptation to stage events for a more convincing film. Unfortunately, this controversy landed Zanuck into a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Harry S. Truman, investigating "instant" colonels who were popping up and concentrating on famous Hollywood names. Unlike Col. Warner, most colonels from the studio system — Col. Frank Capra, Col. Anatole Litvak, Col. Hal Roach—were actually doing their cinematic jobs, often, like Zanuck, under enemy fire. Nonetheless, when Col. Zanuck was named in this investigation in 1944, the usually combative mogul uncharacteristically and abruptly resigned his commission and left the Army. Biographer Leonard Mosley suggests this to be because of an inadvertent security leak when Zanuck had mentioned a top-secret, brand new, massively powerful bomb the size of a "golf ball" to a fellow officer from his Hollywood world. Whatever the reason, despite having published his own first-person account of his wartime adventures (The New York Times critic Bosley Crowther actually liked this book better than the film), he resigned.[10] Studio head (1944–1956) Zanuck returned to 20th Century-Fox in 1944 a changed man.[11] He avoided the studio and instead read books at home, surrounded by his growing family, and caught up on all the films he had missed while overseas in his private screening room. He did not return to take the reins until William Goetz, the man Zanuck had left in charge when he went off to war, left for a job at Universal. Zanuck's tenure in the 1940s and '50s resonated with his astute choices. He first personally rescued a cumbersome cut of The Song of Bernadette (1943), recutting the completed film into a surprise hit that made a star of newcomer Jennifer Jones, who won the Oscar. He relented to actor Otto Preminger's fervent wish to direct a modest thriller called Laura (1944), casting Clifton Webb in his Oscar-nominated role as Gene Tierney's controlling mentor, with David Raksin's haunting score. Leading theater director Elia Kazan was carefully nurtured through his first film, A Tree Grows in Brooklyn (1945), based on a popular novel. It did so well, he chose Kazan to direct the first studio film on antisemitism, Gentleman's Agreement (1947), with Gregory Peck playing a Gentile reporter whose life falls apart due to implacable antisemitism emerging from friends and family when he pretends to be Jewish for an exposé. After Kazan triumphed in Tennessee Williams' Broadway hit, A Streetcar Named Desire, he brought Kazan back to direct Pinky (1949), another film about prejudice, this time racial. The scathing theater world of Bette Davis's aging actress in All About Eve (1950) went on to win six Oscars at the Academy Awards;[12] the disturbing questions of a bomber squadron leader Gregory Peck in Twelve O'Clock High (1949) challenged wartime patriotism. Both showed Zanuck's ability to create box-office hits via brilliant films with unflinching examinations of demanding, hierarchical worlds. Zanuck continued to tackle social issues other studios would not touch, but he stumbled with idealistic projects. Wilson (1944), an expensive picture that was unsuccessful at the box office, and an attempt to make a film of One World, a memoir by politician Wendell Willkie of his tour of war-damaged Europe, a project that was aborted before shooting began.[citation needed] CinemaScope As television began to erode Hollywood's audiences in the early 1950s, widescreen presentation was thought to be a potential solution. The 1950 television set duplicated the near-square shape of the 35 mm format in which all movies were shot—and this was no accident. Standardization of film size meant all theaters everywhere could play all films. Even the projection of film formats—i.e. any attempt to break out of the 35 mm format were under the control of the Hays Office, which limited any wide-screen experiments to the 10 largest cities in America. This severely limited the future of any widescreen format. Zanuck was an early advocate of widescreen projection. One of the first things Zanuck did when he returned to Fox in 1944 was to restart the research on a 50 mm film, shelved in the early 1930s as a cost-cutting measure (a larger-sized film print in the projector meant higher resolution). Impressed by a screening in Cinerama, a three-projector widescreen process, unveiled in 1952 that promised to envelop the viewer in a wrap-around image, Zanuck wrote an essay extolling widescreen's virtues, seeing the new formats as a "participatory" form of recreation, rather than mere passive entertainment, such as television.[13] Cinerama was cumbersome, though, and used three projectors simultaneously, potentially a hugely expensive investment. Fox, like every other studio, had rejected Cinerama when the innovative new process was pitched to them for investment. In retrospect, this looked like a mistake, but nothing could be done. Cinerama was no longer for sale. Zanuck now urged the studio to keep the same principle, but find a more feasible approach. He approved a massive investment into a system that would be called CinemaScope—$10 million in its first year alone. The urgency was increased when an aggressive appliance tycoon and shareholder, Charles Green, began threatening a proxy takeover, claiming the current Fox administration was wasting stockholders' money. He attempted to conspire with Zanuck to oust the New York-based president of Fox since 1942, Greek-American Spyros Skouras. Zanuck refused; instead, Skouras and he decided to gamble on CinemaScope to save their jobs, and perhaps, their studio. Skouras made a bold announcement in February; Fox not only had a new and vastly more economical and efficient wide-screen process, but all Fox films would be released in CinemaScope—a format which had yet to be perfected. The Robe (1953), a Biblical epic, would be its first released feature film. Skouras now began to oversee Fox's somewhat startled research scientists, based on the East Coast and accustomed to Hollywood executives who thought R&D was a waste of money. Then Skouras flew to Paris to meet with a French inventor, Henri Chretien, who had created a new lens that just might be suitable. Though Fox shares immediately went up, Green found this an even more damning indication of Zanuck and Skouras's leadership and began readying his proxy fight for the May shareholder meeting. This meant that a CinemaScope process had to be publicly demonstrated to the industry's studios, theater owners, manufacturers, to stockholders and the press—by mid-March, to give them enough time to impress their shareholders with their new product and thus win the proxy fight. With Chretien's new lens, the Fox engineers pulled it together—a widescreen, Cinerama-like picture projected using merely one projector, not three. Zanuck carried out presentations of CinemaScope to the press in cities across the country throughout April, as Skouras and he gathered their forces for the proxy fight. "The enthusiastic response of those who attended these screenings and the laudatory reviews of CinemaScope in the trade press," writes John Belton in his book, Widescreen (1992), "undoubtedly played a major role in Green's defeat" at the May 5 meeting. CinemaScope's need for a wider screen was because of an anamorphic lens attached to the camera which squeezed the image while filming, and another lens on the projector which reverted the process, widening the image during screening. Implementing this was no easy matter. Directors, cameramen, and production designers were baffled by what to do with all that space. Zanuck encouraged them to spread the action across the screen, to take full advantage of the new proportions. Committed to its all-widescreen slate, Fox had to drop several projects that were deemed unsuitable for CinemaScope—one of them being Elia Kazan's On the Waterfront (1954), which Zanuck could not visualize being in color and widescreen. (Kazan took the project to Columbia, which had thus far stayed on the sidelines of the widescreen debate.) The public demonstrations that spring had already included excerpts from The Robe and How to Marry a Millionaire (also 1953), a glossy star package with Marilyn Monroe and Lauren Bacall. Of the other studios, MGM had immediately abandoned its own attempts and committed to CinemaScope and United Artists and Walt Disney Productions announced they would make films in the same widescreen process, but the other studios hesitated, and some announced their own rival systems: Paramount's VistaVision, which would prove a worthy rival, and Warner Bros.'s WarnerScope which vanished overnight. The November 3, 1953, premiere of The Robe brought Warner Bros. and Columbia around, though Warner's plan was a full slate of 3-D features for 1954, instead. Zanuck began to make compromises, and eventually capitulated. Smaller theaters rented conventional versions of the studio's films; stereo they could live without altogether. Todd-AO came out in 1955, and after its developer, Mike Todd, died in 1958, Zanuck invested in the process for Fox's most exclusive roadshows. Although pictures continued to be shot in CinemaScope until 1967, it ironically became relegated to Fox's conventional releases. Nonetheless, the Battle of the Screens seemed to leave Zanuck emotionally exhausted. He began an affair with a young Polish woman, who was actually a guest of his wife, changing her name to Bella Darvi. When he cast Darvi in The Egyptian (1954), she was so mediocre and the script so unsatisfactory, that star Marlon Brando walked off the picture after the first read-through. He agreed to give Fox two other pictures rather than return. Her unintelligible accent helped sink not only the ponderous film, but also his long-enduring marriage, and indeed his life at the studio itself. Going independent In 1956, Zanuck withdrew from the studio and left his wife, Virginia Fox, to move to Europe and concentrate on independent producing with a generous contract from Fox that gave him directing and casting control on any projects Fox financed. Eventually, in his absence, Fox began to fall to pieces due to the ballooning budget of Cleopatra (1963), whose entire set constructed at Pinewood Studios had to be scrapped before shooting even started. Meanwhile, Zanuck picked up a hefty book by Cornelius Ryan called The Longest Day, which promised to fulfill his dream of making the definitive film of D-Day. Flying back to the States, he had to convince a Fox board, staggering under the still-unfinished Cleopatra's $15 million cost, to finance what he was sure would be a box-office hit, as indeed it was, despite skeptics that included his son Richard. He seethed at the $8 million ceiling imposed on him, knowing he would have to dip into his own pocket to finish the film, as he soon did. To the all-star all-male cast, he added an unknown French beauty, Irina Demick, as a Resistance fighter. She had become his mistress after her casting session for the film's only female speaking part. She would be followed by Geneviève Gilles and the French singer Juliette Gréco.[14] Greco, who in fact had her own recording career, published a kiss-and-tell memoir in the French press which Zanuck managed to suppress. Probably for reasons like this, though he stayed in Europe for some years, Zanuck would not divorce his wife Virginia, nor she him. She stayed patiently in Santa Monica, a neglected but effective "Maginot Line" against the claims of her rivals. This would later prove to have costly consequences. Return to Fox Fearing the studio's profligacy would sink his cherished The Longest Day (1962) as it readied for release, Zanuck returned to control Fox. He replaced Spyros Skouras as president, who had failed to control perilous cost overruns on the still-unfinished Cleopatra and had been forced to shelve Marilyn Monroe's last vehicle, Something's Got to Give after principal photography had started, at a loss of $2 million. Zanuck promptly made his son, Richard D. Zanuck, head of production. Richard quickly displayed his own flair for picking fresh, new hits, helped by his trusted fellow producer, David Brown. He plucked Rodgers and Hammerstein's least successful Broadway show from obscurity and turned it into the highly successful The Sound of Music (1965), committed to the science-fiction hit Planet of the Apes (1968), unleashed maverick director Robert Altman to create his antiwar comedy MASH (1970) and hired the little-known Francis Coppola to write Patton (1970) into a project for George C. Scott. However, Zanuck Sr's next all-star World War II film Tora! Tora! Tora! (1970) was plagued with production problems from the start. First, director David Lean pulled out of the Pearl Harbor retelling, and had to be hastily replaced by Richard Fleischer; storms destroyed expensive exteriors, closing down production while they were rebuilt; then the Japanese co-director Akira Kurosawa, miffed by criticism of his early rushes, either really had or merely faked a nervous breakdown before his cast and crew and had to be hospitalized, shutting down production again. When finally finished, the relentlessly authentic film could not disguise its downbeat nature as a chronicle of American defeat, the last thing critics and audiences wanted to revisit at the height of the Vietnam War in Asia. As the tumultuous decade wore on, Richard also began to falter with lavish costume musicals that expensively tanked: Rex Harrison as the man who could talk to the animals in Doctor Dolittle (1967), Julie Andrews in the period film Star! (1968), and Barbra Streisand in Hello Dolly (1969). Decline This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) By the decade's end, Zanuck Sr. was spending millions on expensive vehicles in Europe for his new girlfriend, Genevieve Gilles. Barely 20 years old, she had her own contract to produce and star in Zanuck's films. Her first acting effort, Hello-Goodbye (1970), died on release. The studio lost $4 million. From her Paris apartment, Gilles interviewed directors for her next script, which she had written herself. Zanuck was never at the studio, seldom even in America. He seemed to have nothing on but more projects for Gilles. Quietly, eyeing a debt level whose interest they could hardly afford to pay, the nervous board members moved Richard to president and promoted his father to chairman, or more accurately, kicked the older man upstairs, which is how Zanuck began to perceive it. When Gilles' contract came up for renewal, Richard, for the first time, had the power to cancel it and he did. At the end of 1970, Zanuck hurriedly assembled the board the day before New Year's. Zanuck denounced his son's incompetence in front of the entire board and summarily fired him. Richard, stunned and humiliated, flew back to Los Angeles on New Year's Day; a studio guard stood watch at his office; it was left to his secretary to tell him he had until 6:00 pm to be off the lot. Zanuck remained chairman and appointed underlings to replace his son as president; an outraged Virginia Zanuck rushed to her son's side with her 100,000 shares of stock. Guilty gifts of stock from her faithless husband had made her one of Fox's major shareholders. She signed them over to a group of disgusted shareholders who staged a rebellion at the annual spring meeting that May. Zanuck was ousted from the studio he had founded and commanded for so long. He was the last Hollywood tycoon to fall. Richard went to work for Warner Brothers and forgave his father. They spoke on the phone. Virginia put her foot down and Gilles was gone. After so much blood on the floor, Darryl Zanuck was now back in the fold of his original family. When his health failed and he suffered a stroke, Zanuck returned to California and moved in with Virginia. They lived together again and celebrated their 50th wedding anniversary. Richard moved to Universal Pictures with his producing partner, David Brown. They gave 26-year-old Steven Spielberg his first feature; their second movie was The Sting. Darryl predicted it would win the Oscar, and it did. Personal life On January 12, 1924, at a time when he was a hopeful screenwriter, he married actress Virginia Fox, with whom he had three children, Darrylin, Susan Marie, and Richard Darryl.[15] Fox retired from acting but became known as a behind-the-scenes influence on her husband's business decisions, as well as a prominent California hostess.[15] The couple separated in 1956, after Zanuck had suddenly resigned from Twentieth Century-Fox to become an independent producer, over Zanuck's well-publicized affairs with other actresses, although they never legally divorced.[15] In 1973, after Zanuck retired from filmmaking, the two reconciled and lived together in Palm Springs, and she cared for him at their home from the time he became mentally incapacitated in the early 1970s until his death in 1979.[15] Sexual abuse allegations An October 2017 article by The Daily Beast, following the reporting of several sexual abuse cases committed by Harvey Weinstein reported that "For an origin to all this ugliness, one must turn to Darryl F. Zanuck, the titan who rose from working as the head of production at Warner Bros. to running Twentieth Century Fox. It was in the latter position that he supposedly begat the modern casting couch, holding conferences with a variety of starlets in his office every afternoon from 4-4:30 p.m."[16] The article further adds that "As some have argued, he may have learned this malicious practice from fellow studio head Harry Cohn, chief of Columbia Pictures during the first half of the 20th century, as Cohn reportedly even had a private room next to his office where he conducted his unofficial 'business'", and went on to blame both Zanuck and Cohn for having "helped foster the industry's corrosive atmosphere of sexualized misconduct."[16] A New York Times article in February 2020 following Weinstein's conviction repeated similar claims about Zanuck, while reporting that he also "had a well-documented habit of flashing his penis at women."[17] Death Darryl Zanuck's grave at the Westwood Village Memorial Park Cemetery A long-time cigar smoker,[18] he died of pneumonia in 1979, aged 77.[19][20] He is interred at the Westwood Village Memorial Park Cemetery, near his wife, Virginia Fox in Westwood, Los Angeles, California. Legacy Zanuck began tackling serious issues, breaking new ground by producing some of Hollywood's most important and controversial films[citation needed]. Long before it was fashionable to do so,[according to whom?] Zanuck addressed issues such as racism (Pinky), antisemitism (Gentleman's Agreement), poverty (The Grapes of Wrath, Tobacco Road), unfair labor exploitation and destruction of the environment (How Green Was My Valley), and institutionalized mistreatment of the mentally ill (The Snake Pit)[citation needed]. After The Snake Pit (1948) was released, 13 states changed their laws.[citation needed] For his contributions to the motion picture industry, Zanuck earned three Irving G. Thalberg Awards from the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (including the first ever awarded); after Zanuck's third win, the rules were changed to limit one Thalberg Award to one person. 20th Century Fox, the studio he co-founded and ran successfully for so many years,[ambiguous] screens movies in its Darryl F. Zanuck Theater. On February 8, 1960, Zanuck received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, for his contribution to the motion picture industry, at 6336 Hollywood Blvd.[21][22] In the 2022 Netflix film Blonde, Zanuck was portrayed by David Warshofsky.[23] Academy Awards Academy Award nominations for Darryl F. Zanuck films Year Result Category Film 1929–30 Nominated Outstanding Production Disraeli 1932–33 Nominated Outstanding Production 42nd Street 1934 Nominated Outstanding Production The House of Rothschild 1935 Nominated Outstanding Production Les Misérables 1937 Nominated Outstanding Production In Old Chicago 1938 Nominated Outstanding Production Alexander's Ragtime Band 1940 Nominated Outstanding Production The Grapes of Wrath 1941 Won Outstanding Motion Picture How Green Was My Valley 1944 Nominated Best Motion Picture Wilson 1946 Nominated Best Motion Picture The Razor's Edge 1947 Won Best Motion Picture Gentleman's Agreement 1949 Nominated Best Motion Picture Twelve O'Clock High 1950 Won Best Motion Picture All About Eve 1956 Nominated Best Motion Picture The King and I ("Darryl F. Zanuck presents" is seen in the opening credits) 1962 Nominated Best Picture The Longest Day Filmography Produced by Zanuck 1970 Tora! Tora! Tora! (executive producer) 1964 The Visit 1962 The Chapman Report 1962 The Longest Day 1961 The Big Gamble 1961 Sanctuary 1960 Crack in the Mirror 1958 The Roots of Heaven 1958 The Barbarian and the Geisha 1957 The Sun Also Rises 1957 Island in the Sun 1956 The King and I (executive producer – uncredited) 1956 The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit 1956 Carousel (executive producer – uncredited) 1954 The Egyptian 1952 The Snows of Kilimanjaro 1952 With a Song in My Heart 1952 Viva Zapata! 1951 People Will Talk 1951 David and Bathsheba 1950 All About Eve 1950 No Way Out 1949 Twelve O'Clock High 1949 Pinky 1948 The Snake Pit 1947 Captain from Castile 1947 Gentleman's Agreement 1947 Nightmare Alley 1947 Moss Rose 1946 The Razor's Edge 1946 Dragonwyck 1945 Leave Her to Heaven (executive producer) 1944 Wilson 1944 Buffalo Bill (executive producer) 1941 How Green Was My Valley 1941 Swamp Water 1941 A Yank in the R.A.F. 1941 Moon Over Miami 1941 Man Hunt (executive producer) 1941 Blood and Sand 1941 That Night in Rio 1941 Tobacco Road 1941 Western Union 1941 Hudson's Bay 1940 Chad Hanna 1940 The Mark of Zorro 1940 Down Argentine Way 1940 Brigham Young 1940 The Return of Frank James 1940 The Man I Married 1940 Lillian Russell 1940 Little Old New York 1940 The Grapes of Wrath 1940 The Blue Bird 1939 The Little Princess 1939 Swanee River 1939 Hollywood Cavalcade 1939 Here I Am a Stranger 1939 The Rains Came 1939 The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes 1939 Stanley and Livingstone 1939 Second Fiddle 1939 Susannah of the Mounties (executive producer) 1939 Young Mr. Lincoln 1939 Rose of Washington Square 1939 The Story of Alexander Graham Bell 1939 The Hound of the Baskervilles (executive producer) 1939 Wife, Husband and Friend 1939 Tail Spin 1939 Jesse James 1938 Kentucky (executive producer) 1938 Submarine Patrol 1938 My Lucky Star 1938 Gateway 1938 I'll Give a Million 1938 Little Miss Broadway 1938 Just Around the Corner 1938 Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm 1938 Always Goodbye 1938 Josette (executive producer) 1938 Kentucky Moonshine 1938 International Settlement 1938 Happy Landing 1938 In Old Chicago 1937 Love and Hisses 1937 Lancer Spy 1937 Wife, Doctor and Nurse 1937 Thin Ice 1937 Wake Up and Live 1937 Wee Willie Winkie 1937 Slave Ship 1937 Seventh Heaven 1937 Nancy Steele Is Missing! (executive producer) 1936 Banjo on My Knee (executive producer) 1936 Reunion (executive producer) 1936 Pigskin Parade 1936 Ramona (executive producer) 1936 Sing, Baby, Sing 1936 To Mary – with Love 1936 Poor Little Rich Girl 1936 The Road to Glory 1936 Half Angel 1936 Under Two Flags 1936 The Country Beyond 1936 A Message to Garcia 1936 It Had to Happen 1936 The Prisoner of Shark Island 1935 Professional Soldier 1935 Show Them No Mercy! 1935 The Man Who Broke the Bank at Monte Carlo 1935 Thanks a Million 1935 Metropolitan 1935 The Call of the Wild 1935 Cardinal Richelieu 1935 Les Misérables 1935 Folies Bergère de Paris 1934 The Mighty Barnum 1934 Bulldog Drummond Strikes Back 1934 Born to Be Bad 1934 The Last Gentleman 1934 Looking for Trouble 1934 Moulin Rouge 1933 Gallant Lady 1933 Advice to the Lovelorn 1933 Blood Money 1933 The Bowery 1933 Ex-Lady 1933 The Working Man 1933 42nd Street 1933 Parachute Jumper 1932 20,000 Years in Sing Sing 1932 Three on a Match 1932 The Cabin in the Cotton 1932 Life Begins 1932 Doctor X 1932 The Dark Horse 1932 The Rich Are Always with Us 1932 The Man Who Played God 1931 The Public Enemy 1931 Illicit 1931 Little Caesar 1930 The Doorway to Hell 1930 Three Faces East 1929 The Show of Shows 1929 On with the Show! 1928 Tenderloin 1927 The Jazz Singer 1927 The First Auto 1926 So This Is Paris 1925 Lady Windermere's Fan Written by Zanuck 1968 D-Day Revisited (Documentary) 1960 Crack in the Mirror (as Mark Canfield) 1944 The Purple Heart (story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 China Girl (story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 Thunder Birds (original story – as Melville Crossman) 1942 Ten Gentlemen from West Point 1941 A Yank in the R.A.F. (story – as Melville Crossman) 1940 The Great Profile (story – uncredited) 1938 Alexander's Ragtime Band (contributing writer – uncredited) 1937 This Is My Affair (story – uncredited) 1935 Thanks a Million (story – as Melville Crossman) 1935 G Men (story) 1935 Folies Bergère de Paris (contributing writer – uncredited) 1933 Lady Killer (story – uncredited) 1933 Baby Face (story – as Mark Canfield) 1932 The Dark Horse (story) 1931 Little Caesar (story – uncredited) 1930 The Life of the Party 1930 Maybe It's Love (as Mark Canfield) 1929 Say It with Songs (story) 1929 Madonna of Avenue A (story) 1929 Hardboiled Rose (story) 1928 My Man (story) 1928 Noah's Ark (story) 1928 The Midnight Taxi (story – as Gregory Rogers) 1928 State Street Sadie (story – as Melville Crossman) 1928 Pay as You Enter (story – as Gregory Rogers) 1928 Tenderloin (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 Ham and Eggs at the Front (story) 1927 Good Time Charley (story) 1927 Jaws of Steel (Rin Tin Tin story as Gregory Rogers) 1927 Slightly Used (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 The Desired Woman (story – as Mark Canfield) 1927 The First Auto (story) 1927 Old San Francisco 1927 The Black Diamond Express (story) 1927 Simple Sis (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 Irish Hearts (story – as Melville Crossman) 1927 The Missing Link (as Gregory Rogers) 1927 Tracked by the Police (Rin Tin Tin story) 1927 Wolf's Clothing 1926 The Better 'Ole (screenplay) 1926 Across the Pacific (adaptation) 1926 Footloose Widows 1926 The Social Highwayman 1926 Oh! What a Nurse! (adaptation) 1926 The Little Irish Girl (adaptation) 1926 The Caveman (scenario) 1925 Three Weeks in Paris (story as Gregory Rogers, screenplay as Darryl Zanuck) 1925 Hogan's Alley 1925 Seven Sinners 1925 Red Hot Tires 1925 The Limited Mail 1925 Eve's Lover 1925 A Broadway Butterfly 1925 On Thin Ice (as Gregory Rogers) 1924 The Lighthouse by the Sea (Rin Tin Tin story – as Gregory Rogers) 1924 The Millionaire Cowboy (story) 1924 Find Your Man (Rin Tin Tin story – as Gregory Rogers) 1924 For the Love of Mike (Short) 1924 Sherlock's Home (Short) 1924 William Tells (Short) 1924 King Leary (Short) 1924 Money to Burns (Short) 1924 When Knighthood Was in Tower (Short) 1924 Julius Sees Her (Short) 1923 Judy Punch (Short) 1923 When Gale and Hurricane Meet (Short) 1923 The End of a Perfect Fray (Short) 1923 Gall of the Wild (Short) 1923 Some Punches and Judy (Short) 1923 Two Stones with One Bird (Short) 1923 Six Second Smith (Short) 1923 The Knight That Failed (Short) 1923 The Knight in Gale (Short) 1923 Fighting Blood 1922 The Storm 1922 Round Two (Short) Zanuck in documentaries; television appearances 2013 Don't Say Yes Until I Finish Talking (Documentary) 2013 Don't Say No Until I Finish Talking: The Story of Richard D. Zanuck (Documentary) 2011 Hollywood Invasion (Documentary) 2011 Making the Boys (Documentary) 2010 Moguls & Movie Stars: A History of Hollywood (TV documentary) Fade Out, Fade In (uncredited) The Attack of the Small Screens: 1950–1960 2009 Coming Attractions: The History of the Movie Trailer (Documentary) 2009 1939: Hollywood's Greatest Year (TV documentary) 2006 Darryl F. Zanuck: A Dream Fulfilled (TV documentary) 2005 Filmmakers vs. Tycoons (Documentary) 2003 American Masters (TV documentary) None Without Sin Backstory (TV documentary) Gentleman's Agreement (2001) The Longest Day (2000) History vs. Hollywood (TV documentary) The Longest Day: A Salute to Courage (2001) 2001 Cleopatra: The Film That Changed Hollywood (TV documentary) Great Books (TV documentary) The Grapes of Wrath (1999) Biography (TV documentary) Anna and the King: The Real Story of Anna Leonowens (1999) Sonja Henie: Fire on Ice (1997) 1997 20th Century-Fox: The First 50 Years (TV documentary) 1996 Rodgers & Hammerstein: The Sound of Movies (TV documentary) 1995 The First 100 Years: A Celebration of American Movies (TV documentary) 1995 Darryl F. Zanuck: 20th Century Filmmaker (TV documentary) 1995 The Casting Couch (Video documentary) 1975 20th Century Fox Presents...A Tribute to Darryl F. Zanuck (TV documentary) The David Frost Show (TV) Episode #3.211 (1971) Episode #2.203 (1970) 1968 D-Day Revisited (Documentary) What's My Line? (TV ) Episode September 16, 1962 – Mystery Guest Episode October 5, 1958 – Mystery Guest Cinépanorama (TV documentary) Episode 11 (June 1960) Small World (TV Series) Episode #1.22 (1959) ... Himself The Ed Sullivan Show (TV Series) Episode #11.39 (1958) 1954 The CinemaScope Parade 1953 Screen Snapshots: Hollywood's Great Entertainers (Short) 1950 Screen Snapshots: The Great Showman (Short) 1946 Hollywood Park (Short) 1943 Show-Business at War (Documentary) 1943 At the Front (Documentary) 1943 At the Front in North Africa with the U.S. Army (Documentary) References Albin Krebs. New York Times, June 11, 1976, "Adolph Zukor is Dead at 103". "FamilySearch". FamilySearch. "Encyclopedia of the Great Plains | ZANUCK, DARRYL F. (1902-1979)". plainshumanities.unl.edu. Retrieved February 13, 2022. Arnold, Gary (December 24, 1979). "Motion Picture Producer Darryl F. Zanuck Is Dead at 77". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved February 13, 2022. Gussow, Mel (September 1, 2002). "FILM; Darryl F. Zanuck, Action Hero of the Studio Era". The New York Times. Retrieved May 1, 2010. Maas, Frederica Sagor (1999). The Shocking Miss Pilgrim: A Writer in Early Hollywood. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky. pp. 44–45. ISBN 0-8131-2122-1. Ilias Chrissochoidis (ed.), Spyros P. Skouras, Memoirs (1893–1953) (Stanford, 2013), p. 104. Mosley, Leonard (1984) Zanuck: The Rise and Fall of Hollywood's Last Tycoon, pp. 199–200. Mosley, p. 201 Mosley "Zanuck", pp. 199–209 Mosley, p. 209 "The 23rd Academy Awards (1951) Nominees and Winners". Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. Retrieved August 10, 2014. "Recreation vs. Entertainment" by Darryl Zanuck, Hollywood Reporter, October 1953, quoted in "Widescreen Cinema" by John Belton, Harvard Press, 1992, p. 77 John Murray (2008). Charlotte Mosley (ed.). In Tearing Haste: Letters Between Deborah Devonshire and Patrick Leigh-Fermor. Gussow, Mel (October 15, 1982). "Virginia F. Zanuck, Silent Movie Star". The New York Times. Retrieved October 31, 2022. Schager, Nick (October 14, 2017). "Hollywood's Heinous 'Casting Couch' Culture That Enabled Harvey Weinstein". The Daily Beast. Retrieved September 18, 2022. Dargis, Manohla (February 25, 2020). "Harvey Weinstein Is Going to Prison. But That's Just a Starting Point". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved September 18, 2022. Hift, Fred (September 1, 1994). "The Longest Day". Cigar Aficionado. Retrieved December 6, 2011. Maslin, Janet (December 24, 1979). "Darryl F. Zanuck, Flamboyant Film Producer, Dead". The New York Times. Arnold, Gary (December 24, 1979). "Motion Picture Producer Darryl F. Zanuck Is Dead at 77". Retrieved August 31, 2017 – via WashingtonPost.com. "Darryl F. Zanuck | Hollywood Walk of Fame". www.WalkOfFame.com. Retrieved July 20, 2016. "Darryl Zanuck". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved July 20, 2016. "'Blonde': 10 of the Marilyn Monroe Biopic's Stars and Their Real-Life Inspirations". The Hollywood Reporter. September 28, 2022. Retrieved August 6, 2023. Further reading Behlmer, Rudy, ed. (1993). Memo from Darryl F. Zanuck: The Golden Years at Twentieth Century-Fox. Grove. ISBN 0-8021-1540-3. Chrissochoidis, Ilias (editor) (2013). The Cleopatra Files: Selected Documents from the Spyros P. Skouras Archive. Brave World. ISBN 978-0-61582-919-7. Chrissochoidis, Ilias (ed.). CinemaScope: Selected Documents from the Spyros P. Skouras Archive. Brave World, 2013. ISBN 978-0-61589-880-3. Custen, George F. Twentieth Century's Fox: Darryl F. Zanuck And The Culture Of Hollywood. Basic Books (November 1997) ISBN 046507619X Dunne, John Gregory. The Studio. Farrar, Straus & Giroux (January 1969) ISBN 0374271127 Mosley, Leonard (1984). Zanuck: The Rise and Fall of Hollywood's Last Tycoon. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-58538-6. Farber, Stephen. Hollywood Dynasties, Putnam Group (July 1984) ISBN 0887150004 Harris, Marlys J. The Zanucks of Hollywood: The Dark Legacy of an American Dynasty, Crown (June 1989) ISBN 0517570203 Thackrey Jr., Thomas. (December 23, 1979). "Darryl F. Zanuck, Last of Movie Moguls, Dies at 77". Los Angeles Times, p. 1.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Raymond Walter Kelly (born September 4, 1941) is the longest-serving Commissioner in the history of the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and the first person to hold the post for two non-consecutive tenures. According to its website, Kelly, a lifelong New Yorker, had spent 45 years in the NYPD, serving in 25 different commands and as Police Commissioner from 1992 to 1994 and again from 2002 until 2013. Kelly was the first man to rise from Police Cadet to Police Commissioner, holding all of the department's ranks, except for Three-Star Bureau Chief, Chief of Department and Deputy Commissioner, having been promoted directly from Two-Star Chief to First Deputy Commissioner in 1990.[2] After his handling of the World Trade Center bombing in 1993, he was mentioned for the first time as a possible candidate for FBI Director.[3][4] After Kelly turned down the position, Louis Freeh was appointed.[4] Kelly was a Marine Corps Reserve colonel, director of police under the United Nations Mission in Haiti, and an Interpol vice president. During the Clinton administration, Kelly served as Treasury Department Under Secretary for Enforcement, as Customs Service Commissioner and was in the running to become the first United States Ambassador to Vietnam, after President Bill Clinton extended full diplomatic relations to that country in 1995.[5] In March 2011, New York Senator Chuck Schumer endorsed Kelly to become the next director of the FBI,[6] and in July 2013, he endorsed Kelly to become Secretary of Homeland Security.[7] In March 2014, he was appointed as President of Risk Management Services at Cushman & Wakefield, a New York City-based commercial real estate services firm.[8] In 2015, the New York Post reported that Kelly was considering a run for New York City Mayor, citing his "Love for New York City".[9] Education Kelly graduated from Archbishop Molloy High School in 1959. He graduated with a Bachelor of Business Administration from Manhattan College in 1963.[10] He also holds a J.D. from the St. John's University School of Law,[11] a LL.M. from the New York University School of Law,[12] and an M.P.A. from Harvard Kennedy School.[13] Kelly has also been the recipient of honorary degrees from Marist College, Manhattan College, the College of St. Rose, St. John's University, the State University of New York, New York University, Iona College, Pace University, Quinnipiac University, St. Thomas Aquinas College and the Catholic University of America.[14] Personal Kelly with his wife Veronica in May 2011 Kelly was born in 1941 and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, to James F. Kelly, a milkman,[15][16] and Elizabeth Kelly, a dressing-room checker at Macy's.[15] A fitness buff since his teens, Kelly still regularly lifts weights and does aerobic exercises.[17] He is also a fashionable dresser, favoring custom-made shirts that he takes to Geneva, a shirtmaker, for laundering.[18] He also favors silk ties by Charvet. "A tie is the only true way men can make some sort of statement", Kelly has stated, citing Barack Obama as another fan of the high-end French label. "I can tell when someone's wearing Charvet from a distance – even dark colors stand out."[19] Claiming that good-quality clothing enhances his public image as an authority figure, he orders custom hand-tailored suits from master tailor Martin Greenfield, who numbers politicians and movie stars among his clientele and whose suits run in the four figures.[20] Kelly met his future wife Veronica on the beach at Island Park, New York, where his family had a summer residence.[21] Kelly is the father of Greg Kelly, former co-host of the local Fox morning television show Good Day New York. Currently host on Newsmax TV and weekday program on New York's WABC radio [22] Military Kelly is a combat veteran of the Vietnam War. He received his commission as a second lieutenant in the United States Marine Corps in 1963. In 1965, he went to the Republic of Vietnam with the 2nd Battalion 1st Marines. As a first lieutenant in Vietnam, Kelly led Marines in battle for most of his 12 months in country, including participation in Operation Harvest Moon. Upon returning to the U.S., Raymond Kelly joined the Reserves and retired after 30 years of service with the rank of colonel from the Marine Corps Reserves.[14] Police career Kelly in 2007 Kelly joined the New York City Police Department as a police trainee in 1960. Six years later in 1966, Kelly was appointed to the entry level rank of Patrolman. He graduated first in his class from the New York City Police Academy and passed the sergeant's test upon returning from Vietnam. This meteoric ascent combined with relative inexperience as a beat cop has prompted some criticisms from colleagues. Geoffrey Gray wrote in New York Magazine that, "Some retired cops say Kelly's swift ascent makes him a boss who doesn't understand the street. 'He's not a cop,' says one retired chief, dismissively. 'He's on patrol for a blink of an eye and tells guys on patrol ten years how to do their jobs.' Says another, 'He gives you all the ingredients to make shrimp scampi and says he wants sirloin steak.'"[18] However, his long service stands in stark contrast to that of his predecessor, Bernard Kerik. Kerik served as an NYPD officer for only 8 years before he was appointed commissioner by Mayor Rudy Giuliani. First Deputy Commissioner On February 9, 1990 Kelly was appointed First Deputy Commissioner during the administration of Mayor David Dinkins. Kelly's boss was New York City Police Commissioner Lee Brown, who was a former Houston Police Chief and the future mayor of Houston. Kelly was promoted from a Two-Star Assistant Chief to the First Deputy position over several Three-Star Bureau Chiefs and the Four-Star Chief of Department, Robert J. Johnston Jr. At the time Johnston was so powerful, Brown altered the traditional hierarchy by announcing that Johnston would report directly to the Police Commissioner rather than the First Deputy as had been called for under the former departmental structure. This was done to prevent Johnston from having to report to his former subordinate, Kelly.[23] 37th NYC Police Commissioner On October 16, 1992 Mayor Dinkins appointed Kelly as the 37th Police Commissioner of the City of New York. Kelly took over a police department that was 11.5% black, in a city with an over 25% black population. At 9 am on his first full day as Police Commissioner, Kelly was on the "black-owned" radio station WLIB for 40 minutes talking to host Art Whaley, as well as callers, to discuss minority recruitment.[24] He showed himself a master of outreach and even attended black church services in an effort to recruit minority policemen. The national decline in both violent crime and property crime began in 1993, during the early months of Raymond Kelly's commissioner-ship under Dinkins. A firm believer in community policing, Kelly helped spur the decline in New York by instituting the Safe Streets, Safe City program, which put thousands more cops on the streets, where they would be visible to and able to get to know and interact with local communities. As the 37th Commissioner, he also pursued quality of life issues, such as the "squeegee men" that had become a sign of decay in the city. The murder rate in New York city had declined from its 1990 mid-Dinkins administration historic high of 2,254 to 1,927 when Kelly left in 1994,[25] and continued to plummet even more steeply under Mayors Giuliani and Bloomberg. The decline continued when Kelly returned as commissioner under Mayor Bloomberg in 2002–2013. 1993 World Trade Center terrorist attack The first World Trade Center terrorist attack occurred on February 26, 1993 while Kelly was police commissioner under Mayor Dinkins (1992 to 1994) and Kelly led his department through the investigation of the bombing. 1993 NYPD handgun transition In August 1993, Kelly introduced the 9mm semi-automatic pistol as an option for officers. The Glock 19, SIG Sauer P226, and Smith & Wesson 5946 pistols were approved for duty to replace the NYPD's Smith & Wesson Model 10 and Model 64 double-action only revolvers chambered in .38 Special. Himself a former street cop,[citation needed] Kelly was concerned about the semi-automatic pistols' propensity for sustaining firearm malfunctions. Indeed, at a media event introducing the new semi-automatic pistols in January 1993, one of the firearms malfunctioned just moments after a deputy inspector explained that malfunctions and failures were the semi-automatic pistol's major design drawback.[26] Transition In November 1993, Rudolph Giuliani defeated Mayor Dinkins in his run for a second term as Mayor of New York City. Giuliani then replaced Kelly with Boston police commissioner William Bratton. Coincidentally, Giuliani and Kelly had known each other for a long time; they were two years apart at Manhattan College three decades previously. 41st NYC police commissioner As commissioner of the NYPD under Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Kelly had often appeared at outreach events such as the Brooklyn's annual West Indian Day Parade, where he was photographed playing the drums and speaking to community leaders. Bloomberg and Kelly, however, continued to place heavy reliance on the CompStat system, initiated by Bill Bratton and since adopted by police departments in other cities worldwide. The system, while recognized as highly effective in reducing crime, also puts pressure on local precincts to reduce the number of reports for the seven major crimes while increasing the number of lesser arrests.[27] The two men continued and indeed stepped up Mayor Giuliani's controversial stop-and-frisk policy,[28] which was determined in Floyd v. City of New York to be an unconstitutional form of racial profiling. In the first half of 2011 the NYC police made 362,150 such stops, constituting a 13.5 percent increase from the same period in 2010, according to WNYC radio (which also reported that 84 percent of the people stopped were either black or Latino, and that "nine out 10 stops did not result in any arrest or ticket.") According to New York State Senator Eric Adams, "Kelly was one of the great humanitarians in policing under David Dinkins. I don't know what happened to him that all of a sudden his philosophical understanding of the importance of community and police liking each other has changed. Sometimes the expeditious need of bringing down crime numbers bring out the worst in us. So instead of saying let's just go seek out the bad guy, we get to the point of, 'Let's go get them all.' If Kelly can't philosophically change, then we need to have a leadership change at the top."[29] Under Bloomberg, Commissioner Kelly also revamped New York City's Police Department into a world-class counter-terrorism operation,[30] operating in conjunction with CIA. Prior to the September 11, 2001 attacks there were fewer than two dozen officers working on terrorism full-time; ten years later there were over 1,000. One of Kelly's innovations was his unprecedented stationing of New York City police detectives in other cities throughout the world following terrorist attacks in those cities, with a view to determining if they are in any way connected to the security of New York. In the cases of both the March 11, 2004 Madrid bombing and the July 7, 2005 London bombings and July 21, 2005 London bombings, NYPD detectives were on the scene within a day to relay pertinent information back to New York. An August 2011 article by the Associated Press reported the NYCPD's extensive use of undercover agents (colloquially referred to as "rakers"[31] and "mosque crawlers"[32]) to keep tabs, even build databases, on stores, restaurants, mosques. and clubs. NYPD spokesman Paul Browne denied that police trawled ethnic neighborhoods, telling the AP that officers only follow leads. He also dismissed the idea of "mosque crawlers," saying, "Someone has a great imagination."[33] Valerie Caproni, the FBI's general counsel, told the AP that the FBI is barred from sending agents into mosques looking for leads outside of a specific investigation and said the practice would raise alarms. "If you're sending an informant into a mosque when there is no evidence of wrongdoing, that's a very high-risk thing to do," she said. "You're running right up against core constitutional rights. You're talking about freedom of religion." However, as the ACLU acknowledged at the time, the FBI operates under limits such as the Federal Privacy Act that do not apply to state-authorized agencies such as the NYPD.[34][33][35] Under Mayor Bloomberg, Kelly's NYPD also incurred criticism for its handling of the protests surrounding the 2004 Republican National Convention, which resulted in the City of New York having to pay out millions in settlement of lawsuits for false arrest and civil rights violations, as well as for its rough treatment of credentialed reporters covering the 2011 Occupy Wall Street demonstrations.[36] On March 5, 2007 it was announced that a Rikers Island inmate offered to pay an undercover police officer posing as a hit person to behead Kelly as well as bomb police headquarters in retaliation for the controversial police shooting of Sean Bell.[37] In 2012, Kelly oversaw the rollout of the Domain Awareness System, a computer system used for Police surveillance in New York City.[38] In 2013 his visit to Brown University was met with a demonstration against what protestors saw as increased racial profiling and violations of civil rights under Kelly's leadership as NYPD Commissioner.[39] In November 2014 it was reported that Kelly would no longer require a $1.5 million security team after completing his transition into the private sector. Prior to relieving his security detail and since leaving office, Kelly had 24-hour-a-day protection consisting of an NYPD lieutenant, three sergeants and six detectives. With their $140,000 salaries (plus overtime), the ten-man team cost New York City taxpayers $1.5 million. The NYPD had argued this was a necessary expense due to the threats Kelly and his family received as a result of his work. Kelly determined he was no longer the target he once was.[40] New York City Police Pension Fund In April 2009, Kelly abstained in a vote to remove Quadrangle Group[41][42][43] from doing business with the NYC police pension fund. Other positions held Director International Police Monitors Kelly served as Director of the International Police Monitors of the Multinational Force in Haiti from October 1994 through March 1995. This U.S.-led force was responsible for ending human rights abuses and establishing an interim police force there. For his service in Haiti, President Bill Clinton awarded Kelly a commendation for "exceptionally meritorious service". Kelly was also awarded the Commander's Award for Public Service by then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Shalikashvili.[citation needed] Under Secretary for Enforcement From 1996 to 1998, Kelly was Under Secretary for Enforcement at the United States Department of the Treasury. At that post he supervised the Department's enforcement bureaus, including the Customs Service, the Secret Service and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network and the Office of Foreign Assets Control.[citation needed] Interpol, Executive Committee Kelly served on the executive committee and was elected Vice President for the Americas of Interpol from 1996 to 2000.[citation needed] Commissioner, U.S. Customs Service From 1998 to 2001, Kelly served as the Commissioner of the U.S. Customs Service, where he managed the agency's 20,000 employees and $20 billion annual budget.[citation needed] Chairman, New York State Athletic Commission In 2001, Governor George Pataki appointed Kelly to serve as chairman of the troubled New York State Athletic Commission.[44] He resigned in 2002 to focus on his duties as police commissioner.[45] Private sector Kelly was Senior Managing Director for Corporate Security at Bear Stearns from 2000 to 2001. Kelly also worked as the head of the New York office of Investigative Group International, a private investigations firm.[46] After leaving his post as New York City Police Commissioner, Kelly signed a deal with Greater Talent Network speakers bureau which was effective from January 1, 2014.[47][48] He also works for K2 Intelligence, an investigative consultancy.[49] Kelly, a retired Marine Colonel, was appointed as the Grand Marshal of the 95th annual Veterans Day parade in New York City in 2014. He marched with his wife who was a member of the Coast Guard reserve. In August 2021, Kelly was named as a member of American facial recognition company Clearview AI's advisory board.[50] Department of Homeland Security speculation In July 2013, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano announced that she was resigning and Kelly was immediately cited as an obvious potential successor by New York Senator Charles Schumer and others.[7] During a July 16, 2013 interview, President Obama referred generally to the "bunch of strong candidates" for nomination to head the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), but singled out Kelly as "one of the best there is" or "very well qualified for the job".[51] The next day, Kelly said he was "flattered" by Obama's praise but otherwise refused to confirm or deny whether he was interested in the Secretary position.[52] Describing "a growing campaign to quash the potential nomination of New York City Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly as the next secretary of the Department of Homeland Security", the Huffington Post cited a July 18 letter to Obama from a coalition of Muslim groups; the letter stated in part, "Commissioner Kelly's legacy in New York is synonymous with divisive, harmful and ineffective policing that promotes stereotypes and profiling".[53] On July 22, Kelly penned a Wall Street Journal opinion article defending the NYPD's programs, stating "the average number of stops we conduct is less than one per officer per week" and that this and other practices have led to "7,383 lives saved... they are largely the lives of young men of color." [54] On October 17, 2013 President Obama moved to nominate Jeh Johnson to be United States Secretary of Homeland Security. The Washington Post reported "Johnson, an African-American, would bring further racial diversity to Obama's Cabinet. The first black U.S. president has been criticized for having a high number of white men in top Cabinet roles."[55] In November 2013, a rule change in the United States Senate prevented the minority party from seriously contesting any executive nominee; Johnson was confirmed as DHS Secretary in December 2013.[56] Affiliations Since becoming Police Commissioner, Kelly has served as the Honorary President of the Police Athletic League of New York City (PAL) a non-profit youth development agency that helps inner-city children and teens. Also during his service as commissioner under Mayor Bloomberg, Kelly has been a member of the Harvard Club of New York City, with membership and expenses charged covered by the privately funded New York City Police Foundation. The gift was not reported in Kelly's financial disclosures, but indications upon public revelation in 2010 were that the disclosures would be amended.[57] A 2010 report on gifts "reported six shared plane flights to Florida in 2008 and five more in 2009, provided by Mayor ... Bloomberg at an undetermined cost".[57] Clashes with civil liberties group over transparency On October 16, 2011 the New York Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit in New York State Supreme Court in Manhattan seeking to force the New York Police Department to release the daily schedules of Commissioner Kelly, whom it characterized as "the most important appointed official" in city government. According to the suit the details of whom Kelly meets with remain largely shrouded in secrecy, in marked contrast to those of other high-placed officials, including the President of the United States, who are required to publicly disclose portions of their schedules. New York Governor Andrew M. Cuomo last month began posting a detailed version of his daily schedules online. "There is no good reason for Commissioner Kelly to withhold this information from the public," Donna Lieberman, the executive director of the civil liberties group, said in a statement. "If it's safe for the leader of the country to disclose his schedule, then it's safe for the N.Y.P.D. commissioner to do the same."[58] In Mr. Kelly's defense, Mitchell L. Moss, a professor of urban policy and planning at New York University, argued that a police commissioner should get "broad latitude" in a post-terrorist era. According to Professor Moss, "The police commissioner of New York City occupies a special, appointed position. He's our secretary of defense, head of C.I.A. or, I would say, chief architect rolled into one. He may be the one person who we should treat with some respect on his privacy."[59] In an editorial entitled "They Like Transparency Until They Don't", the New York Times admonished: In recent years, the New York Civil Liberties Union had to sue to get stop-and-frisk data from the police, details on the race of people shot by officers and shooting reports since 1997. Most recently, the group has filed a suit on behalf of an online columnist asking for Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly's calendar. The department has argued that the commissioner's whereabouts are secret for security reasons. Civil liberties lawyers note that the president's schedule appears daily on the White House Web site, so why not Mr. Kelly's? Similarly, the Times was forced to go to court to get fuller access to police data. A judge ruled early last month that the New York Police Department had improperly withheld information about pistol owners and the locations of hate crimes. Interview with 60 Minutes about anti-terrorism measures now in place in New York City On September 25, 2011 Kelly was interviewed on the television program 60 Minutes by Scott Pelley about anti-terrorism measures taken in New York City's financial district in the 10 years following the 9/11 attacks. One of these was the development of a $3-billion NYPD Joint Operations Center that includes representatives from the military, FBI, FEMA and state and local first responders. During the interview, Kelly asserted that the New York City police department possesses missiles that could take down a plane: Pelley: Are you satisfied that you've dealt with threats from aircraft, even light planes, model planes, that kind of thing? Kelly: It's something that's on our radar screen. In an extreme situation, we have some means to take down a plane ... Pelley: Do you mean to say the NYPD has the means to take down an aircraft? Kelly: Yes. I'd prefer not to get into the details, but obviously this would be in a very extreme situation ... Pelley: You have the means and the training? Kelly: Yes.[60] From the segment: It is nearly impossible now to walk a block in lower Manhattan without being on television. There are 2,000 cameras and soon there will be 3,000 -- all of which feed into this control center housed in a secret location.[60] Technology built specifically for the NYPD includes radiological and nuclear detectors on boats, radiation detectors on helicopters and trucks and detectors on officers' gun belts so sensitive that people who have had medical procedures may trigger them. Lower Manhattan includes thousands of surveillance cameras that can identify shapes and sizes of unidentified "suspicious" packages and can track people descriptions, like, "someone wearing a red shirt," within seconds.[60] Potential involvement in Schoolcraft case Kelly may have been aware of the alleged NYPD conspiracy against whistleblower Adrian Schoolcraft. According to the Village Voice: "If proven true, [NYPD spokesperson Paul] Browne's presence at Schoolcraft's home on Oct. 31, 2009 suggests that Commissioner Kelly was aware of the decision by Deputy Chief Michael Marino to order Schoolcraft handcuffed and dragged from his own apartment just three weeks after he reported police misconduct to the unit which audits NYPD crime statistics."[61] Awards and honors Upon graduation from the New York City Police Academy, Kelly won the "Bloomingdale Trophy" for the highest general average in shooting and in academic and physical prowess.[62] He has received 15 citations for meritorious service in the New York City Police Department.[citation needed] In 2003, the National Father's Day Committee named Kelly, Father of the Year.[63] On March 16, 2006 Kelly was named Irish American of the Year by Irish America.[64] On June 19, 2006 Kelly received The Hundred Year Association of New York's Gold Medal "in recognition of outstanding contributions to the City of New York.[65] On September 9, 2006 Kelly was awarded the Légion d'honneur during a ceremony at the French consulate in Manhattan, which was presided over by Nicolas Sarkozy, the then Minister of the Interior.[66] On March 17, 2010 Kelly was the Grand Marshal of the 249th New York City St. Patrick's Day Parade.[64] On March 14, 2012 Kelly was inducted into Irish America magazine's Hall of Fame.[67] See also Biography portalflagNew York City portalflagNew York (state) portal New York City Police Department NYPD Cricket League References Lipsky, Seth (November 11, 2015). "For love of New York City: Why Ray Kelly might run". New York Post. Retrieved December 30, 2015. Steinhauer, Jennifer; Rashbaum, William K. (May 24, 2004), "In Age of Terror, Police Leader Gains in Access and Influence", The New York Times "Kelly Said to Be Pick As Director of F.B.I." New York Times. 20 May 1993. Archived from the original on 8 June 2022. Retrieved 8 June 2022. "The officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said Mr. Kelly's name had come up in conversations between the White House and the Justice Department, as have at least two other names, those of Louis J. Freeh, a Federal judge in the Southern District of New York, and Richard G. Stearns, a Massachusetts Superior Court judge." "The Commish". The Brian Lehrer Show. 2007-10-19.; (video of broadcast) Shain, Michael (July 14, 1995), "Can New Viet Envoy Be Our Own Ray Kelly?", Newsday, pp. A15 Lemire, Jonathan .(March 13, 2011). Sen. Charles Schumer loves idea of NYPD commissioner Ray Kelly taking over FBI Daily News Hoboken, NJ Archived(Tabloid) on December 13, 2013. Retrieved June 15, 2022. Robillard, Kevin; Wong, Scott (July 12, 2013). "Names already popping as possible Janet Napolitano replacements". POLITICO. Retrieved July 13, 2013. RAYMOND W. KELLY NAMED PRESIDENT OF RISK MANAGEMENT SERVICES-March 5, 2014-Cushman & Wakefield Lipsky, Seth (November 11, 2015). "For love of New York City: Why Ray Kelly might run". New York Post. Retrieved December 30, 2015. "Manhattan College Web Site". Manhattan.edu. Archived from the original on 2013-10-19. Retrieved 2014-03-07. St. John's University Web Site Archived January 7, 2011, at the Wayback Machine NYU Notable Alumni NYPD Crimson Harvard Kennedy School Magazine, Winter 2011 "New York City Government Official Biography". Nyc.gov. 2011-02-16. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Major Figures In Queens Police Shooting Case". WNBC. NBCUniversal. Archived from the original on March 23, 2007. Retrieved June 17, 2022. Rashbaum, William K. (November 15, 2005), "N.Y. Police Chief Has a Tough Act to Follow, and It's His Own", The New York Times Murphy, Jen (2009-06-23). "For NYPD Commissioner, Being Fit Is Part of the Job". Online.wsj.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Gray, Geoffrey (May 16, 2010). "Boss Kelly: The long-serving NYPD commissioner is autocratic, dismissive of civil-liberties concerns — but effective. Is that a reasonable trade-off to keep the city safe?". New York. Nymag.com. Archived from the original on March 13, 2014. Retrieved June 17, 2022. Cosciarelli, "Ray Kelly, NYPD Commissioner, Loves a Good Tie, Hoodie", Village Voice, June 20, 2012 Ann Farmer, "A Tailor, Called Upon by Designers and Politicians", New York Times, Nov. 6, 2010 Halcyon Days In Island Park New York Times Retrieved 2014-10-08. Greg Kelly set to co-host 'Good Day New York', by Richard Huff July 10, 2008, NY Daily News Carper, Alison (February 10, 1990), "Brown Names Top Aide", Newsday, p. 11 James, George (October 20, 1992), "Kelly Says He'll Stress Recruiting More Blacks", The New York Times, pp. B3 http://www.gothamgazette.com/article/crime/20011130/4/226 | Julia Vitullo-Martin, The New And Old Police Commissioner Ray Kelly, The Gotham Gazette, Nov. 2001. Lin, Wendy (August 21, 1993), "Long Road to Approval", Newsday, p. 5 Ortega, Tony (2011-05-16). "Tony Ortega, "Graham Rayman's 'NYPD Tapes' Series Wins Gold Keyboard, NY Press Club's Highest Award", Village Voice, May 16 2011". Blogs.villagevoice.com. Archived from the original on 2013-12-17. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Vitale, Alex (2009-05-15). "Alex S. Vitale, "NYPD Getting Frisky", The Independent, May 15 2009". indypendent.org. Retrieved 2020-03-02. Pillifant, Reid (2011-09-07). "Reid Pillifant, "The Gentleman Commissioner: Why NYDP Controversies Never Seem to Touch Ray Kelly", Capital New York, Sept. 7, 2011". Capitalnewyork.com. Archived from the original on 2013-12-17. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Editorial board (2003-03-19). "Operation Atlas, Shrugged Off". The New York Times. 229 West 43rd Street. p. A28. Archived from the original on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2022-06-15. "Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly has mapped out a comprehensive plan, called Operation Atlas, for preventing attacks in the air, on land, on the waterways and in the subways, wherever people live, work, study, worship or recreate and wherever there are ports of entry. The price will be steep, with police overtime pushing the tab to some $5 million a week even as the city struggles to close a budget shortfall of more than $3 billion. City leaders are determined to deny any opportunity to those who would try to commit terrorism." "The AP investigation revealed that the NYPD built databases of everyday life in Muslim neighborhoods, cataloguing where people bought their groceries, ate dinner and prayed. Plainclothes officers known as "rakers" were dispatched into ethnic communities, where they eavesdropped on conversations and wrote daily reports on what they heard, often without any allegation of criminal wrongdoing,"— "Law on NYPD's side in Muslim intel program?" CBS News, November 8, 2011. "Police have also used special informants, dubbed "mosque crawlers," to monitor weekly sermons and activity inside of mosques — even when there's no evidence of wrongdoing, the AP said." —Jill Colvin, "NYPD Spying on Muslim Communities with Help of CIA, Report Says", DNA Info Manhattan Local, August 24, 2011 Colvin (August 24, 2011). See Pillifant (2011) and Adam Serwer, "60-Minutes Hearts NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly", Mother Jones, Sept. 2011. "Post-9/11, NYPD targets ethnic communities, partners with CIA". NBC News. 24 August 2011. New York Times editorial, "Police and the Press", Nov. 26, 2011. Baker, Al (March 6, 2007), "Inmate Plotted to Kill Police Leader and Plant a Bomb, Officials Say", The New York Times Ungerleider, Neal (2012-08-08). "NYPD, Microsoft Launch All-Seeing "Domain Awareness System" With Real-Time CCTV, License Plate Monitoring [Updated]". Fast Company. Retrieved 2019-06-15. Jacobs, Peter (29 October 2013). "Ray Kelly Was Booed Offstage By Student Protestors At Brown Before He Could Even Speak". Business Insider. Retrieved 29 October 2013. Bankoff, Caroline (November 10, 2014). "Regular Guy Ray Kelly No Longer Requires a $1.5 Million Security Team". New York Magazine. Retrieved November 11, 2014. "Pension probe prompts city board votes to cease new investments with Quadrangle Capital Partners". Nydailynews.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Quadrangle Capital Partners pension 'agents' suspended". Nydailynews.com. 2009-04-29. Retrieved 2014-03-07. "Albany pay-to-play pension scandal appears national in scope, Attorney General Andrew Cuomo says". Nydailynews.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Cassidy, Robert (September 2, 2001). "Tapping Kelly Has Good Ring". Newsday. Celona, Larry (March 22, 2002). "Kelly Packs it in as Head of Athletic Commission". New York Post. Kelly Sleuthed `Insider' Wigand for Private Firm.. Observer. Retrieved on 2013-08-16. Shallwani, Pervaiz (16 December 2013). "After NYPD, Kelly to Hit Speaker's Circuit". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 14 January 2014. Associated Press. "NYPD commissioner Kelly hired as public speaker when tenure ends Jan. 1". Fox News. Retrieved 14 January 2014. "Despite the attack in San Bernardino, America's defences against jihadism are high". The Economist. 12 December 2015. Retrieved 12 December 2015. "Clearview AI Announces Formation of Advisory Board" (Press release). New York: Business Wire. The LAKPR Group Inc. 2021-08-18. Retrieved 2021-08-26. "Obama would consider Ray Kelly to replace Janet Napolitano" by JENNIFER EPSTEIN, Politico, July 16, 2013, Retrieved 2013-07-17 "NYC top cop Ray Kelly 'flattered' by Obama's praise, DHS talk" by Meghashyam Mali, The Hill July 23, 2013 Retrieved 2013-08-04 "Muslims Oppose Raymond Kelly Bid For Homeland Security Secretary" By Omar Sacirbey, Huffington Post, August 1, 2013 Retrieved 2013-08-04 Retrieved 2013-08-04 "Ray Kelly: The NYPD: Guilty of Saving 7,383 Lives" by Ray Kelly, Opinion: The Wall Street Journal", July 22, 2013 "Obama picks attorney Jeh Johnson for Homeland Security chief" by Jeff Mason, Washington Post October 17, 2013 Retrieved 2013-10-18. "Jeh Johnson confirmed as secretary of homeland security", CBSNews.com, December 16, 2013, Retrieved 2013-12-31 Rivera, Ray and William K. Rashbaum, "Police Leader Had Help With Harvard Club Dues", October 25, 2010 (October 26, 2010 p. A20 NY ed.). The Times credited nypdconfidential.com with first report of the Club affiliation arrangement. Retrieved 2010-10-26. Al Baker "Lawsuit Seeks Release of Police Commissioner's Schedule", New York Times, October 18, 2011 Baker, New York Times Oct. 18, 2011. Doll, Jen (26 September 2011). "Ray Kelly: the NYPD Could Take Down an Aircraft if Necessary". Running Scared. 36 Cooper Square, New York, NY: Village Voice. Archived from the original (Blog) on 27 March 2012. Retrieved 15 June 2022. Graham Rayman, "Ray Kelly's Top Spokesman Paul Browne Present When NYPD Whistleblower Hauled to Psych Ward, Lawsuit Says Archived 2013-09-05 at the Wayback Machine", Village Voice August 9, 2010. "Official New York City Government Biography". Nyc.gov. 2011-02-16. Retrieved 2014-03-07. JonasWeb. "About the Father of the Year Awards". Momanddadday.com. Retrieved 2014-03-07. Haynes, Kenneth (2 October 2009). "Ray Kelly set to be named Grand Marshal for New York's St Patrick's Day Parade". www.irishcentral.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2009. Retrieved 17 June 2022. Richard A. Cook Gold Medal Award - The Hundred Year Association. 100yearassociation.com. Retrieved on 2013-08-16. Grand Marshal and Aides for the 249th NYC St Patrick's Parade Installed Archived 2011-07-27 at the Wayback Machine, January 16, 2010 "Commissioner Ray Kelly". Irish America. 875 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY: Summer. 2012. Archived from the original (Hall of Fame Profile) on 2 November 2021. Retrieved 15 June 2022. "A former-marine, a beat cop and the only person ever to serve two, non-consecutive terms as New York City Police Commissioner, Raymond P. Kelly has dedicated his life to serving his country and his city." External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Raymond W. Kelly. On the Front Line in the War on Terrorism, City Journal, Summer 2007 Archived 2011-01-03 at the Wayback Machine A film clip "The Open Mind - Terrorism and the Top Cop (2004)" is available for viewing at the Internet Archive Appearances on C-SPAN Police appointments Preceded by Lee Brown Police Commissioner of New York City 1992–1994 Succeeded by Bill Bratton Preceded by Bernie Kerik Police Commissioner of New York City 2002–2013 Succeeded by Bill Bratton Political offices Preceded by George Weise Commissioner of the United States Customs Service 1998–2001 Succeeded by Robert Bonner Preceded by Ronald Noble Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence 1996–1998 Succeeded by James Johnson vte New York City Police Commissioners M. C. Murphy (1901) Partridge (1902) Greene (1903) McAdoo (1904–1905) Bingham (1906–1909) Baker (1909–1910) Cropsey (1910–1911) Waldo (1911–1913) McKay (1914) Woods (1914–1917) Enright (1918–1925) McLaughlin (1926–1927) Warren (1927–1928) Whalen (1928–1930) Mulrooney (1930–1933) Bolan (1933) O'Ryan (1934) Valentine (1934–1945) Wallander (1945–1949) O'Brien (1949–1950) T. Murphy (1950–1951) Monaghan (1951–1953) Adams (1954–1955) Kennedy (1955–1961) M. J. Murphy (1961–1965) Broderick (1965–1966) Leary (1966–1970) P. Murphy (1970–1973) Cawley (1973) Codd (1974–1977) McGuire (1978–1983) Ward (1984–1989) Condon (1989–1990) Brown (1990–1992) Kelly (1992–1993) Bratton (1994–1996) Safir (1996–2000) Kerik (2000–2001) Kelly (2002–2013) Bratton (2014–2016) O'Neill (2016–2019) Shea (2019–2021) Sewell (2022–2023) Caban (2023–present) vte Chairs of the New York State Athletic Commission James Edward Sullivan (1911) Frank S. O'Neil (1913–1915) Fred A. Wenck (1915–1917) William Muldoon (1921–1924) George E. Brower (1924–1925) James A. Farley (1925–1933) John J. Phelan (1933–1945) Eddie Eagan (1945–1951) Robert K. Christenberry (1951–1955) Julius Helfand (1955–1959) Melvin Krulewitch (1959–1966) Edwin B. Dooley (1966–1975) James A. Farley Jr. (1975–1977) John M. Prenderville (1978–1983) John R. Branca (1983–1984) José Torres (1984–1988) Randy Gordon (1988–1995) Floyd Patterson (1995–1998) Mel Southard (1998–2001) Raymond Kelly (2001–2002) Bernard Kerik (2002–2003) Ron Scott Stevens (2003–2008) Melvina Lathan (2008–2015) Thomas Hoover (2015–2016) Ndidi Massay (2016–2021)