The Memory Hole

More on the CIA and MKULTRA: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/the-cia-guide-to-ruining-someones Features an interview with former CIA official John Stockwell discussing the controversial idea of AIDS potentially being linked to a CIA experiment gone awry or being part of the Army's biological warfare research, recorded back in October 1987. This discussion delves into conspiracy theories and speculative elements surrounding the origins of the AIDS epidemic during that time. Various fringe theories have arisen to speculate about purported alternative origins for the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), with claims ranging from it being due to accidental exposure to supposedly purposeful acts. Several inquiries and investigations have been carried out as a result, and each of these theories has consequently been determined to be based on unfounded and/or false information. HIV has been shown to have evolved from or be closely related to the simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV) in West Central Africa sometime in the early 20th century. HIV was discovered in the 1980s by the French scientist Luc Montagnier. Before the 1980s, HIV was an unknown deadly disease.[1] Discredited theories Smallpox vaccination theory In 1987 there was some consideration given to the possibility that the "AIDS epidemic may have been triggered by the mass vaccination campaign which eradicated smallpox". An article[2] in The Times suggested this, attributing to an unnamed "adviser to WHO" the quote "I believe the smallpox vaccine theory is the explanation to the explosion of AIDS". It is now thought that the smallpox vaccine causes serious complications for people who already have impaired immune systems, and the Times article described the case of a military recruit with "dormant HIV" who died within months of receiving it. But no citation was provided regarding people who did not previously have HIV. Currently several professional publications describe HIV as a contraindication for the smallpox vaccine—both for an infected person and their sexual partners and household members.[3][4] Some conspiracy theorists propose an expanded hypothesis in which the smallpox vaccine was deliberately contaminated with HIV.[5] In contrast, a research article was published in 2010 suggesting that it might have been the actual eradication of smallpox and the subsequent "ending" of the mass vaccination campaign that contributed to the sudden emergence of HIV. The theory was the possibility that immunization against smallpox "might play a role in providing an individual with some degree of protection to subsequent HIV infection and/or disease progression."[6][7] Regardless of the effects of the smallpox vaccine itself, its use in practice in Africa is one of the categories of un-sterile injections that may have contributed to the spread and mutation of the immunodeficiency viruses.[8] Hepatitis B vaccine (HBV) theory The dermatologist Alan Cantwell, in self-published books entitled AIDS and the Doctors of Death: An Inquiry into the Origin of the AIDS Epidemic (1988) and Queer Blood: The Secret AIDS Genocide Plot (1993), said that HIV is a genetically modified organism developed by U.S. Government scientists. The virus was then introduced into the population through hepatitis B (via the hepatitis B vaccine) experiments performed on gay and bisexual men between 1978 and 1981 in major U.S. cities. Cantwell claims that these experiments were directed by Wolf Szmuness, and that there was an ongoing government cover-up of the origins of the AIDS epidemic. Similar theories have been advanced by Robert B. Strecker,[9] Matilde Krim, and Milton William Cooper. Oral polio vaccine (OPV) theory In the 1999 version of his OPV AIDS hypothesis, Edward Hooper proposed that early batches of the oral polio vaccine (OPV) grown in cultures of chimpanzee kidney cells, infected with a chimpanzee virus, were the original source of HIV-1 in Central Africa. A vial of the batch most strongly implicated by Hooper was found in storage in the UK, and analysis found no HIV/SIV sequences or chimpanzee cellular components, but did find traces of macaque mitochondria. Analysis of five samples of OPV in storage at the Wistar Institute, including one from a batch used in the Belgian Congo between 1958 and 1960, found no chimpanzee DNA.[10] Other molecular biology and phylogenetic studies also contradict the hypothesis, and scientific consensus regards it as disproven.[11][12][13][14] A 2004 article in the journal Nature described the hypothesis as "refuted".[15] Additional theories These theories generally attribute HIV's origin to the US government or its contractors: Created at Fort Detrick Jakob Segal (1911–1995), a professor at Humboldt University in then-East Germany, proposed that HIV was engineered at a U.S. military laboratory at Fort Detrick, by splicing together two other viruses, Visna and HTLV-1. According to his theory, the new virus, created between 1977 and 1978, was tested on prison inmates who had volunteered for the experiment in exchange for early release. He further suggested that it was through these prisoners that the virus was spread to the population at large. At the end of the Cold War, former KGB agents Vasili Mitrokhin and Oleg Gordievsky independently revealed that the Fort Detrick hypothesis was a propaganda operation devised by the KGB's First Chief Directorate codenamed "Operation INFEKTION". This revelation was later supported by officer Günther Bohnensack of section X of East Germany's Main Directorate for Reconnaissance. It is known that Segal was in close contact with Russian KGB officers and Mitrokhin mentioned him as a central asset of the operation.[16][17] It is not entirely clear whether Segal pursued the hypothesis independently on his own accord or whether he was simply following orders. Segal himself always denied the latter and kept pursuing the hypothesis even after the operation had been canceled and the Cold War had ended. Conspiracy to decrease the population In Behold a Pale Horse (1991), radio broadcaster and author Milton William Cooper (1943–2001) proposed that AIDS was the result of a conspiracy to decrease the populations of blacks, Hispanics, and homosexuals.[18] Prevalence of conspiracy beliefs According to Phil Wilson, executive director of the Black AIDS Institute in Los Angeles, conspiracy theories are becoming a barrier to the prevention of AIDS since people start to believe that no matter what measures they take, they can still be prone to contracting this disease. A 2005 study suggests this makes them less careful when engaging in practices that put them at risk because they believe there is no point.[19] "Nearly half of the 500 African Americans surveyed said that HIV is man-made. More than one-quarter said they believed that AIDS was produced in a government laboratory, and 12 percent believed it was created and spread by the CIA ... At the same time, 75 percent said they believed medical and public health agencies are working to stop the spread of AIDS in black communities."[19] Prominent endorsers of discredited theories Nation of Islam The Nation of Islam endorses the view that governments and pharmaceutical companies have pursued genocidal racist policies including the creation and spread of HIV. Consequently, the group called for a boycott of U.S.-sponsored vaccination programs for children. Leonard Horowitz has been cited as influential in the boycott decision.[20] Wangari Maathai The 2004 Nobel Peace Prize laureate and environmental activist Wangari Maathai was asked by a Time magazine interviewer if she stood by a previous alleged claim that "AIDS is a biological weapon manufactured by the developed world to wipe out the black race". Maathai responded, "I have no idea who created AIDS and whether it is a biological agent or not. But I do know things like that don't come from the moon. ... I guess there is some truth that must not be too exposed."[21] Maathai subsequently issued a written statement in December 2004: "I neither say nor believe that the virus was developed by white people or white powers in order to destroy the African people. Such views are wicked and destructive."[22] Manto Tshabalala-Msimang In 2000 South Africa's Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang received criticism for distributing the chapter from Cooper's book discussing this theory to senior South African government officials.[23] Nicoli Nattrass, a longtime critic of AIDS denialists, criticized Tshabalala-Msimang for lending legitimacy to Cooper's theories and disseminating them in Africa.[24] See also Duesberg hypothesis History of HIV/AIDS Timeline of HIV/AIDS HIV/AIDS denialism HIV/AIDS denialism in South Africa Operation INFEKTION Oral polio vaccine AIDS hypothesis SV40 Zoonosis References Sharp, P. M.; Bailes, E.; Chaudhuri, R. R.; Rodenburg, C. M.; Santiago, M. O.; Hahn, B. H. (2001). "The origins of acquired immune deficiency syndrome viruses: Where and when?". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. 356 (1410): 867–76. doi:10.1098/rstb.2001.0863. PMC 1088480. PMID 11405934. Wright, Pearce (11 May 1987). "Smallpox vaccine 'triggered Aids virus'". The Times. London. Maurer, DM; Harrington, B; Lane, JM (1 September 2003). "Smallpox Vaccine: Contraindications, Administration, and Adverse Reactions". American Family Physician. 68 (5): 889–96. PMID 13678138. Retrieved 20 June 2010. "Questions and Answers About Smallpox Contraindications and Screening". Emergency Preparedness and Response. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Archived from the original on 9 June 2010. Retrieved 20 June 2010. Kalambuka, Angeyo (1 December 2009). "Kenya: Don't Discount Conspiracy Theories on Origin of Aids". Daily Nation. Nairobi. Retrieved 20 June 2010. Weinstein, RS; Weinstein, MM; Alibek, K; Bukrinsky, MI; Brichacek, Beda (18 May 2010). "Significantly reduced CCR5-tropic HIV-1 replication in vitro in cells from subjects previously immunized with Vaccinia Virus". BMC Immunology. BioMed Central. 11 (1): 23. doi:10.1186/1471-2172-11-23. ISSN 1471-2172. PMC 2881106. PMID 20482754. Connor, Steve (19 May 2010). "Smallpox vaccine 'helped fight HIV'". The Independent. London. Retrieved 20 June 2010. Marx PA, Alcabes PG, Drucker E (June 2001). "Serial human passage of simian immunodeficiency virus by unsterile injections and the emergence of epidemic human immunodeficiency virus in Africa". Philos. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. B Biol. Sci. 356 (1410): 911–20. doi:10.1098/rstb.2001.0867. PMC 1088484. PMID 11405938. Archived at Ghostarchive and the Wayback Machine: "The Strecker Memorandum – AIDS is a man made disease". Retrieved 27 June 2015 – via YouTube. Sarah Ramsay 28 April 2001 "Cold water downstream from The River" The Lancet 357 (9265) p.1343 doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(00)04536-0 Hillis DM (2000). "AIDS. Origins of HIV". Science. 288 (5472): 1757–1759. doi:10.1126/science.288.5472.1757. PMID 10877695. S2CID 83935412. Birmingham K (2000). "Results make a monkey of OPV-AIDS theory". Nat Med. 6 (10): 1067. doi:10.1038/80356. PMID 11017114. S2CID 10860468. Cohen J (2001). "AIDS origins. Disputed AIDS theory dies its final death". Science. 292 (5517): 615a–615. doi:10.1126/science.292.5517.615a. PMID 11330303. S2CID 70625478. Origin of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV/AIDS) Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website, Accessed 30 January 2007 Worobey M, Santiago M, Keele B, Ndjango J, Joy J, Labama B, Dhed'A B, Rambaut A, Sharp P, Shaw G, Hahn B (2004). "Origin of AIDS: contaminated polio vaccine theory refuted". Nature. 428 (6985): 820. Bibcode:2004Natur.428..820W. doi:10.1038/428820a. PMID 15103367. S2CID 4418410. Andrew, Christopher; Vasili Mitrokhin (1999). The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. Basic Books. p. 319. ISBN 0-465-00310-9. Johanna Lutterroth: Aids-Verschwörung. Das Propaganda-Virus des KGB. Spiegel Geschichte, 2012-06-26 (German) Carroll, Robert Todd (2003). "Illuminati". The Skeptic's Dictionary: A Collection of Strange Beliefs, Amusing Deceptions, and Dangerous Delusions. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. p. 175. ISBN 9781118045633. Retrieved 17 January 2013. Fears, Darryl (25 January 2005). "Study: Many Blacks Cite AIDS Conspiracy". The Washington Post. Retrieved 12 June 2017. Knight, Peter, Conspiracy Culture: From the Kennedy Assassination to the X-files, p. 202 ISBN 9780415189781 Faris, Stephan (10 October 2004). "10 Questions: Wangari Maathai". Time. Retrieved 19 March 2007. from the Green Belt Movement website- Wangari Maathai's "The Challenge of AIDS in Africa" Archived 6 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine. "SA Government steps into Aids row". BBC News. 14 September 2000. Retrieved 17 January 2013. Nattrass, Nicoli (2012). The AIDS Conspiracy: Science Fights Back. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 4, 23–27. ISBN 9780231149129. Retrieved 17 January 2013.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Charlie King (born 1947) is an American folk singer and activist. Biography He was born and raised in Brockton, Massachusetts and cites the folk music revival of the 1960s, the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War era as his musical influences. His songs have been recorded and sung by other performers such as Pete Seeger, Holly Near, Ronnie Gilbert, John McCutcheon, Arlo Guthrie, Peggy Seeger, Chad Mitchell and Judy Small. Honors include an "Indie" award for one of the top three folk recordings of 1984. In May 1998 the War Resisters League gave their Peacemaker Award to Charlie and to Odetta. Pete Seeger nominated Charlie for the Sacco-Vanzetti Social Justice Award, which he received in November 1999.[1] Charlie King has released a dozen solo albums since 1976. He has also released three albums with the touring ensemble Bright Morning Star, and numerous compilation albums with other artists. Folk legend Peggy Seeger said, "If we had more Charlie Kings in the world I'd be less worried," to which Tom Paxton added, "Luckily, we have him!" King regularly performs at Camp Kinderland in Tolland, Massachusetts.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ William Ramsey Clark (December 18, 1927 – April 9, 2021) was an American lawyer, activist, and federal government official. A progressive, New Frontier liberal,[1] he occupied senior positions in the United States Department of Justice under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, serving as United States Attorney General from 1967 to 1969; previously, he was Deputy Attorney General from 1965 to 1967 and Assistant Attorney General from 1961 to 1965. As attorney general, Clark was known for his vigorous opposition to the death penalty, aggressive support of civil liberties and civil rights, and dedication to enforcing United States antitrust laws.[2] Clark supervised the drafting of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and Civil Rights Act of 1968. After leaving public office, Clark led many progressive activism campaigns, including opposition to the War on Terror. He offered advice or legal defense to such prominent figures as Charles Taylor, Slobodan Milošević, Saddam Hussein, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, and Lyndon LaRouche.[3] Until his death in 2021, Clark was the last surviving member of the cabinet of Lyndon B. Johnson.[4] Early life and career Clark was born in Dallas, Texas, on December 18, 1927,[5] the son of jurist Tom C. Clark and his wife Mary Jane (née Ramsey). Clark's father served as United States Attorney General from 1945 to 1949 under President Harry S. Truman and then became a Supreme Court Justice in August 1949.[6] His maternal grandfather was William Franklin Ramsey, who served on the Supreme Court of Texas,[7][8] while his paternal grandfather, lawyer William Henry Clark, was president of the Texas Bar Association.[7] Clark attended Woodrow Wilson High School in Washington, D.C., but dropped out at the age of 17 in order to join the United States Marine Corps, seeing action in Western Europe in the final months of World War II;[7] he served until 1946. Back in the U.S., he earned a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Texas at Austin in 1949, and obtained a Master of Arts in American history from the University of Chicago and a Juris Doctor from the University of Chicago Law School in 1950 and 1951, respectively.[9] While at the University of Texas, he was a member of the Delta Tau Delta fraternity.[10] He was admitted to the Texas bar in 1950, and was admitted to practice before the Supreme Court of the United States in 1956. From 1951 to 1961, Clark practiced law as an associate and partner at his father's Texas law firm, Clark, Reed and Clark.[11] Kennedy and Johnson administrations Attorney General Clark and President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1967 In the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, Clark occupied senior positions in the Justice Department; he was Assistant Attorney General, overseeing the department's Lands Division from 1961 to 1965, and then served as Deputy Attorney General from 1965 to 1967.[12] In 1967, President Lyndon B. Johnson nominated him to be Attorney General of the United States. He was confirmed by the Senate and took the oath of office on March 2. Clark was one of Johnson's popular and successful cabinet appointments, being described as "able, independent, liberal and soft-spoken" and a symbol of the New Frontier liberals;[1] he had also built a successful record, especially in his management of the Justice Department's Lands Division; he had increased the efficiency of his division and had saved enough money from his budget so that he had asked Congress to reduce the budget by $200,000 annually.[1] However, there also was speculation that one of the reasons that contributed to Johnson's making the appointment was the expectation that Clark's father, Associate Justice Tom C. Clark, would resign from the Supreme Court to avoid a conflict of interest.[13] Johnson wanted a vacancy to be created on the Court so he could appoint Thurgood Marshall, the first African American justice. The elder Clark assumed senior status on June 12, 1967, effectively resigning from the Supreme Court and creating the vacancy Johnson apparently desired.[14] During his years at the Justice Department, Clark played an important role in the history of the civil rights movement. He: supervised the federal presence at Ole Miss during the week following the admission of James Meredith; surveyed all school districts in the South desegregating under court order (1963); supervised federal enforcement of the court order protecting the 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches; headed the Presidential task force to Watts following the 1965 riots; and supervised the drafting and executive role in passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and Civil Rights Act of 1968.[3] As attorney general during part of the Vietnam War, Clark oversaw the prosecution of the Boston Five for "conspiracy to aid and abet draft resistance." Four of the five were convicted, including pediatrician Dr. Benjamin Spock and Yale chaplain William Sloane Coffin Jr.,[15] but in later years, Clark expressed his regret at the prosecution's victory: "We won the case, that was the worst part."[16] Clark served as the attorney general until Johnson's term as president ended on January 20, 1969.[17] Because of Richard Nixon's attacks on Clark's liberal record during the 1968 presidential election campaign and ultimate narrow victory over Hubert H. Humphrey, relations between Johnson and Clark soured and, by inauguration day, they were no longer on speaking terms.[15] In addition to his government work, during this period Clark was also director of the American Judicature Society (in 1963) and national president of the Federal Bar Association in 1964–65.[17] Private career Following his term as attorney general, Clark taught courses at the Howard University School of Law (1969–1972) and Brooklyn Law School (1973–1981).[18] He was active in the anti-Vietnam War movement and visited North Vietnam in 1972 as a protest against the bombing of Hanoi.[15] During this time he was associated with the New York law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, but he resigned in 1973, saying, "I didn't feel like working on things I didn't believe in, I didn't think were important."[19] On January 28, 1970, Ramsey Clark testified in the Chicago Seven trial. He was barred by Judge Julius Hoffman from testifying before the jury after Clark had testified outside the presence of the jury. Judge Hoffman upheld the prosecution's objections to 14 of Defense Attorney William Kunstler's 38 questions to Clark, but Clark did testify that he had told the prosecutor Tom Foran to investigate the charges against the defendants through Justice Department lawyers "as is generally done in civil rights cases", rather than through a grand jury.[20] At the 1972 Democratic National Convention, Clark received one delegate vote for the presidential nomination[21] and two delegate votes for the vice-presidential nomination.[22] In 1974, Clark ran as the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senator from New York; he defeated the party's designee Lee Alexander in the primary, but lost in the general election to the incumbent Jacob Javits. In the 1976 election, Clark again sought the Democratic nomination to represent New York in the Senate, but finished a distant third in the primary behind Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Congresswoman Bella Abzug.[15] On November 5, 1979, at the start of the Iranian hostage crisis, President Jimmy Carter instructed Clark and Senate staffer William Miller to visit Tehran and seek to open negotiations with Iranian authorities for the hostages' release; while en route, they were refused entry into the country by Ayatollah Khomeini.[23][24] Defying a travel ban, Clark went to Tehran again in June 1980 to attend a conference on alleged U.S. interference in Iranian affairs, on which occasion he was granted admission. While there he both demanded the release of the hostages and criticized past U.S. support for the deposed Shah. This second unauthorized trip reportedly infuriated President Carter.[25][15] International activism In 1991, Clark's Coalition to Stop U.S. Intervention in the Middle East opposed the U.S.-led war and sanctions against Iraq.[26] Clark accused the administration of President George H. W. Bush, its officials Dan Quayle, James Baker, Dick Cheney, William Webster, Colin Powell, Norman Schwarzkopf, and "others to be named" of "crimes against peace, war crimes", and "crimes against humanity" for its conduct of the Gulf War against Iraq and the ensuing sanctions;[27] in 1996, he added the charges of genocide and the "use of a weapon of mass destruction".[28] Similarly, after the 1999 NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Ramsey charged and "tried" NATO on 19 counts and issued calls for its dissolution.[29] In September 1998, Clark led a delegation to Sudan to collect evidence in the aftermath of President Bill Clinton's bombing of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum the previous month as part of Operation Infinite Reach. Upon returning to the U.S., the delegation held a press conference on September 22, 1998, to refute the U.S. State Department's claims that the facility had been producing VX nerve agent.[30] U.S. officials later acknowledged that the evidence cited as the rationale for the Al-Shifa strike was weaker than initially believed.[31] As a lawyer, Clark was criticized by both opponents and supporters for some of the people he agreed to defend, such as foreign dictators hostile to the United States; Clark stood beside and defended his clients, regardless of their own admitted actions and crimes.[32] In 2004, Clark joined a panel of about 20 Arab and one other non-Arab lawyers to defend Saddam Hussein in his trial before the Iraqi Special Tribunal.[33] Clark appeared before the Iraqi Special Tribunal in late November 2005 arguing "that it failed to respect basic human rights and was illegal because it was formed as a consequence of the United States' illegal war of aggression against the people of Iraq."[34] Clark said that unless the trial was seen as "absolutely fair", it would "divide rather than reconcile Iraq".[35] Christopher Hitchens said Clark was admitting Hussein's guilt when Clark reportedly stated in a 2005 BBC interview: "He [Saddam] had this huge war going on, and you have to act firmly when you have an assassination attempt".[36] Hitchens continued to describe Clark in the following terms: "From bullying prosecutor he mutated into vagrant and floating defense counsel, offering himself to the génocideurs of Rwanda and to Slobodan Milosevic, and using up the spare time in apologetics for North Korea. He acts as front-man for the Workers World Party, which originated in a defense of the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956."[36] Sociologist and anti-communist scholar Paul Hollander wrote of Clark: "It is likely that well before Clark took his bizarre positions in support of highly repressive, violent, and intolerant political systems and their leaders, he came to the conclusion that the United States was the most dangerous and reprehensible source of evil in the world. This overarching belief led to the reflexive sympathy and support for all the enemies and alleged victims of the United States. They include dictators of different ideological persuasion noted above, whose inhumane qualities and policies Clark was unable to discern or acknowledge, let alone condemn. It was sufficient for Clark's moral accounting that if these dictators were opposed to (and allegedly victimized by) the United States, they deserved and earned his sympathy."[37] Clark was not alone in criticizing the Iraqi Special Tribunal's trial of Saddam Hussein, which drew intense criticism from international human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch called Saddam's trial a "missed opportunity" and a "deeply flawed trial",[38][39] and the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found the trial to be unfair and to violate basic international human rights law.[34] Among the irregularities cited by HRW, were that proceedings were marked by frequent outbursts by both judges and defendants, that three defense lawyers were murdered, that the original chief judge was replaced, that important documents were not given to defense lawyers in advance, that paperwork was lost, and that the judges made asides that pre-judged Saddam Hussein.[40] One of the aforementioned outbursts occurred when Clark was ejected from the trial after passing the judge a memorandum stating that the trial was making "a mockery of justice". The chief judge Raouf Abdul Rahman shouted at Clark, "No, you are the mockery ... get him out. Out!"[41] On March 18, 2006, Clark attended the funeral of Slobodan Milošević. He commented: "History will prove Milošević was right. Charges are just that: charges. The trial did not have facts." He compared the trial of Milošević with Saddam's, stating "both trials are marred with injustice, both are flawed." He characterized Milošević and Saddam Hussein as "both commanders who were courageous enough to fight more powerful countries."[42] Ramsey Clark speaks to the anti-war protest in Washington, D.C., on March 20, 2010. In June 2006, Clark wrote an article criticizing U.S. foreign policy in general, containing a list of 17 U.S. "major aggressions" introduced by "Both branches of our One Party system, Democrat and Republican, favor the use of force to have their way."[a] He followed this by saying, "The United States government may have been able to outspend the Soviet Union into economic collapse in the Cold War arms race, injuring the entire planet in the process. Now Bush has entered a new arms race and is provoking a Second Cold War."[43] On September 1, 2007, in New York City, Clark called for detained Filipino Jose Maria Sison's release and pledged assistance by joining the latter's legal defense team headed by Jan Fermon. Clark doubted Dutch authorities' "validity and competency", since the murder charges originated in the Philippines and had already been dismissed by the country's Supreme Court.[44] In November 2007, Clark visited Nandigram in India[45][46] where conflict between state government forces and villagers resulted in the death of at least 14 villagers.[47][48][49] In a December 2007 interview, he described the War on Terror as a war against Islam.[50] Ramsey Clark visiting Nandigram, India, November 2007 In April 2009, Clark spoke at a session of the UN's anti-racism Durban Review Conference at which he accused Israel of genocide.[51] In September 2010, an essay on torture by Clark was published in a three-part paperback entitled The Torturer in the Mirror (Seven Stories Press).[52][15] Clark was a recipient of the 1992 Gandhi Peace Award,[53] and also the Peace Abbey Courage of Conscience Award for his commitment to civil rights, his opposition to war and military spending and his dedication to providing legal representation to the peace movement, particularly, his efforts to free Leonard Peltier.[54] In 1999, he traveled to Belgrade to receive an honorary doctorate from Belgrade University.[55][56] In 2008, the United Nations awarded him its Prize in the Field of Human Rights for "his steadfast insistence on respect for human rights and fair judicial process for all".[57] Advocating the impeachment of George W. Bush See also: Efforts to impeach George W. Bush VoteToImpeachFounded 2002 Dissolved January 20, 2009 Type Political advocacy Focus Impeachment of Bush administration members Location Washington, D.C. Area served United States Members Reported over 1,000,000 signatories Key people Ramsey Clark (founder) In 2002, Clark founded "VoteToImpeach", an organization advocating the impeachment of President George W. Bush and several members of his administration. For the duration of Bush's terms in office, Clark sought, unsuccessfully, for the House of Representatives to bring articles of impeachment against Bush. He was the founder of the International Action Center, which holds significant overlapping membership with the Workers' World Party.[58] Clark and the IAC helped found the protest organization A.N.S.W.E.R. (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism).[59] On March 19, 2003, the New Jersey newspaper and website The Independent reported Clark's efforts to impeach Bush and others, prior to the start of the Iraq War. The paper commented: "Clark said there is a Web site, www.votetoimpeach.org, dedicated to collecting signatures of U.S. citizens who want President George W. Bush impeached, and that approximately 150,000 have signed to impeach, he said."[60] The Weekly Standard magazine stated in an article dated February 27, 2004, "Ramsey Clark's VoteToImpeach.org is a serious operation", and said the group had run full-sized newspaper advertising on both coasts of the U.S. though the Standard also went on to describe them as also being an "angry petition stage."[61] Clark's speech to a counter-inauguration protest on January 20, 2005, at John Marshall Park in Washington, D.C., was broadcast by Democracy Now in which Clark stated: "We've had more than 500,000 people sign on 'Vote to Impeach'."[62] The San Francisco Bay Guardian listed the website as one of three "Impeachment links", alongside afterdowningstreet.org and impeachpac.org.[63] The organization, under Clark's guidance, drafted its own articles of impeachment against President Bush, Vice President Richard B. Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and Attorney General John Ashcroft. The document argues that the four committed, "violations and subversions of the Constitution of the United States of America in an attempt to carry out with impunity crimes against peace and humanity and war crimes and deprivations of the civil rights of the people of the United States and other nations, by assuming powers of an imperial executive unaccountable to law and usurping powers of the Congress, the Judiciary and those reserved to the people of the United States."[64] Votetoimpeach.org claimed to have collected over one million signatures in favor of impeachment as of January 2009.[65] Notable clients As a lawyer, Clark also provided legal counsel and advice to prominent figures, including many controversial individuals.[66][67] Regarding his role as a defense lawyer in the trial of Saddam Hussein, Clark said: "A fair trial in this case is absolutely imperative for historical truth."[68] Clark stated that by the time he decided to join Hussein's defense team, it was clear that "proceedings before the Iraqi Special Tribunal would corrupt justice both in fact and in appearance and create more hatred and rage in Iraq against the American occupation...affirmative measures must be taken to prevent prejudice from affecting the conduct of the case and the final judgment of the court...For there to be peace, the days of victor's justice must end."[69] A partial listing of persons who have reportedly received legal counsel and advice from Ramsey Clark includes: Lori Berenson, an American convicted of support of MRTA guerrillas in Peru.[70] Father Philip Berrigan, a Catholic priest and antiwar activist (one of the Harrisburg Seven). Clark served as defense counsel at trial and won an acquittal.[71] Young church worker Jennifer Casolo, charged by Salvadoran authorities in 1989 with aiding the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front. Clark traveled to El Salvador to aid in her defense.[72][73] Casolo was released and deported to the U.S. after 18 days in police detention.[74][75] Radovan Karadžić, former Bosnian Serb politician. In the 1990s, Clark represented Karadžić in a civil suit brought by Croats and Muslims from the former Yugoslavia who sued Karadžić under the Alien Tort Claims Act of 1789 and Torture Victims Protection Act of 1992 for atrocities and human rights abuses committed during the Bosnian War.[67][76] About 100 survivors and relatives of the dead members of the Branch Davidian sect, whose Mount Carmel compound besieged by federal agents in a 51-day Waco siege in 1993, resulting in the death of about 80 members. Clark represented the plaintiffs in a suit alleging wrongful death and excessive force, giving an impassioned closing argument in which he called the siege "the greatest domestic law enforcement tragedy in the history of the United States." In a trial in 2000, the jury returned a verdict for the government.[77][78] "Political-cult guru" Lyndon LaRouche.[79] Nazi concentration camp commandant Karl Linnas.[80] Camilo Mejía, a U.S. soldier who deserted his post.[81] The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws Advisory Board during the 1970s and early 1980s.[82][83] American Indian Movement prisoner Leonard Peltier.[84] Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, a leader in the Rwandan genocide.[85] Palestine Liberation Organization leaders in a lawsuit brought by the family of Leon Klinghoffer, who was murdered during hijacking of the Achille Lauro.[16] Nazi War criminal Jakob "Jack" Reimer, charged for the killings of Jews in Warsaw.[86] Liberian dictator Charles Taylor[3] during his 1985 fight against extradition from the United States to Liberia, Taylor would later be convicted of crimes against humanity.[87] Civil rights attorney Stephen Yagman,[88] whose disbarment from U.S. federal court was sought based on his harsh criticism of a federal judge, William Duffy Keller, calling him an anti-Semite and saying he had been drunk on the bench. The disbarment never went into effect and later was reversed. [89] In popular culture In Aaron Sorkin's 2020 film The Trial of the Chicago 7, Clark was portrayed by Michael Keaton.[90] Personal life Clark married Georgia Welch, a classmate from the University of Texas, on April 16, 1949. They had two children, Ronda Kathleen Clark and Tom Campbell Clark II. His wife died on July 3, 2010, at the age of 81.[91][92] His son Tom died from cancer on November 23, 2013.[93] Clark lived in Greenwich Village in New York City, where he died on April 9, 2021, at age 93.[15] Works Clark, Ramsey (1970). Crime in America: Observations on Its Nature Causes Prevention and Control. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-067120407-5. — (1974). Crime and Justice. The Great Contemporary Issues. New York: Arno Press. ISBN 978-040504167-9. — (1992a). The Fire This Time: U.S. War Crimes in the Gulf. Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 978-156025047-0. — (1992b). War Crimes: A Report on U.S. War Crimes Against Iraq. Maisonneuve Press. ISBN 978-094462415-9. — (1998). Challenge to Genocide: Let Iraq Live. International Action Center. ISBN 978-096569164-2. — (2000). NATO in the Balkans: Voices of Opposition. International Action Center. ISBN 978-096569162-8. — (2002a) [First published 1996]. The Impact of Sanctions on Iraq: The Children Are Dying (2nd ed.). World View Forum. ISBN 978-096569163-5. — (2002b). "Appendix: On the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights". Acts of Aggression: Policing "Rogue" States. By Chomsky, Noam; Zangana, Haifa. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-158322546-2. —; Doebbler, Curtis (2011). The Iraqi Special Tribunal: An Abuse of Justice [Draft Report] (Report). Lulu.com. ASIN B08KWYBVZ5. —; Douglass, Frederick; Danticat, Edwidge; Dupuy, Ben; Laraque, Paul (2010). Chin, Pat; Dunkel, Greg; Flounders, Sara; Ives, Kim (eds.). Haiti: A Slave Revolution: 200 Years After 1804 (Updated ed.). Youth & The Military Education Project (US). ISBN 978-097475214-3. — (2010). "Torture, the Cruelest of All Human Acts, Is a Crime in America". The Torturer in the Mirror. By Reifer, Thomas Ehrlich; Zangana, Haifa (First ed.). Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-158322913-2. See also Biography portal List of peace activists Progressive Party (South Korea, 2017) Notes Clark's list of "major aggressions" by the United States: Regime change in Iran (1953), the Shah replacing democratically elected Mossadegh; Eisenhower (R). Regime change in Guatemala (1954), military government for democratically elected Arbenz; Eisenhower (R). Regime change in Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville) (1961), assassination of Patrice Lumumba; Eisenhower (R). The Vietnam War (1959–1975); Eisenhower (R), Kennedy (D), Johnson (D), Nixon (R). Invasion of the Dominican Republic (1965); Johnson (D). The Contras warfare against Nicaragua (1981–1988), resulting in regime change from the Sandinistas to corrupt capitalists; Reagan (R). Attack and occupation of Grenada (population 110,000)(1983–1987); Reagan (R) Aerial attack on the sleeping cities of Tripoli and Benghazi, Libya, (1986); Reagan (R). Invasion of Panama (1989–1990), regime change; George H. W. Bush (R). Gulf War (1991); George H. W. Bush (R) "Humanitarian" occupation of Somalia (1992–1993), leading to 10,000 Somali deaths; George H. W. Bush (R) and Clinton (D). Aerial attacks on Iraq (1993–2001); Bill Clinton (D) War against Yugoslavia (1999), 23,000 bombs and missiles dropped on Yugoslavia; Clinton (D). Missile attack in Khartoum (1998), (21 Tomahawk Cruise Missiles) destroying the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory which provided the majority of all medicines for Sudan; Clinton (D). Invasion and occupation of Afghanistan (2001–present), regime change; George W. Bush (R). War of aggression against Iraq and hostile occupation (2003–present); George W. Bush (R). Regime change in Haiti (2004), deposing the democratically elected Aristide for years of chaos and systematic killings; George W. Bush (R). References "New Atty. General Is Liberal, Soft-Spoken Worker". Jet. Vol. 32, no. 9. Johnson Publishing. June 8, 1967. p. 10. Retrieved April 20, 2022. Dewhirst, Robert E. (January 1, 2009). "Clark, Ramsey". In Genovese, Michael A. (ed.). Encyclopedia of the American Presidency. Facts on File. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9781438126388. Retrieved April 20, 2022. McCool, Grant (April 11, 2021). "Ramsey Clark, former U.S. attorney general and human rights activist, dead at 93". Reuters. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Wildstein, David (February 7, 2021). "3 of 12 living ex-U.S. cabinet secretaries over 90 are from New Jersey". New Jersey Globe. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Ramsey Clark (1967–1969)". Miller Center. October 4, 2016. Retrieved January 2, 2019. "Ancestry of Ramsey Clark". www.wargs.com. "Ramsey Clark". www.justice.gov. April 13, 2015. Archived from the original on May 2, 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2019. Supreme Court Justice Tom C. Clark, A Life of Service by Mimi Clark Gronlund, Ramsey Clark, pg. 21 "Diverse Notable Alumni – Diversity & Inclusion". diversity.uchicago.edu. The Rainbow, vol. 132, no. 2, p. 10. "USDOJ: Environment and Natural Resources Division 100th Anniversary : Ramsey Clark". September 1, 2009. Archived from the original on September 1, 2009. "Ramsey Clark". www.justice.gov. April 13, 2015. Archived from the original on May 2, 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2019. Time Magazine, "The Ramsey Clark Issue", October 18, 1968 "Clark, Tom C." Federal Judicial Center. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Martin, Douglas (April 10, 2021). "Ramsey Clark, Attorney General and Rebel With a Cause, Dies at 93". The New York Times. Retrieved April 10, 2021. "Ramsey Clark, attorney general who represented Saddam Hussein, dies at 93". The Guardian. Associated Press. April 11, 2021. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Attorney General William Ramsey Clark". United States Department of Justice: Office of the Attorney General. October 23, 2014. Retrieved April 10, 2021. "Clark, Ramsey, 1927-, Biographical info". LBJ Presidential Library. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Notes on People". The New York Times. May 10, 1973. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Times, J. Anthony Lukas Special to The New York (January 29, 1970). "Chicago 7 Judge Bars Ramsey Clark As Defense Witness". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Our Campaigns - US President - D Convention Race - Jul 10, 1972". www.ourcampaigns.com. "Our Campaigns - US Vice President - D Convention Race - Jul 10, 1972". www.ourcampaigns.com. "The Iran Hostage Crisis: When Compromise Fails". iranhostagecrisis.net. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Cumming-Bruce, Nicholas (November 8, 1979). "Tehran". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Getlin, Josh (February 18, 1990). "For a Politician, former U.S. Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark Took a Road Less Traveled--a Hard Left Into the Hotbed of Human Rights Causes : Loner of the Left". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Gelbspan, Ross (January 22, 1991). "Peace activists express concern about anti-semites in movement". The Boston Globe. War Crimes: A Report on United States War Crimes Against Iraq to the Commission of Inquiry for the International War Crimes Tribunal Archived February 15, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, by Ramsey Clark and others The Wisdom Fund, "Former US Attorney General Charges US, British and UN Leaders", November 20, 1996 CJPY, "NATO found guilty", June 10, 2000 Archived September 5, 2008, at the Wayback Machine Brendan (April 28, 2004). "Clinton Bombs Sudanese Pharmaceutical Plant". ThereItIs.org. Lacey, Marc (October 20, 2005). "Look at the Place! Sudan Says, 'Say Sorry', but U.S. Won't". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016. John Judis, "The Strange Case of Ramsey Clark," The New Republic, April 22, 1991, pp. 23–29. "US rebel joins Saddam legal team", news.bbc.co.uk, December 29, 2004 "Cases". Archived from the original on September 7, 2008. "Chaos mars Saddam court hearing", news.bbc.co.uk, December 5, 2005 "Sticking up for Saddam", Slate.com Hollander, Paul. From Benito Mussolini to Hugo Chavez: Intellectuals and a Century of Political Hero Worship. p. 272. "Iraq's Shallow Justice" Human Rights Watch, December 29, 2006 "Hanging After Flawed Trial Undermines Rule of Law" Human Rights Watch, December 30, 2006 "Saddam trial 'flawed and unsound'" news.bbc.co.uk, November 20, 2006 "Saddam trial judge ejects Ramsey Clark". Reuters. January 19, 2007. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Balkan scapegoat". Frontline (The Hindu). April 7, 2006. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Ramsey Clark's Indictment of George W. Bush on June 15th, 2006". goodworksonearth.org. "Ex-US attorney general calls for Joma release". Archived from the original on September 3, 2007. "Ramsey Clark visits Nandigram". The Hindu. November 30, 2007. "Nandigram says 'No!' to Dow's chemical hub". "NHRC sends notice to Chief Secretary, West Bengal, on Nandigram incidents: investigation team of the Commission to visit the area". National Human Rights Commission of India. November 12, 2007. Archived from the original on June 24, 2016. Hossain, Rakeeb; Chaudhuri, Drimi (November 10, 2007). "CPM cadres kill 3 in Nandigram". Archived from the original on April 17, 2008. PTI (March 14, 2021). "Chose to fight anti-Bengal forces in Nandigram as mark of respect to martyrs: Mamata Banerjee | India News – Times of India". The Times of India. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Dam, Marcus (December 17, 2007). "Interview: Consumerism and materialism deadlier than armed occupation". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Archived from the original on May 1, 2011. The U.N.'s Anti-Antiracism Conference, The Wall Street Journal, April 22, 2009. "The Torturer in the Mirror". Archived from the original on July 12, 2011. "Horrors in Yemen". Promoting Enduring Peace. "List of Award Recipients | The Peace Abbey FoundationThe Peace Abbey Foundation". "Ramsey Clark Adresses Serbian Academic Community". www.oocities.org. Retrieved August 27, 2019. "Ramsey Clark, the war criminal's best friend". Salon. June 21, 1999. Retrieved August 27, 2019. "United Nations Human Rights Prize 2008". Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Kevin Coogan, "The International Action Center: 'Peace Activists' with a Secret Agenda," Hit List, November/December 2001. Coogan, "The International Action Center," Hit List, Nov/Dec 2001. "Ramsey Clark speaks out against war at college". Archived from the original on December 17, 2005. "Impeach Bush?". February 26, 2004. "Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark Calls For Bush Impeachment". Democracy Now!. "San Francisco Bay Guardian". Archived from the original on March 3, 2016. Retrieved September 5, 2009. "ImpeachBush / VoteToImpeach: Articles of Impeachment". January 13, 2009. Archived from the original on January 13, 2009. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "ImpeachBush / VoteToImpeach". January 5, 2009. Archived from the original on January 5, 2009. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Dennis J. Bernstein, Ramsey Clark's Long Trek for Justice, Consortium News (March 9, 2013). Josh Saunders, Ramsey Clark's Prosecution Complex: How did Lyndon Johnson's attorney general come to defend dictators, war criminals, and terrorists?, Legal Affairs (November/December 2003). "Lawyer: Ex-U.S. attorney general to join Saddam defense". CNN. November 27, 2005. "Why I'm Willing to Defend Hussein". Archived from the original on January 15, 2007. "Lori Berenson returning to U.S. after 20 years in Peru" CBS News. Associated Press. November 30, 2015. Christopher Reed, Obituary: Philip Berrigan, Guardian (December 12, 2002). "American Charged in El Salvador". New York Times. Associated Press. December 6, 1989. Casolo Retains Ramsey Clark, Los Angeles Times Wire Services (November 28, 1989). Josh Getlin, Ramsey Clark's Road Less Traveled: the Former Attorney General Took a Hard Left and Hasn't Looked Back, Los Angeles Times (April 15, 1990). Michael Hirsley, Saint or Sinner? Jennifer Casolo, Freed From El Salvador, Is Now On The Tour Circuit Archived December 22, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Chicago Tribune (March 17, 1990). Hope Viner Samborn, Ruling Could Lead to More Human Rights Tort Cases, ABA Journal (December 1995), p. 30. Sam Howe Verhovek, 5 Years After Waco Standoff, The Spirit of Koresh Lingers, New York Times (April 19, 1998). Jury clears US over Waco deaths, BBC News (July 15, 2000). Lizzy Ratner, Ramsey Clark: Why I'm Taking Saddam's Case, Observer (January 10, 2005). Margolick, David (June 14, 1991). "The Long and Lonely Journey of Ramsey Clark". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Revista Envío - NICARAGUA BRIEFS". www.envio.org.ni. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Public Interest Group Files Civil Suit To Overturn All U.S. Marijuana Laws | News | The Harvard Crimson". www.thecrimson.com. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "NORML 1981 - Drug Legalization". www.nationalfamilies.org. Archived from the original on September 25, 2021. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Chief behind bars". The Guardian. July 10, 1999. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Ramsey Clark, the war criminal's best friend". Salon. June 21, 1999. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Cenziper, Debbie (January 28, 2020). "How a Red Army Officer-Turned-Nazi Recruit Made America His Home". HistoryNet. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Liberia ex-leader Charles Taylor get 50 years in jail". BBC News. May 30, 2012. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Judge Real's Sanctions Against Lawyer Killed but Feud Goes On". Los Angeles Times. November 29, 1991. Retrieved April 11, 2021. "Attorney Sanctioned for Criticizing Judge : Courts: Panel finds that civil rights lawyer Stephen Yagman tried to force jurist to take himself off cases. He could face reprimand, suspension or other discipline". Los Angeles Times. May 20, 1994. Retrieved April 11, 2021. Sinha-Roy, Piya (October 25, 2019). "Aaron Sorkin's 'The Trial of the Chicago 7' Adds Michael Keaton, Sets September 2020 Release". The Hollywood Reporter. Archived from the original on November 13, 2020. Retrieved October 25, 2019. "Deaths Clark, Georgia Welch". The New York Times. July 6, 2010. Retrieved June 6, 2011. "Death Notices: Georgia Welch Clark". The New York Times. July 6, 2010. Barnes, Bart (December 23, 2013). "Tom C. Clark II, environmental lawyer, dies at 59". The Washington Post. Further reading Citizen Clark: A Life of Principle – documentary film on the life of former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark (2018, 95 minutes) Victor Navasky, "In memoriam Ramsesy Clark (1927–2021): The former US attorney general was sui generis", The Nation, vol. 312, no. 10 (17/24 May 2021), p. 6. Wohl, Alexander (2013). Father, Son, and Constitution: How Justice Tom Clark and Attorney General Ramsey Clark Shaped American Democracy. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-070061916-0. External links Wikiquote has quotations related to Ramsey Clark. Biography from the Department of Justice website. Longer biography from the Department of Justice website. International Action Center Founded by Ramsey Clark. Guide to the Citizens for Ramsey Clark papers 1969-1980 Appearances on C-SPAN Legal offices Preceded by Perry W. Morton United States Assistant Attorney General for the Environment and Natural Resources Division 1961–1965 Succeeded by Edwin L. Weisl Jr. Preceded by Nicholas Katzenbach United States Deputy Attorney General 1965–1967 Succeeded by Warren Christopher United States Attorney General 1967–1969 Acting: 1966–1967 Succeeded by John N. Mitchell Party political offices Preceded by Paul O'Dwyer Democratic nominee for U.S. Senator from New York (Class 3) 1974 Succeeded by Elizabeth Holtzman vte United States Attorneys General Randolph Bradford Lee Lincoln Breckinridge Rodney Pinkney Rush Wirt Berrien Taney Butler Grundy Gilpin Crittenden Legaré Nelson Mason Clifford Toucey Johnson Crittenden Cushing Black Stanton Bates Speed Stanbery Evarts Hoar Akerman Williams Pierrepont Taft Devens MacVeagh Brewster A. Garland Miller Olney Harmon McKenna Griggs Knox Moody Bonaparte Wickersham McReynolds Gregory Palmer Daugherty Stone Sargent W. D. Mitchell Cummings Murphy Jackson Biddle T. C. Clark McGrath McGranery Brownell Rogers Kennedy Katzenbach R. Clark J. N. Mitchell Kleindienst Richardson Saxbe Levi Bell Civiletti Smith Meese Thornburgh Barr Reno Ashcroft Gonzales Mukasey Holder Lynch Sessions Barr M. Garland Seal of the United States Department of Justice vte Cabinet of President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969) Cabinet Vice President None (1963–1965) Hubert Humphrey (1965–1969) Secretary of State Dean Rusk (1963–1969) Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon (1963–1965) Henry H. Fowler (1965–1968) Joseph W. Barr (1968–1969) Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (1963–1968) Clark Clifford (1968–1969) Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy (1963–1964) Nicholas Katzenbach (1964–1966) Ramsey Clark (1966–1969) Postmaster General John A. Gronouski (1963–1965) Larry O'Brien (1965–1968) W. Marvin Watson (1968–1969) Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall (1963–1969) Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman (1963–1969) Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges (1963–1965) John T. Connor (1965–1967) Alexander Trowbridge (1967–1968) C. R. Smith (1968–1969) Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz (1963–1969) Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Anthony J. Celebrezze (1963–1965) John W. Gardner (1965–1968) Wilbur J. Cohen (1968–1969) Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Robert C. Weaver (1966–1968) Robert Coldwell Wood (1969) Secretary of Transportation Alan S. Boyd (1967–1969) Cabinet-level Ambassador to the United Nations Adlai Stevenson II (1963–1965) Arthur Goldberg (1965–1968) George Ball (1968) James Russell Wiggins (1968–1969) vte Gandhi Peace Award laureates 1960–1979 1960 Eleanor Roosevelt / Edwin T. Dahlberg 1961 Maurice Eisendrath / John Haynes Holmes 1962 Linus Pauling / James Warburg 1963 E. Stanley Jones 1964 1965 1966 A. J. Muste 1967 Norman Thomas / Jerome Davis / William Sloane Coffin 1968 Benjamin Spock 1969 1970 Wayne Morse / Willard Uphaus 1971 1972 U Thant 1973 1974 1975 Dorothy Day 1976 Daniel Ellsberg 1977 1978 Peter Benenson / Martin Ennals 1979 Roland Bainton 1980–1999 1980 Helen Caldicott 1981 Corliss Lamont 1982 Randall Watson Forsberg 1983 1984 Robert Jay Lifton / Kay Camp 1985 1986 Bernard Lown 1987 John Somerville 1988 1989 César Chávez 1990 Marian Wright Edelman 1991 George McGovern 1992 Ramsey Clark 1993 Lucius Walker 1994 Roy Bourgeois 1995 Edith Ballantyne 1996 New Haven-León Sister City Project Alan Wright Paula Kline 1997 Howard / Alice Frazier 1998 1999 2000–2019 2000 2001 2002 Michael True 2003 Dennis Kucinich 2004 Karen Jacob / David Cortright 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Ehud Bandel / Arik Ascherman 2012 Amy Goodman 2013 Bill McKibben 2014 Medea Benjamin 2015 Tom B.K. Goldtooth / Kathy Kelly 2016 2017 Ralph Nader / Omar Barghouti 2018 Jackson Browne vte Civil rights movement (1954–1968) Events (timeline) Prior to 1954 Journey of Reconciliation Executive Order 9981 Murders of Harry and Harriette Moore Sweatt v. Painter (1950) McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950) Baton Rouge bus boycott 1954–1959 Brown v. Board of Education Bolling v. Sharpe Briggs v. Elliott Davis v. Prince Edward County Gebhart v. Belton Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company Emmett Till Montgomery bus boycott Browder v. Gayle Tallahassee bus boycott Mansfield school desegregation 1957 Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom "Give Us the Ballot" Royal Ice Cream sit-in Little Rock Nine Cooper v. Aaron Civil Rights Act of 1957 Ministers' Manifesto Katz Drug Store sit-in Kissing Case Biloxi wade-ins 1960–1963 New Year's Day March Sit-in movement Greensboro sit-ins Nashville sit-ins Atlanta sit-ins Savannah Protest Movement Greenville Eight Civil Rights Act of 1960 Ax Handle Saturday Gomillion v. Lightfoot Boynton v. Virginia University of Georgia desegregation riot Rock Hill sit-ins Robert F. Kennedy's Law Day Address Freedom Rides Anniston bombing Birmingham attack Garner v. Louisiana Albany Movement Cambridge movement University of Chicago sit-ins "Second Emancipation Proclamation" Meredith enrollment, Ole Miss riot Atlanta's Berlin Wall "Segregation now, segregation forever" Stand in the Schoolhouse Door 1963 Birmingham campaign Letter from Birmingham Jail Children's Crusade Birmingham riot 16th Street Baptist Church bombing John F. Kennedy's speech to the nation on Civil Rights Detroit Walk to Freedom March on Washington "I Have a Dream" Big Six St. Augustine movement 1964–1968 Twenty-fourth Amendment Chester school protests Bloody Tuesday 1964 Monson Motor Lodge protests Freedom Summer workers' murders Civil Rights Act of 1964 Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States Katzenbach v. McClung 1964–1965 Scripto strike 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches "How Long, Not Long" Voting Rights Act of 1965 Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections March Against Fear White House Conference on Civil Rights Chicago Freedom Movement/Chicago open housing movement Loving v. Virginia Memphis sanitation strike King assassination funeral riots Civil Rights Act of 1968 Poor People's Campaign Green v. County School Board of New Kent County Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. Activist groups Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights Atlanta Student Movement Black Panther Party Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) Committee for Freedom Now Committee on Appeal for Human Rights An Appeal for Human Rights Council for United Civil Rights Leadership Council of Federated Organizations Dallas County Voters League Deacons for Defense and Justice Georgia Council on Human Relations Highlander Folk School Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights Lowndes County Freedom Organization Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Montgomery Improvement Association NAACP Youth Council Nashville Student Movement Nation of Islam Northern Student Movement National Council of Negro Women National Urban League Operation Breadbasket Regional Council of Negro Leadership Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) Southern Regional Council Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) The Freedom Singers United Auto Workers (UAW) Wednesdays in Mississippi Women's Political Council Activists Ralph Abernathy Victoria Gray Adams Zev Aelony Mathew Ahmann Muhammad Ali William G. Anderson Gwendolyn Armstrong Arnold Aronson Ella Baker James Baldwin Marion Barry Daisy Bates Harry Belafonte James Bevel Claude Black Gloria Blackwell Randolph Blackwell Unita Blackwell Ezell Blair Jr. Joanne Bland Julian Bond Joseph E. Boone William Holmes Borders Amelia Boynton Bruce Boynton Raylawni Branch Stanley Branche Ruby Bridges Aurelia Browder H. Rap Brown Ralph Bunche Guy Carawan Stokely Carmichael Johnnie Carr James Chaney J. L. Chestnut Shirley Chisholm Colia Lafayette Clark Ramsey Clark Septima Clark Xernona Clayton Eldridge Cleaver Kathleen Cleaver Charles E. Cobb Jr. Annie Lee Cooper Dorothy Cotton Claudette Colvin Vernon Dahmer Jonathan Daniels Abraham Lincoln Davis Angela Davis Joseph DeLaine Dave Dennis Annie Devine Patricia Stephens Due Joseph Ellwanger Charles Evers Medgar Evers Myrlie Evers-Williams Chuck Fager James Farmer Walter Fauntroy James Forman Marie Foster Golden Frinks Andrew Goodman Robert Graetz Fred Gray Jack Greenberg Dick Gregory Lawrence Guyot Prathia Hall Fannie Lou Hamer Fred Hampton William E. Harbour Vincent Harding Dorothy Height Audrey Faye Hendricks Lola Hendricks Aaron Henry Oliver Hill Donald L. Hollowell James Hood Myles Horton Zilphia Horton T. R. M. Howard Ruby Hurley Cecil Ivory Jesse Jackson Jimmie Lee Jackson Richie Jean Jackson T. J. Jemison Esau Jenkins Barbara Rose Johns Vernon Johns Frank Minis Johnson Clarence Jones J. Charles Jones Matthew Jones Vernon Jordan Tom Kahn Clyde Kennard A. D. King C.B. King Coretta Scott King Martin Luther King Jr. Martin Luther King Sr. Bernard Lafayette James Lawson Bernard Lee Sanford R. Leigh Jim Letherer Stanley Levison John Lewis Viola Liuzzo Z. Alexander Looby Joseph Lowery Clara Luper Danny Lyon Malcolm X Mae Mallory Vivian Malone Bob Mants Thurgood Marshall Benjamin Mays Franklin McCain Charles McDew Ralph McGill Floyd McKissick Joseph McNeil James Meredith William Ming Jack Minnis Amzie Moore Cecil B. Moore Douglas E. Moore Harriette Moore Harry T. Moore Queen Mother Moore William Lewis Moore Irene Morgan Bob Moses William Moyer Elijah Muhammad Diane Nash Charles Neblett Huey P. Newton Edgar Nixon Jack O'Dell James Orange Rosa Parks James Peck Charles Person Homer Plessy Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Fay Bellamy Powell Rodney N. Powell Al Raby Lincoln Ragsdale A. Philip Randolph George Raymond George Raymond Jr. Bernice Johnson Reagon Cordell Reagon James Reeb Frederick D. Reese Walter Reuther Gloria Richardson David Richmond Bernice Robinson Jo Ann Robinson Angela Russell Bayard Rustin Bernie Sanders Michael Schwerner Bobby Seale Cleveland Sellers Charles Sherrod Alexander D. Shimkin Fred Shuttlesworth Modjeska Monteith Simkins Glenn E. Smiley A. Maceo Smith Kelly Miller Smith Mary Louise Smith Maxine Smith Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson Charles Kenzie Steele Hank Thomas Dorothy Tillman A. P. Tureaud Hartman Turnbow Albert Turner C. T. Vivian Wyatt Tee Walker Hollis Watkins Walter Francis White Roy Wilkins Hosea Williams Kale Williams Robert F. Williams Andrew Young Whitney Young Sammy Younge Jr. Bob Zellner James Zwerg By region Omaha, Nebraska South Carolina Movement songs "Ain't Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me 'Round" "If You Miss Me at the Back of the Bus" "Kumbaya" "Keep Your Eyes on the Prize" "Oh, Freedom" "This Little Light of Mine" "We Shall Not Be Moved" "We Shall Overcome" "Woke Up This Morning (With My Mind Stayed On Freedom)" Influences Nonviolence Padayatra Sermon on the Mount Mahatma Gandhi Ahimsa Satyagraha The Kingdom of God Is Within You Frederick Douglass W. E. B. Du Bois Mary McLeod Bethune Related Jim Crow laws Lynching in the United States Plessy v. Ferguson Separate but equal Buchanan v. Warley Hocutt v. Wilson Sweatt v. Painter Hernandez v. Texas Loving v. Virginia African-American women in the movement Jews in the civil rights movement Fifth Circuit Four 16th Street Baptist Church Kelly Ingram Park A.G. 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Johnson administration cabinet membersMilitary personnel from DallasNew York (state) DemocratsNew York (state) lawyersPaul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison peoplePeople from Greenwich VillagePoliticians from DallasPresidents of the American Bar AssociationTexas DemocratsUnited States Assistant Attorneys General for the Environment and Natural Resources DivisionUnited States Attorneys GeneralUnited States Deputy Attorneys GeneralUnited States Marine Corps personnel of World War IIUnited States MarinesUniversity of Chicago Law School alumniUniversity of Texas at Austin alumniWriters from DallasWriters from Manhattan Dwight David Eisenhower (/ˈaɪzənhaʊ.ər/ EYE-zən-how-ər; born David Dwight Eisenhower; October 14, 1890 – March 28, 1969), nicknamed Ike, was an American military officer and statesman who served as the 34th president of the United States from 1953 to 1961. During World War II, he was Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force in Europe and achieved the five-star rank as General of the Army. Eisenhower planned and supervised two of the most consequential military campaigns of World War II: Operation Torch in the North Africa campaign in 1942–1943 and the invasion of Normandy in 1944. Eisenhower was born in Denison, Texas, and raised in Abilene, Kansas. His family had a strong religious background, and his mother became a Jehovah's Witness. Eisenhower, however, belonged to no organized church until 1952. He graduated from West Point in 1915 and later married Mamie Doud, with whom he had two sons. During World War I, he was denied a request to serve in Europe and instead commanded a unit that trained tank crews. Following the war, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. In 1941, after the United States entered World War II, Eisenhower oversaw the invasions of North Africa and Sicily before supervising the invasions of France and Germany. After the war ended in Europe, he served as military governor of the American-occupied zone of Germany (1945), Army Chief of Staff (1945–1948), president of Columbia University (1948–1953), and as the first supreme commander of NATO (1951–1952). In 1952, Eisenhower entered the presidential race as a Republican to block the isolationist foreign policies of Senator Robert A. Taft, who opposed NATO. Eisenhower won that year's election and the 1956 election in landslides, both times defeating Adlai Stevenson II. Eisenhower's main goals in office were to contain the spread of communism and reduce federal deficits. In 1953, he considered using nuclear weapons to end the Korean War and may have threatened China with nuclear attack if an armistice was not reached quickly. China did agree and an armistice resulted, which remains in effect. His New Look policy of nuclear deterrence prioritized "inexpensive" nuclear weapons while reducing funding for expensive Army divisions. He continued Harry S. Truman's policy of recognizing Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, and he won congressional approval of the Formosa Resolution. His administration provided major aid to help the French fight off Vietnamese Communists in the First Indochina War. After the French left, he gave strong financial support to the new state of South Vietnam. He supported regime-changing military coups in Iran and Guatemala orchestrated by his own administration. During the Suez Crisis of 1956, he condemned the Israeli, British, and French invasion of Egypt, and he forced them to withdraw. He also condemned the Soviet invasion during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 but took no action. He deployed 15,000 soldiers during the 1958 Lebanon crisis. Near the end of his term, a summit meeting with the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was cancelled when a US spy plane was shot down over the Soviet Union. Eisenhower approved the Bay of Pigs Invasion, which was left to John F. Kennedy to carry out. On the domestic front, Eisenhower governed as a moderate conservative who continued New Deal agencies and expanded Social Security. He covertly opposed Joseph McCarthy and contributed to the end of McCarthyism by openly invoking executive privilege. He signed the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and sent Army troops to enforce federal court orders which integrated schools in Little Rock, Arkansas. His administration undertook the development and construction of the Interstate Highway System, which remains the largest construction of roadways in American history. In 1957, following the Soviet launch of Sputnik, Eisenhower led the American response which included the creation of NASA and the establishment of a stronger, science-based education via the National Defense Education Act. The Soviet Union began to reinforce their own space program, escalating the Space Race. His two terms saw unprecedented economic prosperity except for a minor recession in 1958. In his farewell address, he expressed his concerns about the dangers of massive military spending, particularly deficit spending and government contracts to private military manufacturers, which he dubbed "the military–industrial complex". Historical evaluations of his presidency place him among the upper tier of American presidents. Family background Further information: Family of Dwight D. Eisenhower The Eisenhauer (German for "iron hewer" or "iron miner") family migrated from the German village of Karlsbrunn to the Province of Pennsylvania in 1741.[3] Accounts vary as to how and when the German name Eisenhauer was anglicized.[4] David Jacob Eisenhower, Eisenhower's father, was a college-educated engineer, despite his own father's urging to stay on the family farm. Eisenhower's mother, Ida Elizabeth (Stover) Eisenhower, of predominantly German Protestant ancestry, moved to Kansas from Virginia. She married David on September 23, 1885, in Lecompton, Kansas, on the campus of their alma mater, Lane University.[5] David owned a general store in Hope, Kansas, but the business failed due to economic conditions and the family became impoverished. The Eisenhowers lived in Texas from 1889 until 1892, and later returned to Kansas, with $24 (equivalent to $814 in 2023) to their name. David worked as a railroad mechanic and then at a creamery.[5] By 1898, the parents made a decent living and provided a suitable home for their large family.[6] Early life and education The Eisenhower family home in Abilene, Kansas Eisenhower was born David Dwight Eisenhower in Denison, Texas, on October 14, 1890, the third of seven sons born to Ida and David.[7] His mother soon reversed his two forenames after his birth to avoid the confusion of having two Davids in the family.[8] He was named Dwight after the evangelist Dwight L. Moody.[9] All of the boys were nicknamed "Ike", such as "Big Ike" (Edgar) and "Little Ike" (Dwight); the nickname was intended as an abbreviation of their last name.[10] By World War II, only Dwight was still called "Ike".[3] In 1892, the family moved to Abilene, Kansas, which Eisenhower considered his hometown.[3] As a child, he was involved in an accident that cost his younger brother Earl an eye, for which he was remorseful for the remainder of his life.[11] Eisenhower developed a keen and enduring interest in exploring the outdoors. He learned about hunting and fishing, cooking, and card playing from a man named Bob Davis who camped on the Smoky Hill River.[12][13][14] While his mother was against war, it was her collection of history books that first sparked Eisenhower's interest in military history; he became a voracious reader on the subject. Other favorite subjects early in his education were arithmetic and spelling.[15] Eisenhower's parents set aside specific times at breakfast and at dinner for daily family Bible reading. Chores were regularly assigned and rotated among all the children, and misbehavior was met with unequivocal discipline, usually from David.[16] His mother, previously a member (with David) of the River Brethren (Brethren in Christ Church) sect of the Mennonites,[17] joined the International Bible Students Association, later known as Jehovah's Witnesses. The Eisenhower home served as the local meeting hall from 1896 to 1915, though Dwight never joined.[18] His later decision to attend West Point saddened his mother, who felt that warfare was "rather wicked", but she did not overrule his decision.[19] Speaking of himself in 1948, Eisenhower said he was "one of the most deeply religious men I know" though unattached to any "sect or organization". He was baptized in the Presbyterian Church in 1953.[17] Eisenhower attended Abilene High School and graduated in 1909.[20] As a freshman, he injured his knee and developed a leg infection that extended into his groin, which his doctor diagnosed as life-threatening. The doctor insisted that the leg be amputated but Dwight refused to allow it, and surprisingly recovered, though he had to repeat his freshman year.[21] He and brother Edgar both wanted to attend college, though they lacked the funds. They made a pact to take alternate years at college while the other worked to earn the tuitions.[22] Edgar took the first turn at school, and Dwight was employed as a night supervisor at the Belle Springs Creamery.[23] When Edgar asked for a second year, Dwight consented. At that time, a friend Edward "Swede" Hazlett was applying to the Naval Academy and urged Dwight to apply, since no tuition was required. Eisenhower requested consideration for either Annapolis or West Point with his Senator, Joseph L. Bristow. Though Eisenhower was among the winners of the entrance-exam competition, he was beyond the age limit for the Naval Academy.[24] He accepted an appointment to West Point in 1911.[24] At West Point, Eisenhower relished the emphasis on traditions and on sports, but was less enthusiastic about the hazing, though he willingly accepted it as a plebe. He was also a regular violator of the more detailed regulations and finished school with a less than stellar discipline rating. Academically, Eisenhower's best subject by far was English. Otherwise, his performance was average, though he thoroughly enjoyed the typical emphasis of engineering on science and mathematics.[25] In athletics, Eisenhower later said that "not making the baseball team at West Point was one of the greatest disappointments of my life, maybe my greatest".[26] He made the varsity football team[27][28] and was a starter at halfback in 1912, when he tried to tackle the legendary Jim Thorpe of the Carlisle Indians.[29] Eisenhower suffered a torn knee while being tackled in the next game, which was the last he played; he reinjured his knee on horseback and in the boxing ring,[3][12][30] so he turned to fencing and gymnastics.[3] West Point yearbook photo, 1915 Eisenhower later served as junior varsity football coach and cheerleader, which caught the attention of General Frederick Funston.[31] He graduated from West Point in the middle of the class of 1915,[32] which became known as "the class the stars fell on", because 59 members eventually became general officers. After graduation in 1915, Second Lieutenant Eisenhower requested an assignment in the Philippines, which was denied; because of the ongoing Mexican Revolution, he was posted to Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, Texas, under the command of General Funston. In 1916, while stationed at Fort Sam Houston, Funston convinced him to become the football coach for Peacock Military Academy;[31] he later became the coach at St. Louis College, now St. Mary's University,[33] and was an honorary member of the Sigma Beta Chi fraternity there.[34] Personal life Main article: Family of Dwight D. Eisenhower While Eisenhower was stationed in Texas, he met Mamie Doud of Boone, Iowa.[3] They were immediately taken with each other. He proposed to her on Valentine's Day in 1916.[35] A November wedding date in Denver was moved up to July 1 due to the impending American entry into World War I; Funston approved 10 days of leave for their wedding.[36] The Eisenhowers moved many times during their first 35 years of marriage.[37] The Eisenhowers had two sons. In late 1917 while he was in charge of training at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia, his wife Mamie had their first son, Doud Dwight "Icky" Eisenhower, who died of scarlet fever at the age of three.[38] Eisenhower was mostly reluctant to discuss his death.[39] Their second son, John Eisenhower, was born in Denver, Colorado.[40] John served in the United States Army, retired as a brigadier general, became an author and served as Ambassador to Belgium from 1969 to 1971. He married Barbara Jean Thompson and had four children: David, Barbara Ann, Susan Elaine and Mary Jean. David, after whom Camp David is named,[41] married Richard Nixon's daughter Julie in 1968. Mamie Eisenhower, painted in 1953 by Thomas E. Stephens Eisenhower was a gol

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Relations between the Soviet Union and the United States were fully established in 1933 as the succeeding bilateral ties to those between the Russian Empire and the United States, which lasted from 1776 until 1917; they were also the predecessor to the current bilateral ties between the Russian Federation and the United States that began in 1992 after the end of the Cold War. The relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States was largely defined by mistrust and tense hostility. The invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany as well as the attack on the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor by Imperial Japan marked the Soviet and American entries into World War II on the side of the Allies in June and December 1941, respectively. As the Soviet–American alliance against the Axis came to an end following the Allied victory in 1945, the first signs of post-war mistrust and hostility began to immediately appear between the two countries, as the Soviet Union militarily occupied Eastern European countries and turned them into satellite states, forming the Eastern Bloc. These bilateral tensions escalated into the Cold War, a decades-long period of tense hostile relations with short phases of détente that ended after the collapse of the Soviet Union and emergence of the present-day Russian Federation at the end of 1991. History Pre-World War II relations (1917–1939) Main articles: Russian Civil War, International relations (1919–1939), Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920), Anti-communism in the United States, Comintern, and Foreign policy of the Woodrow Wilson administration Provisional Government In wake of the February Revolution and Tsar Nicholas II's abdication, Washington was still largely ignorant of the underlying fractures in new Russian Provisional Government and believed that Russia would rapidly evolve into a stable democracy enthusiastic to join the western coalition in the war against Germany.[1] With the establishment of the Provisional Government, United States Ambassador to Petrograd David R. Francis immediately requested from Washington authority to recognize the new government arguing the revolution "is the practical realization of that principle of government which we have championed and advocated. I mean government by consent of the governed. Our recognition will have a stupendous moral effect especially if given first." and was approved on 22 March 1917 making the United States the first foreign government to formally recognize the new government.[2][1][3] A week and a half later when President Woodrow Wilson addressed Congress to request a declaration of war against Germany, Wilson remarked "Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart... Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor."[1][4] Hoping the fledgling parliamentary democracy that would reinvigorate Russian contributions to the war, President Wilson took sizable strides to build a relationship with the Provisional Government. The day following his request declaration of war on Germany, Wilson began offering American governmental credits to the new Russian government totaling $325 million — about half of which was actually used. Wilson also dispatched the Root Mission, a delegation led by Elihu Root and inclusive of leaders from the American Federation of Labor, YMCA, and the International Harvester company, to Petrograd to negotiate means through which the United States could encourage further Russian commitment to the war.[5] By product of poorly chosen delegates, a lack of interest from those delegates, and a significant inattention to the role and influence of the Petrograd Soviet (some members of which were opposed to the continuing Russian war effort), the mission made little benefit to either nation. Despite the satisfactory reports returning from Petrograd, whose impression of the nation's conditions came directly from the Provisional Government, American consular and military officials in closer contact with the populace and army occasionally warned Washington to be more skeptical in their assumptions about the new government. Nonetheless, the American government and public were caught off-guard and bewildered by the fall of the Provisional Government in the October Revolution.[1][5][6] Soviet Russia American troops marching in Vladivostok following Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, August 1918 After the Bolshevik takeover of Russia in the October Revolution, Vladimir Lenin withdrew Russia from the First World War, allowing Germany to reallocate troops to face the Allied forces on the Western Front. This caused the Allied Powers to regard the new Russian government as traitorous for violating the Triple Entente terms against a separate peace.[7] Concurrently, President Wilson became increasingly aware of the human rights violations perpetuated by the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, and opposed the new regime's militant atheism and advocacy of a command economy. He also was concerned that communism would spread to the remainder of the Western world, and intended his landmark Fourteen Points partially to provide liberal democracy as an alternative worldwide ideology to Communism.[8][9] However, President Wilson also believed that the new country would eventually transition to a free-market economy after the end of the chaos of the Russian Civil War, and that intervention against Soviet Russia would only turn the country against the United States. He likewise advocated a policy of noninterference in the war in the Fourteen Points, although he argued that the former Russian Empire's Polish territory should be ceded to the newly independent Second Polish Republic. Additionally many of Wilson's political opponents in the United States, including the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Henry Cabot Lodge, believed that an independent Ukraine should be established. Despite this, the United States, as a result of the fear of Japanese expansion into Russian-held territory and their support for the Allied-aligned Czech Legion, sent a small number of troops to Northern Russia and Siberia. The United States also provided indirect aid such as food and supplies to the White Army.[7][10][8] At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 President Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, despite the objections of French President Georges Clemenceau and Italian Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino, pushed forward an idea to convene a summit at Prinkipo between the Bolsheviks and the White movement to form a common Russian delegation to the Conference. The Soviet Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, under the leadership of Leon Trotsky and Georgy Chicherin, received British and American envoys respectfully but had no intentions of agreeing to the deal due to their belief that the Conference was composed of an old capitalist order that would be swept away in a world revolution. By 1921, after the Bolsheviks gained the upper hand in the Russian Civil War, murdered the Romanov imperial family, organized the Red Terror against "enemies of the people", repudiated the tsarist debt, and called for a world revolution, it was regarded as a pariah nation by most of the world. [8] Beyond the Russian Civil War, relations were also dogged by claims of American companies for compensation for the nationalized industries they had invested in.[11] American relief and Russian famine of 1921 Main article: American Relief Administration American Relief Administration operations in Russia, 1922 Under Herbert Hoover, very large scale food relief was distributed to Europe after the war through the American Relief Administration. In 1921, to ease the devastating famine in the Russian SFSR that was triggered by the Soviet government's war communism policies, the ARA's director in Europe, Walter Lyman Brown, began negotiating with the Russian People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, in Riga, Latvia (at that time not yet annexed by the USSR). An agreement was reached on August 21, 1921, and an additional implementation agreement was signed by Brown and People's Commissar for Foreign Trade Leonid Krasin on December 30, 1921. The U.S. Congress appropriated $20,000,000 for relief under the Russian Famine Relief Act of late 1921. Hoover strongly detested Bolshevism, and felt the American aid would demonstrate the superiority of Western capitalism and thus help contain the spread of communism.[12][13] At its peak, the ARA employed 300 Americans, more than 120,000 Russians and fed 10.5 million people daily. Its Russian operations were headed by Col. William N. Haskell. The Medical Division of the ARA functioned from November 1921 to June 1923 and helped overcome the typhus epidemic then ravaging Russia. The ARA's famine relief operations ran in parallel with much smaller Mennonite, Jewish and Quaker famine relief operations in Russia.[14][15] 1921 ARA poster saying "The Gift of the American People" in Russian The ARA's operations in Russia were shut down on June 15, 1923, after it was discovered that Russia under Lenin renewed the export of grain.[16] Early trade Leaders of American foreign policy remain convinced that the Soviet Union, which was founded by Soviet Russia in 1922, was a hostile threat to American values. Republican Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes rejected recognition, telling labor union leaders that, "those in control of Moscow have not given up their original purpose of destroying existing governments wherever they can do so throughout the world."[17] Under President Calvin Coolidge, Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg warned that the Kremlin's international agency, the Communist International (Comintern) was aggressively planning subversion against other nations, including the United States, to "overthrow the existing order."[18] Herbert Hoover in 1919 warned Wilson that, "We cannot even remotely recognize this murderous tyranny without stimulating action is to radicalism in every country in Europe and without transgressing on every National ideal of our own."[19] Inside the U.S. State Department, the Division of Eastern European Affairs by 1924 was dominated by Robert F. Kelley, a dedicated opponent of communism who trained a generation of specialists including George Kennan and Charles Bohlen.[20] Meanwhile, Great Britain took the lead in reopening relations with Moscow, especially trade, although they remained suspicious of communist subversion, and angry at the Kremlin's repudiation of Russian debts. Outside Washington, there was some American support for renewed relationships, especially in terms of technology.[21] Henry Ford, committed to the belief that international trade was the best way to avoid warfare, used his Ford Motor Company to build a truck industry and introduce tractors into Russia. Architect Albert Kahn became a consultant for all industrial construction in the Soviet Union in 1930.[22] A few intellectuals on the left showed an interest. After 1930, a number of activist intellectuals have become members of the Communist Party USA, or fellow travelers, and drummed up support for the Soviet Union. The American labor movement was divided, with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) an anti-communist stronghold, while left-wing elements in the late 1930s formed the rival Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The CPUSA played a major role in the CIO until its members were removed beginning in 1946, and American organized labor became strongly anti-Soviet.[23] Founded in 1924, Amtorg Trading Corporation, based in New York, was the main organization governing trade between the USSR and the US.[24] By 1946, Amtorg organized a multi-million dollar trade.[25] Amtorg handled almost all exports from the USSR, comprising mostly lumber, furs, flax, bristles, and caviar, and all imports of raw materials and machinery for Soviet industry and agriculture. It also provided American companies with information about trade opportunities in the USSR and supplied Soviet industries with technical news and information about American companies.[26][27] Amtorg was also involved in Soviet espionage against the United States.[28] It was joined, in both its trade and espionage roles, by the Soviet Government Purchasing Commission from 1942 onward.[29] During Lenin's tenure, American businessman Armand Hammer established a pencil factory in the Soviet Union, hiring German craftsmen and shipping American grain into the Soviet Union. Hammer also established asbestos mines and acquired fur trapping facilities east of the Urals. During Lenin's New Economic Policy, which stemmed from the failure of war communism, Armand Hammer became the mediator for 38 international companies in their dealings with the USSR.[30] Before Lenin's death, Hammer negotiated the import of Fordson tractors into the USSR, which served a major role in agricultural mechanization in the country.[31][30] Later, after Stalin came to power, additional deals were negotiated with Hammer as an American–Soviet negotiator.[30] Historian Harvey Klehr describes that Armand Hammer "met Lenin in 1921 and, in return for a concession to manufacture pencils, agreed to launder Soviet money to benefit communist parties in Europe and America."[32] Historian Edward Jay Epstein noted that "Hammer received extraordinary treatment from Moscow in many ways. He was permitted by the Soviet Government to take millions of dollars worth of Tsarist art out of the country when he returned to the United States in 1932."[33] According to journalist Alan Farnham, "Over the decades Hammer continued traveling to Russia, hobnobbing with its leaders to the point that both the CIA and the FBI suspected him of being a full-fledged agent."[34] In 1929, Henry Ford made an agreement with the Russians to provide technical aid over nine years in building the first Soviet automobile plant, GAZ, in Gorky (Stalin renamed Nizhny Novgorod after his favorite writer).[35][36] The plant would construct Ford Model A and Model AA trucks.[36] An additional contract for construction of the plant was signed with The Austin Company on August 23, 1929.[37] The contract involved the purchase of $30,000,000 worth of Ford cars and trucks for assembly during the first four years of the plant's operation, after which the plant would gradually switch to Soviet-made components. Ford sent his engineers and technicians to the Soviet Union to help install the equipment and train the workforce, while over a hundred Soviet engineers and technicians were stationed at Ford's plants in Detroit and Dearborn "for the purpose of learning the methods and practice of manufacture and assembly in the Company's plants".[38][39] Recognition in 1933 Maxim Litvinov, the Soviet foreign minister (1930–1939) and ambassador to the United States (1941–1943) By 1933, the American business community, as well as newspaper editors, were calling for diplomatic recognition. The business community was eager for large-scale trade with the Soviet Union. The U.S. government hoped for some repayment on the old tsarist debts, and a promise not to support subversive movements inside the U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt took the initiative, with the assistance of his close friend and advisor Henry Morgenthau Jr. and Russian expert William Bullitt, bypassing the State Department.[40][41] Roosevelt commissioned a survey of public opinion, which at the time meant asking 1100 newspaper editors; 63 percent favored recognition of the USSR and 27 percent were opposed. Roosevelt met personally with Catholic leaders to overcome their objections stemming from the persecution of religious believers and systematic demolition of churches in the USSR.[42][43] Roosevelt then invited Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to Washington for a series of high-level meetings in November 1933. He and Roosevelt agreed on issues of religious freedom for Americans working in the Soviet Union. The USSR promised not to interfere in internal American affairs, something they would not honor, and to ensure that no organization in the USSR was working to hurt the U.S. or overthrow its government by force, similarly a broken promise. Both sides agreed to postpone the debt question to a later date. Roosevelt thereupon announced an agreement on resumption of normal relations.[44][45] There were few complaints about the move.[46] However, there was no progress on the debt issue, and little additional trade. Historians Justus D. Doenecke and Mark A. Stoler note that, "Both nations were soon disillusioned by the accord."[47] Many American businessmen expected a bonus in terms of large-scale trade, but it never materialized, instead being a one-way movement that saw the United States fuel the Soviet Union with technology.[48] Roosevelt named William Bullitt as ambassador to the USSR from 1933 to 1936. Bullitt arrived in Moscow with high hopes for Soviet–American relations, but his view of the Soviet leadership soured on closer inspection due to the regime's totalitarian nature and terror. By the end of his tenure, Bullitt was openly hostile to the Soviet government. He remained an outspoken anti-communist for the rest of his life.[49][50] Map showing American equipment and supplies that were delivered to the Soviet Union as part of Lend-Lease World War II (1939–1945) Main articles: Diplomacy of World War II and Lend-Lease Before the Germans decided to invade the Soviet Union in June 1941, relations remained strained, as the Soviet invasion of Finland, Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, Soviet invasion of the Baltic states and the Soviet invasion of Poland stirred, which resulted in Soviet Union's expulsion from the League of Nations. Come the invasion of 1941, the Soviet Union entered a Mutual Assistance Treaty with the United Kingdom, and received massive aid from the American Lend-Lease program, relieving American-Soviet tensions, and bringing together former enemies in the fight against Germany and the Axis powers. Though operational cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union was notably less than that between other allied powers, the United States nevertheless provided the Soviet Union with huge quantities of weapons, ships, aircraft, rolling stock, strategic materials, and food through the Lend-Lease program. The Americans and the Soviets were as much for war with Germany as for the expansion of an ideological sphere of influence. Before the war, future President Harry S. Truman stated that it did not matter to him if a German or a Russian soldier died so long as either side is losing.[51] If we see that Germany is winning we ought to help Russia, and if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany, and that way let them kill as many as possible although I don't want to see Hitler victorious under any circumstances.[52] This quote without its last part later became a staple in Soviet and later Russian propaganda as "evidence" of an American conspiracy to destroy the country.[53][54] Soviet and American troops meet in April 1945, east of the Elbe River. The American Russian Cultural Association (Russian: Американо–русская культурная ассоциация) was organized in the United States in 1942 to encourage cultural ties between the Soviet Union and U.S., with Nicholas Roerich as honorary president. The group's first annual report was issued the following year. The group does not appear to have lasted much past Nicholas Roerich's death in 1947.[55][56] In total, the U.S. deliveries through Lend-Lease amounted to $11 billion in materials: over 400,000 jeeps and trucks; 12,000 armored vehicles (including 7,000 tanks, about 1,386[57] of which were M3 Lees and 4,102 M4 Shermans);[58] 11,400 aircraft (4,719 of which were Bell P-39 Airacobras)[59] and 1.75 million tons of food.[60] Roughly 17.5 million tons of military equipment, vehicles, industrial supplies, and food were shipped from the Western Hemisphere to the Soviet Union, with 94 percent coming from the United States. For comparison, a total of 22 million tons landed in Europe to supply American forces from January 1942 to May 1945. It has been estimated that American deliveries to the USSR through the Persian Corridor alone were sufficient, by US Army standards, to maintain sixty combat divisions in the line.[61][62] The United States delivered to the Soviet Union from October 1, 1941, to May 31, 1945, the following: 427,284 trucks, 13,303 combat vehicles, 35,170 motorcycles, 2,328 ordnance service vehicles, 2,670,371 tons of petroleum products (gasoline and oil) or 57.8 percent of the high-octane aviation fuel,[63] 4,478,116 tons of foodstuffs (canned meats, sugar, flour, salt, etc.), 1,911 steam locomotives, 66 diesel locomotives, 9,920 flat cars, 1,000 dump cars, 120 tank cars, and 35 heavy machinery cars. Provided ordnance goods (ammunition, artillery shells, mines, assorted explosives) amounted to 53 percent of total domestic production.[63] One item typical of many was a tire plant that was lifted bodily from the Ford's River Rouge Plant and transferred to the USSR. The 1947 money value of the supplies and services amounted to about eleven billion dollars.[64] Memorandum for the President's Special Assistant Harry Hopkins, Washington, D.C., 10 August 1943: In World War II Russia occupies a dominant position and is the decisive factor looking toward the defeat of the Axis in Europe. While in Sicily the forces of Great Britain and the United States are being opposed by 2 German divisions, the Russian front is receiving attention of approximately 200 German divisions. Whenever the Allies open a second front on the Continent, it will be decidedly a secondary front to that of Russia; theirs will continue to be the main effort. Without Russia in the war, the Axis cannot be defeated in Europe, and the position of the United Nations becomes precarious. Similarly, Russia’s post-war position in Europe will be a dominant one. With Germany crushed, there is no power in Europe to oppose her tremendous military forces.[65] Cold War (1947–1991) Main articles: Cold War, Cold War (1947–1953), Cold War (1953–1962), Cold War (1962–1979), Cold War (1979–1985), Cold War (1985–1991), Nuclear arms race, and Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union-United States (including spheres of influence) relationsMap indicating locations of United States and Soviet Union United States Soviet Union The end of World War II saw the resurgence of previous divisions between the two nations. The expansion of communism in Eastern Europe following Germany's defeat saw the Soviet Union takeover Eastern European countries, purge their leadership and intelligentsia, and install puppet communist regime, in effect turning the countries into client or satellite states.[66] This worried the liberal free market economies of the West, particularly the United States, which had established virtual economic and political leadership in Western Europe, helping rebuild the devastated continent and revive and modernize its economy with the Marshall Plan.[67] The Soviet Union, on the other hand, was draining its satellites' resources by having them pay reparations to the USSR or simply looting.[68] Hungarian flag (1949–1956) with the communist coat of arms cut out was an anti-Soviet revolutionary symbol The United States and the Soviet Union nations promoted two opposing economic and political ideologies, and the two nations competed for international influence along these lines. This protracted a geopolitical, ideological, and economic struggle—lasting from the announcement of the Truman Doctrine on March 12, 1947, in response to the Soviet takeover of Eastern Europe, until the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991—is known as the Cold War, a period of nearly 45 years. American and Soviet tanks face each other. Taken in 1961 at Checkpoint Charlie. The Soviet Union detonated its first nuclear weapon in 1949, ending the United States' monopoly on nuclear weapons. The United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a conventional and nuclear arms race that persisted until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Andrei Gromyko was Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, and is the longest-serving foreign minister in the world. L–R: Llewellyn Thompson, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, and Dean Rusk After Germany's defeat, the United States sought to help its Western European allies economically with the Marshall Plan. The United States extended the Marshall Plan to the Soviet Union, but under such terms, the Americans knew the Soviets would never accept, namely the acceptance democracy and free elections in Soviet satellite states. The Soviet Union sought to counter the Marshall Plan with the Comecon in 1949, which essentially did the same thing, though was more an economic cooperation agreement instead of a clear plan to rebuild. The United States and its Western European allies sought to strengthen their bonds; they accomplished this most notably through the formation of NATO which was essentially a defensive agreement in 1949. The Soviet Union countered with the Warsaw Pact in 1955, which had similar results with the Eastern Bloc. As by 1955 the Soviet Union already had an armed presence and political domination all over its eastern satellite states, the pact has been long considered "superfluous".[69][70] Although nominally a "defensive" alliance, the Pact's primary function was to safeguard the Soviet Union's hegemony over its Eastern European satellites, with the Pact's only direct military actions having been the invasions of its own member states to keep them from breaking away.[71] In 1961, East Germany constructed the Berlin Wall to prevent the citizens of East Berlin from fleeing to West Berlin (part of US-allied West Germany. This prompted President Kennedy to deliver one of the most famous anti-Soviet speeches, titled "Ich bin ein Berliner".[72][73] In 1949, the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom) was established by Western governments to monitor the export of sensitive high technology that would improve military effectiveness of members of the Warsaw Pact and certain other countries. All sides in the Cold War engaged in espionage. The Soviet KGB ("Committee for State Security"), the bureau responsible for foreign espionage and internal surveillance, was famous for its effectiveness. The most famous Soviet operation involved its atomic spies that delivered crucial information from the United States' Manhattan Project, leading the USSR to detonate its first nuclear weapon in 1949, four years after the American detonation and much sooner than expected.[74][75] A massive network of informants throughout the Soviet Union was used to monitor dissent from official Soviet politics and morals.[76][77] Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin with U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson at the 1967 Glassboro Summit Conference. Détente Main articles: Presidency of Richard Nixon, Détente, Brezhnev Doctrine, Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, and Helsinki Accords Détente began in 1969, as a core element of the foreign policy of president Richard Nixon and his top advisor Henry Kissinger. They wanted to end the containment policy and gain friendlier relations with the USSR and China. Those two were bitter rivals and Nixon expected they would go along with Washington as to not give the other rival an advantage. One of Nixon's terms is that both nations had to stop helping North Vietnam in the Vietnam War, which they did. Nixon and Kissinger promoted greater dialogue with the Soviet government, including regular summit meetings and negotiations over arms control and other bilateral agreements. Brezhnev met with Nixon at summits in Moscow in 1972, in Washington in 1973, and, again in Moscow and Kiev in 1974. They became personal friends.[78][79] Détente was known in Russian as разрядка (razryadka, loosely meaning "relaxation of tension").[80] The period was characterized by the signing of treaties such as SALT I and the Helsinki Accords. Another treaty, START II, was discussed but never ratified by the United States due to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. There is still ongoing debate amongst historians as to how successful the détente period was in achieving peace.[81][82] President Gerald Ford, General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, and Henry Kissinger speaking informally at the Vladivostok Summit in 1974 After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the two superpowers agreed to install a direct hotline between Washington, D.C., and Moscow (the so-called red telephone), enabling leaders of both countries to quickly interact with each other in a time of urgency, and reduce the chances that future crises could escalate into an all-out war. The U.S./USSR détente was presented as an applied extension of that thinking. The SALT II pact of the late 1970s continued the work of the SALT I talks, ensuring further reduction in arms by the USSR and by the U.S. The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession to ensure peace by the Soviets. In practice, the Soviet government significantly curbed the rule of law, civil liberties, protection of law and guarantees of property,[83][84] which were considered examples of "bourgeois morality" by Soviet legal theorists such as Andrey Vyshinsky.[85] The Soviet Union signed legally-binding human rights documents, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in 1973 and the Helsinki Accords in 1975, but they were neither widely known or accessible to people living under Communist rule, nor were they taken seriously by the Communist authorities.[86]: 117  Human rights activists in the Soviet Union were regularly subjected to harassment, repressions and arrests. The pro-Soviet American business magnate Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum often mediated trade relations. Author Daniel Yergin, in his book The Prize, writes that Hammer "ended up as a go-between for five Soviet General Secretaries and seven U.S. Presidents."[87] Hammer had extensive business relationship in the Soviet Union stretching back to the 1920s with Lenin's approval.[88][89] According to Christian Science Monitor in 1980, "although his business dealings with the Soviet Union were cut short when Stalin came to power, he had more or less single-handedly laid the groundwork for the [1980] state of Western trade with the Soviet Union."[88] In 1974, Brezhnev "publicly recognized Hammer's role in facilitating East-West trade." By 1981, according to the New York Times in that year, Hammer was on a "first-name basis with Leonid Brezhnev."[89] Resumption and thaw of the Cold War Tensions in détente Further information: East German uprising of 1953, Soviet invasion of Hungary, Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, Soviet reaction to the Polish crisis of 1980–1981, Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and Antisemitism in the Soviet Union Despite the otherwise improvement in relations, various tensions would appear during détente. These included the Brezhnev Doctrine, which allowed from Soviet invasions of Warsaw Pact states to keep them under communist rule,[90] the Sino-Soviet split, an apparent rapprochement between the United States and China with Richard Nixon's visit to China in 1972. However, Nixon's international relations priority was Soviet détente even after the visit to China.[91] In 1973, Nixon announced his administration was committed to seeking most favored nation trade status with the USSR,[92] which was challenged by Congress in the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.[93] The United States had long linked trade with the Soviet Union to its foreign policy toward the Soviet Union and, especially since the early 1980s, to Soviet human rights policies. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment, which was attached to the 1974 Trade Act, linked the granting of most-favored-nation to the USSR to the right of persecuted Soviet Jews to emigrate. Because the Soviet Union refused the right of emigration to Jewish refuseniks, the ability of the President to apply most-favored nation trade status to the Soviet Union was restricted.[94] Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and end of détente Main articles: Soviet–Afghan War, Carter Doctrine, Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration, and Operation Cyclone Détente, also described as linkage policy in the West, was challenged by proxy conflicts and increasing Soviet interventions, which included the Second Yemenite War of 1979.[95] The period of détente ended after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which led to the United States-led 66-nation boycott of the 1980 Olympics in Moscow. The United States, Pakistan, and their allies supported the rebels. To punish Moscow, President Jimmy Carter imposed a grain embargo.[96] Carter also recalled the US Ambassador Thomas J. Watson from Moscow,[97] suspended high-technology exports to the Soviet Union[96][98] and limited ammonia imports from the Soviet Union.[99] According to a 1980 paper, the grain embargo hurt American farmers more than it did the Soviet economy. Other nations sold their own grain to the USSR, and the Soviets had ample reserve stocks.[100] President Ronald Reagan resumed sales in 1981.[96] Reagan's election as president in 1980 was further based in large part on an anti-détente campaign.[101] In his first press conference, President Reagan said "Détente's been a one-way street that the Soviet Union has used to pursue its aims."[102] Following this, relations turned increasingly sour with the Soviet repression of anti-occupation resistance in Poland,[103][104] end of the SALT II negotiations,[105] and the subsequent NATO exercise in 1983.[106] Reagan attacks Soviet Union in "Evil Empire" speech Main article: Evil Empire speech Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev with wives attending a dinner at the Soviet Embassy in Washington, 9 December 1987 Reagan escalated the Cold War, accelerating a reversal from the policy of détente, which had begun in 1979 after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.[107] Reagan feared that the Soviet Union had gained a military advantage over the United States, and the Reagan administration hoped that heightened military spending would grant the U.S. military superiority and weaken the Soviet economy.[108] Reagan ordered a massive buildup of the United States Armed Forces, directing funding to the B-1 Lancer bomber, the B-2 Spirit bomber, cruise missiles, the MX missile, and the 600-ship Navy.[109] In response to Soviet deployment of the SS-20, Reagan oversaw NATO's deployment of the Pershing missile in West Germany.[110] The president also strongly denounced the Soviet Union and communist totalitarianism in moral terms, denouncing the Soviet Union as an "evil empire."[111][112] End of the Cold War (1989–1991) Further information: Perestroika and Revolutions of 1989 1987, American anti-commonest poster dedicated to the 200th anniversary of the U.S. Constitution, printed in Russian by Amerika (magazine) The failing Soviet economy and a disastrous war in Afghanistan contributed to Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power, who introduced political reforms called glasnost and perestroika aimed at liberalizing the Soviet economy and society. At the Malta Summit of December 1989, both the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union declared the Cold War over, and the Soviet forces retreated from Afghanistan.[113] In 1991, the two countries were partners in the Gulf War against Iraq, a longtime Soviet ally. On 31 July 1991, the START I treaty cutting the number of deployed nuclear warheads of both countries was signed by Gorbachev and Bush. START negotiated the largest and most complex arms control treaty in history, and its final implementation in late 2001 resulted in the removal of about 80% of all strategic nuclear weapons then in existence.[114] Reagan and Gorbachev had eased Cold War tensions during Reagan's second term, but Bush was initially skeptical of Soviet intentions.[115] During the first year of his tenure, Bush pursued what Soviets referred to as the pauza, a break in Reagan's détente policies.[116] While Bush implemented his pauza policy in 1989, Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe challenged Soviet domination.[117] Bush helped convince Polish Communist leaders to allow democratic elections in June, won by the anti-Communists. In 1989, Communist governments fell in all the satellites, with significant violence only in Romania. In November 1989, massive popular demand forced the government of East Germany to open the Berlin Wall, and it was soon demolished by Berliners.[118] Gorbachev refused to send in the Soviet military, effectively abandoning the Brezhnev Doctrine.[119] Within a few weeks Communist regimes across Eastern Europe collapsed, and Soviet-supported parties across the globe became demoralized. The U.S. was not directly involved in these upheavals, but the Bush administration avoided the appearance of gloating over the NATO victory to avoid undermining further democratic reforms, especially in the USSR.[120][121] Bush and Gorbachev met in December 1989 at the summit on the island of Malta. Bush sought cooperative relations with Gorbachev throughout the remainder of his term, putting his trust in Gorbachev to suppress the remaining Soviet hard-liners.[122] The key issue at the Malta Summit was the potential reunification of Germany.[123] While Britain and France were wary of a re-unified Germany, Bush pushed for German reunification alongside West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl.[124] Gorbachev resisted the idea of a reunified Germany, especially if it became part of NATO, but the upheavals of the previous year had sapped his power at home and abroad.[125] Gorbachev agreed to hold "Two-Plus-Four" talks among the United States, the Soviet Union, France, Britain, West Germany, and East Germany, which commenced in 1990. After extensive negotiations, Gorbachev eventually agreed to allow a reunified Germany to be a part of NATO. With the signing of the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany, Germany officially reunified in October 1990.[126] Dissolution of the Soviet Union Further information: Dissolution of the Soviet Union and Post–Cold War era The Soviet Union dissolved into fifteen independent states in 1991; the USSR's successor state Russia is in pink. While Gorbachev acquiesced to the democratization of Soviet satellite states, he suppressed separatist movements within the Soviet Union itself.[127] Stalin had occupied and annexed the Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in the 1940s. The old leadership was executed or deported or fled; hundreds of thousands of Russians moved in, but nowhere were they a majority. Hatreds simmered. Lithuania's March 1990 proclamation of independence was strongly opposed by Gorbachev, who feared that the Soviet Union could fall apart if he allowed Lithuania's independence. The United States had never recognized the Soviet incorporation of the Baltic states, and the crisis in Lithuania left Bush in a difficult position. Bush needed Gorbachev's cooperation in the reunification of Germany, and he feared that the collapse of the Soviet Union could leave nuclear arms in dangerous hands. The Bush administration mildly protested Gorbachev's suppression of Lithuania's independence movement, but took no action to directly intervene.[128] Bush warned independence movements of the disorder that could come with secession from the Soviet Union; in a 1991 address that critics labeled the "Chicken Kiev speech", he cautioned against "suicidal nationalism".[129] Bush and Gorbachev at the Helsinki Summit in 1990 In July 1991, Bush and Gorbachev signed the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I) treaty, the first major arms agreement since the 1987 Intermediate Ranged Nuclear Forces Treaty.[130] Both countries agreed to cut their strategic nuclear weapons by 30 percent, and the Soviet Union promised to reduce its intercontinental ballistic missile force by 50 percent.[131] Along with this, American businesses started to enter the liberalized Soviet economy, leading to famous U.S. companies opening their stores in Russia. Perhaps, the most famous example is McDonald's, who first restaurant in Moscow led to cultural shock on behalf of bewildered Soviet citizens, who stood in huge lines to buy American fast food.[132] The first McDonald's in the country had a grand opening on Moscow's Pushkin Square on 31 January 1990 with approximately 38,000 customers waiting in hours long lines, breaking company records at the time.[133] In August 1991, hard-line conservative Communists launched a coup attempt against Gorbachev; while the coup quickly fell apart, it broke the remaining power of Gorbachev and the central Soviet government.[134] Later that month, Gorbachev resigned as general secretary of the Communist party, and Russian President Boris Yeltsin ordered the seizure of Soviet property. Gorbachev clung to power as the President of the Soviet Union until 25 December 1991, when the USSR dissolved.[135] Fifteen states emerged from the Soviet Union, with by far the largest and most populous one (which also was the founder of the Soviet state with the October Revolution in Petrograd), the Russian Federation, taking full responsibility for all the rights and obligations of the USSR under the Charter of the United Nations, including the financial obligations. As such, Russia assumed the Soviet Union's UN membership and permanent membership on the Security Council, nuclear stockpile and the control over the armed forces; Soviet embassies abroad became Russian embassies.[136] Bush and Yeltsin met in February 1992, declaring a new era of "friendship and partnership".[137] In January 1993, Bush and Yeltsin agreed to START II, which provided for further nuclear arms reductions on top of the original START treaty.[138] The first Russian McDonald's on Moscow's Pushkin Square, pictured in 1991 See also flagSoviet Union portalflagUnited States portal Russia–United States relations Russian Empire–United States relations Russia–NATO relations List of Soviet Union–United States summits Foreign relations of Russia Foreign relations of the Soviet Union Foreign policy of the Russian Empire Peaceful coexistence International relations (1814–1919) Diplomatic history of World War I International relations (1919–1939) Diplomatic history of World War II Soviet Empire Eastern Bloc Cold War References Kennen, George F. 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Bush (2007) pp. 67-68 Greene, pp. 110–112 John Robert Greene, The Presidency of George Bush (2nd ed. 2015) p. 119 Otmar Lahodynsky: Paneuropäisches Picknick: Die Generalprobe für den Mauerfall (Pan-European picnic: the dress rehearsal for the fall of the Berlin Wall – German), in: Profil 9 August 2014. George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776 (2008) pp 904-6. Mary E. Sarotte, "In victory, magnanimity: US foreign policy, 1989–1991, and the legacy of prefabricated multilateralism." International Politics 48.4-5 (2011): 482-495. Zbigniew Brzezinski, "The Cold War and Its Aftermath" Foreign Affairs 71#4 (1992), pp. 31-49 online Naftali, George H. W. Bush (2007), pp. 91-93 Greene, p. 126 Heilbrunn, Jacob (31 March 1996). "Together Again". The New York Times. Herring, pp. 906–907 Greene, pp. 134–137 Greene, pp. 120–121 Herring, p. 907 Herring, pp. 913–914 "1991: Superpowers to cut nuclear warheads". BBC News. 31 July 1991. Greene, p. 204 Символ перемен. Как в России открывался первый "Макдоналдс" Maynes, Charles (1 February 2020). "McDonald's Marks 30 Years in Russia". Voice of America. Retrieved 16 March 2022. Naftali, George H. W. Bush (2007), pp 137-138 Greene, pp. 205–206 Letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations from the President of the Russian Federation Jussi Hanhimäki; Georges-Henri Soutou; Basil Germond (2010). The Routledge Handbook of Transatlantic Security. Routledge. p. 501. ISBN 9781136936074. Ruud van Dijk; et al. (2013). Encyclopedia of the Cold War. Routledge. pp. 860–51. ISBN 978-1135923112. Further reading Further information: Diplomatic history of World War II § The Allies Bennett, Edward M. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Search for Security: American-Soviet Relations, 1933-1939 (1985) Bennett, Edward M. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Search for Victory: American-Soviet Relations, 1939-1945 (1990). Browder, Robert P. "The First Encounter: Roosevelt and the Russians, 1933" United States Naval Institute proceedings (May 1957) 83#5 pp 523–32. Browder, Robert P. The origins of Soviet-American diplomacy (1953) pp 99–127 Online Butler, Susan. Roosevelt and Stalin: Portrait of a Partnership (Vintage, 2015). Cohen, Warren I. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations: Vol. IV: America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945-1991 (1993). Crockatt, Richard. The Fifty Years War: The United States and the Soviet Union in world politics, 1941-1991 (1995). Dallek, Robert. Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945 (Oxford University Press. 1979), a major scholarly study.\; online Diesing, Duane J. Russia and the United States: Future Implications of Historical Relationships (No. Au/Acsc/Diesing/Ay09. Air Command And Staff Coll Maxwell Afb Al, 2009). online Archived 20 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine Downing, Taylor. 1983: Reagan, Andropov, and a World on the Brink (Hachette UK, 2018). Dunbabin, J.P.D. International Relations since 1945: Vol. 1: The Cold War: The Great Powers and their Allies (1994). Feis, Herbert. Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin: The War They Waged and the Peace They Sought (1957) online; a major scholarly study Fenby, Jonathan. Alliance: The Inside Story of How Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill Won One War and Began Another (2015) excerpt; popular history Fike, Claude E. "The Influence of the Creel Committee and the American Red Cross on Russian-American Relations, 1917-1919." Journal of Modern History 31#2 (1959): 93–109. online. Fischer, Ben B. A Cold War conundrum: the 1983 soviet war scare (Central Intelligence Agency, Center for the Study of Intelligence, 1997). online Foglesong, David S. The American mission and the 'Evil Empire': the crusade for a 'Free Russia' since 1881 (2007). Gaddis, John Lewis. Russia, the Soviet Union, and the United States (2nd ed. 1990) online covers 1781-1988 Gaddis, John Lewis. The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947 (2000). Garthoff, Raymond L. Détente and confrontation: American-Soviet relations from Nixon to Reagan (2nd ed. 1994) In-depth scholarly history covers 1969 to 1980. online Garthoff, Raymond L. The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War (1994), In-depth scholarly history, 1981 to 1991, online Glantz, Mary E. FDR and the Soviet Union: the President's battles over foreign policy (2005). Kennan, George F. Russia Leaves the War: Soviet American Relations 1917–1920 (1956). LaFeber, Walter. America, Russia, and the Cold War 1945-2006 (2008). online 1984 edition Leffler, Melvyn P. The Specter of Communism: The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1917-1953 (1994). Lovenstein, Meno. American Opinion Of Soviet Russia (1941) online McNeill, William Hardy. America, Britain, & Russia: Their Co-Operation and Conflict, 1941–1946 (1953), 820pp; comprehensive overview Morris, Robert L. "A Reassessment of Russian Recognition." Historian 24.4 (1962): 470–482. Naleszkiewicz, Wladimir. "Technical Assistance of the American Enterprises to the Growth of the Soviet Union, 1929-1933." Russian Review 25.1 (1966): 54-76 online. Nye, Joseph S. ed. The making of America's Soviet policy (1984) Saul, Norman E. Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867 (1991) Saul, Norman E. Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867-1914 (1996) Saul, Norman E. War and Revolution: The United States and Russia, 1914-1921 (2001) Saul, Norman E. Friends or foes? : the United States and Soviet Russia, 1921-1941 (2006) online Saul, Norman E. The A to Z of United States-Russian/Soviet Relations (2010) Saul, Norman E. Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Foreign Policy (2014). Sibley, Katherine A. S. "Soviet industrial espionage against American military technology and the US response, 1930–1945." Intelligence and National Security 14.2 (1999): 94–123. Smith, Gaddis. Morality, Reason and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (1986), 1976-1980. Sokolov, Boris V. "The role of lend‐lease in Soviet military efforts, 1941–1945." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 7.3 (1994): 567–586. Stoler, Mark A. Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and US Strategy in World War II. (UNC Press, 2003). Taubman, William. Gorbachev (2017) excerpt Taubman, William. Khrushchev: The Man and His Era (2012), Pulitzer Prize Taubman, William. Stalin's American Policy: From Entente to Détente to Cold War (1982). Trani, Eugene P. "Woodrow Wilson and the decision

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Frederick Cheney "Fred" LaRue, Sr. (October 11, 1928 – July 24, 2004), was an aide in the administration of U.S. President Richard Nixon. He served a short prison sentence for his role in the Watergate break-in and the subsequent Watergate scandal and cover-up. Oddly, LaRue had no rank, title, salary, or even listing in the White House directory.[1] LaRue was present at an early meeting with his friend, United States Attorney General John N. Mitchell, at which the Watergate burglary was planned. Afterwards, LaRue assisted the cover-up, supervising the shredding of documents and the destruction of financial records.[2] Biography LaRue was a son of Isaac Parsons and Ruth (Quickenstedt) LaRue. His father later went to prison for violating banking laws, and, upon his release, made a fortune in the oil business. Fred LaRue sold one of their Mississippi oil fields for a reported $30 million in 1967. Accidentally shoots his father dead In 1957, LaRue accidentally shot and killed his father while hunting with friends in Canada.[3][4] Business interests in pre-1959 Havana casinos and Las Vegas With his newfound wealth, LaRue invested in many failed business ventures including casinos in Havana, Cuba, prior to the communist revolution, and in Las Vegas, Nevada. He also used his wealth to become a political financier and served as a member of the Republican National Committee from 1963 until 1968. Associated with Senators Goldwater, Eastland and Thurmond He was a heavy financial contributor to Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign in 1964. He was also a longtime friend of the Mississippi Democratic U.S. Senator James Eastland.[5] After Goldwater lost the election, LaRue began getting involved with Nixon's career. LaRue was one of the principal planners of Nixon's so-called "Southern strategy" for winning the election. He coordinated with the campaign office of Strom Thurmond, the veteran U.S. Senator from South Carolina. Nixon supporter, advisor to Attorney General John Mitchell LaRue also recommended the use of a "special ballad-type song in the current 'country-and-western music style, by which nationally famous artists will sing the message via the radio and TV." The song was called "Bring Our Country Back" and included "alternate" lyrics with the couplet: "Dick Nixon is a decent man/Who can bring our country back." LaRue proposed broadcasting the song by local radio and television programs throughout the South. However, he had difficulty finding artists to perform the song; most that he contacted[who?] either sympathized with George Wallace, the former governor of Alabama, or did not want to help Nixon. Eventually, LaRue managed to convince Roy Acuff and Tex Ritter, who were unsuccessful Republican candidates themselves for governor and U.S. senator, respectively, in the state of Tennessee, to perform versions of the song. LaRue coordinated with Eastland to obtain the confirmation of Nixon's judicial nominees. He has been described[by whom?] as a special assistant in an "advisory capacity" to then Attorney General Mitchell. On March 30, 1972, LaRue attended a meeting in Key Biscayne, Florida, with Mitchell and Jeb Magruder. Mitchell, having announced his resignation as attorney general on February 15, assumed his new duties as head of the Committee to Re-elect the President, effective on March 1. The March 30 meeting has been the subject of great dispute among its three participants. According to Magruder, the three men approved the so-called Operation Gemstone and other aspects of a "dirty tricks" campaign against the Democratic Party. LaRue and Mitchell, to their deaths, always denied this vehemently. In 2003, Magruder stated, for the first time, that it was at this meeting that President Nixon, speaking to Mitchell by telephone, voiced specific approval for the Watergate burglary. Mitchell and Nixon had both been dead for years, and Fred LaRue denied Magruder's claim publicly.[citation needed] 'Bagman' for Watergate burglary pay-off LaRue was known as the "bagman" because he delivered more than $300,000 in cash ("hush money") to the conspirators and their attorneys to keep participants of the Watergate burglary quiet.[1] LaRue was the first Administration official to plead guilty to crimes related to his involvement with the Watergate burglary and the cover-up. Jailed for obstruction of justice He pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice on June 27, 1973 and served four and a half months in custody at the Maxwell Air Force Base near Montgomery, Alabama. LaRue's fellow Watergate-convicts John Mitchell and Charles Colson also served their prison time at Maxwell AFB. Life after prison LaRue refused to testify against Nixon or any other Watergate figure. One of Nixon's first public appearances after his resignation as president came three years later in 1977 at a "Salute to the Military" in Biloxi, directed by LaRue.[citation needed] LaRue died in Biloxi, Mississippi, and was cremated.[6] He was survived by his wife, Joyce Burleson LaRue, and six children. References Patricia Sullivan, "Watergate 'Bagman' Fred LaRue, 75, Dies", Washington Post, July 29, 2004. Caro, Robert (2002). The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Master of the Senate. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 102–103, p. 867. ISBN 0-394-52836-0. Martin, Douglas (29 July 2004). "Fred LaRue, Watergate Figure, Dies at 75". The New York Times. "Texan Killed at Kerrobert". Star-Phoenix. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. October 18, 1957. p. 6. Retrieved September 8, 2021. Caro, Robert: Master of the Senate, p. 102–103 and p. 867. "Frederick Cheney LaRue, Sr". Findagrave.com. Retrieved August 16, 2017. Portals: Biography flag Texas flag Mississippi icon Politics icon Business and Economics Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata Categories: 1928 births2004 deathsAmerican people convicted of obstruction of justicePeople from Athens, TexasMembers of the Committee for the Re-Election of the PresidentTexas RepublicansMississippi RepublicansPeople from Biloxi, MississippiPeople convicted in the Watergate scandal Robert Charles Mardian (October 23, 1923 – July 17, 2006) was a United States Republican party official who served in the administration of Richard Nixon, and was embroiled in the Watergate scandal as one of the Watergate Seven who were indicted by a grand jury for campaign violations. His conviction for conspiracy was overturned because of procedural unfairness and he was not subsequently retried. Family and early life Mardian's father, Samuel, was from the Armenian town of Hadjin in the Vilayet of Adana in the Ottoman Empire (present day Saimbeyli in Mediterranean Turkey). He was born Samuel Zeligian into a Christian family and was a member of Second Congregational Church in Hadjin. Following the massacre of 35,000 Armenians in Adana in 1909 and the siege of Christian Hadjin Samuel escaped with his family and was in the United States by 1912. Samuel settled in California and supported progressive politicians such as Hiram Johnson and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Samuel Mardian's four sons, however, adopted free-market politics. Robert Mardian's brother, Daniel Mardian Sr. founded Mardian Construction Company, a multi-million dollar concern, which contributed to Arizona's prominence and Samuel Mardian Jr. joined him as the vice president. Samuel Mardian also served as mayor of Phoenix, Arizona from 1960 to 1964, and was a leading supporter of Barry Goldwater. Robert Mardian went to public school in Pasadena, California followed by Columbia University, North Dakota State Teachers College, and the University of California, Santa Barbara.[1][2] While serving in the United States Navy he met and married Dorothy Denniss in 1946. They had three sons. Mardian was awarded a law degree from the University of Southern California in 1949. After leaving law school he went into private practice as a corporate lawyer. Politics In 1956, Mardian, already active in the Republican Party, was appointed to a vacant seat on the Pasadena School Board. He was elected in 1957 but resigned shortly afterwards through pressure of work. From 1962, Mardian left his law practice to become vice president and chief legal officer of a savings and loan association. In the 1964 presidential election he managed the Goldwater campaign in four western states; although Goldwater was unsuccessful, his campaigning ability impressed Richard Nixon and he was appointed to the same position in Nixon's 1968 campaign. This time, of the four western states, the Republicans carried all but Washington. In the intervening years, he served as chairman of Ronald Reagan's state advisory committee during his 1966 gubernatorial campaign in California. Nixon official His work on the 1968 campaign led to Mardian becoming close to campaign managerJohn N. Mitchell. Mardian was appointed general counsel to the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in the Nixon administration. He supported Mitchell's 'Southern strategy' and advised the Department on ways of slowing the pace of school integration. His success in this post led to a promotion to Assistant Attorney General under Mitchell. Mardian was in charge of the Internal Security Division, which headed up the fight against the radical left, prosecuting draft dodgers. He was entrusted to transfer to the White House the wiretap logs which had been discovered among J. Edgar Hoover's possessions in the Federal Bureau of Investigation after his death. Watergate Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP Committee for the Re-Election of the President Fred LaRue Jeb Stuart Magruder Robert Mardian John N. Mitchell Kenneth Parkinson Hugh W. Sloan Jr. Maurice Stans White House Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte Mardian became involved in the Nixon administration's unorthodox campaigns early when he headed the federal prosecution of Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg in 1971. Although passed over for the appointment as deputy manager of CRP, Mardian was appointed as a 'political coordinator' with an uncertain role, as well as counsel for the committee. The offense for which Mardian was convicted, but later cleared, occurred on June 17, 1972. Mardian was with other campaign officials in California preparing for a fundraising dinner. Having learned of the arrest of the five men in the Watergate complex, Jeb Stuart Magruder testified that at John N. Mitchell's suggestion Mardian telephoned G. Gordon Liddy and told Liddy to contact Attorney General Kleindienst, with an order that James W. McCord, Jr. should be released before his identity was discovered. Liddy insisted that the call had come from Magruder. Mardian always insisted on his innocence and since the trial has said that John Dean had the idea of calling Kleindienst. Mardian stated that he could have played no role in getting the burglars released, given his location and the difference in time zones. On June 20, Mardian and Fred LaRue met with Liddy in LaRue's apartment in the Watergate complex, where Liddy told him the full story of 'the plumbers' activities. Mardian suggested to Liddy that he was likely to be traced and ought to give himself up; he also said that Mitchell was unlikely to let CRP funds be used to bail the Cuban burglars, but the Cuban community in Florida might help. Indictment and trial When Jeb Stuart Magruder decided to cooperate with the prosecution on April 10, 1973, it became certain that Mardian would be indicted, although he had first to go before the Ervin Senate committee (July 19–20, 1973).[3][4] Before the Senators, Mardian was an effective witness in defense of his actions. The grand jury nonetheless indicted him on March 1, 1974. In January 1975, Mardian was convicted on one count of conspiracy to hinder the investigation. He was sentenced to 10 months to 3 years on February 21, 1975, but on appeal in 1976 the conviction was quashed. The United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit held that Mardian ought to have been tried separately because his lawyer, David Bress, fell ill two weeks into the trial, and because of Mardian's limited alleged role. The special prosecutor declined to retry him; in 1997 his appeal lawyer Arnold Rochvarg wrote a book outlining the legal history of the case and arguing that Mardian was innocent. Later years After leaving his campaign position, Mardian moved to Phoenix, Arizona to join the family construction business. He retired in 2002 and remained in Phoenix, with a summer home in California. Before the May 2005 revelation that W. Mark Felt was the mysterious Watergate source known as "Deep Throat," some believed that Mardian had been the informant. When Felt was revealed to have been the source, Mardian told the Arizona Republic that Felt "betrayed his position" by leaking to The Washington Post. Mardian died of complications from lung cancer on July 17, 2006, at his vacation home in San Clemente, California. References Sullivan, Patricia (July 21, 2006). "Robert Mardian; Attorney Caught Up in Watergate Scandal". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 26, 2022. Martin, Douglas (July 22, 2006). "Robert Mardian, 82, Nixon Campaign Lawyer, Dies". The New York Times. Retrieved April 26, 2022. 1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-07-19; Part 2 of 5, retrieved 2020-06-04 1973 Watergate Hearings; 1973-07-20; Part 1 of 4, retrieved 2020-06-04 The Watergate Hearings: Break-in and Cover-up (New York Times book) (Bantam Books, Inc., New York, 1973) Watergate: The Corruption and Fall of Richard Nixon by Fred Emery (Jonathan Cape, London, 1994) Watergate Victory: Mardian's Appeal by Arnold Rochvarg (University Press of America, Lanham, Maryland, 1995) External links U.S. Department Health and Human Services Bio of Robert C. Mardian [1] "Robert Mardian, One of the Watergate Seven – Obituary – The Independent www.independent.co.uk. Retrieved 2010-02-25. Footage of Robert Mardian testifying before the Senate Watergate committee in the American Archive of Public Broadcasting: 7/19/1973, 7/20/1973 Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata Categories: 1923 births2006 deathsPoliticians from Pasadena, CaliforniaPoliticians from Phoenix, ArizonaAmerican people of Armenian descentColumbia University alumniUSC Gould School of Law alumniDeaths from lung cancer in CaliforniaUnited States Assistant Attorneys GeneralUniversity of California, Santa Barbara alumniCalifornia RepublicansArizona RepublicansSchool board members in CaliforniaPeople convicted in the Watergate scandalUnited States Navy personnel of World War II

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ On August 16, 1975, Bundy was arrested by Utah Highway Patrol officer Bob Hayward in Granger, another Salt Lake City suburb.[174] Hayward observed Bundy cruising a residential area in his Volkswagen Beetle during the pre-dawn hours, and fleeing at high speed after seeing the patrol car.[175] He noticed that the Volkswagen's front passenger seat had been removed and placed on the rear seats, and searched the car. He found a ski mask, a second mask fashioned from pantyhose, a crowbar, handcuffs, trash bags, a coil of rope, an ice pick, and other items initially assumed to be burglary tools. Bundy explained that the ski mask was for skiing, he had found the handcuffs in a dumpster, and the rest were common household items.[176] However, Detective Jerry Thompson remembered a similar suspect and car description from the November 1974 DaRonch kidnapping, and Bundy's name from Kloepfer's phone call a month later. In a search of Bundy's apartment, police found a guide to Colorado ski resorts with a checkmark by the Wildwood Inn,[177] and a brochure that advertised the Viewmont High School play in Bountiful, where Kent had disappeared.[178] The police did not have sufficient evidence to detain Bundy, so he was released on his own recognizance. Bundy later said that searchers missed a hidden collection of Polaroid photographs of his victims, which he destroyed after he was released.[179] Salt Lake City police placed Bundy on 24-hour surveillance, and Thompson flew to Seattle with two other detectives to interview Kloepfer. She told them that in the year prior to Bundy's move to Utah, she had discovered objects that she "couldn't understand" in her house and in Bundy's apartment. These items included crutches, a bag of plaster of Paris that he admitted stealing from a medical supply house, and a meat cleaver that was never used for cooking. Additional objects included surgical gloves, an Oriental knife in a wooden case that he kept in his glove compartment, and a sack full of women's clothing.[180] Bundy was perpetually in debt, and Kloepfer suspected that he had stolen almost everything of significant value that he possessed. When she confronted him over a new TV and stereo, he warned her, "If you tell anyone, I'll break your fucking neck."[181] She said Bundy became "very upset" whenever she considered cutting her hair, which was long and parted in the middle. She would sometimes awaken in the middle of the night to find him under the bed covers with a flashlight, examining her body. He kept a lug wrench, taped halfway up the handle, in the trunk of her car—another Volkswagen Beetle, which he often borrowed—"for protection". The detectives confirmed that Bundy had not been with Kloepfer on any of the nights during which the Pacific Northwest victims had vanished, nor on the day Ott and Naslund were abducted from Lake Sammamish State Park.[182] Shortly thereafter, Kloepfer was interviewed by Seattle homicide detective Kathy McChesney, and learned of the existence of Diane Edwards and her brief engagement to Bundy around Christmas 1973.[183] Bundy is facing right in the first photo and facing front in the second. He has medium long hair and is wearing a turtleneck sweater. Bundy's 1975 Utah mugshots In September, Bundy sold his Volkswagen Beetle to a Midvale teenager.[184] Utah police impounded it, and FBI technicians dismantled and searched it. They found hairs matching samples obtained from Campbell's body.[185] Later, they also identified hair strands "microscopically indistinguishable" from those of Smith and DaRonch.[186] FBI lab specialist Robert Neill concluded that the presence of hair strands in one car matching three different victims who had never met one another would be "a coincidence of mind-boggling rarity".[187] On October 2, detectives put Bundy into a lineup. DaRonch immediately identified him as "Officer Roseland", and witnesses from Bountiful recognized him as the stranger at the Viewmont High School auditorium.[188] There was insufficient evidence to link him to Kent, whose body had not yet been found,[189] but more than enough evidence to charge him with aggravated kidnapping and attempted criminal assault in the DaRonch case. He was freed on $15,000 bail, paid by his parents,[190] and spent most of the time between indictment and trial in Seattle, living in Kloepfer's house. Seattle police had insufficient evidence to charge him in the Pacific Northwest murders, but kept him under close surveillance. "When Ted and I stepped out on the porch to go somewhere," Kloepfer wrote, "so many unmarked police cars started up that it sounded like the beginning of the Indy 500."[191] In November, the three principal Bundy investigators—Jerry Thompson from Utah, Robert Keppel from Washington, and Michael Fisher from Colorado—met in Aspen, Colorado, and exchanged information with thirty detectives and prosecutors from five states.[192] While officials left the meeting, which was later referred to as the Aspen Summit, convinced that Bundy was the murderer they sought, they agreed that more hard evidence would be needed before he could be charged with any of the murders.[193] In February 1976, Bundy stood trial for the DaRonch kidnapping. On the advice of his attorney, John O'Connell, he waived his right to a jury due to the negative publicity surrounding the case. After a four-day bench trial and a weekend of deliberation, Judge Stewart Hanson Jr. found him guilty of kidnapping and assault.[194][166][195] In June, he was sentenced to one to 15 years in the Utah State Prison.[190] In October, he was found hiding in bushes in the prison yard carrying an "escape kit"—road maps, airline schedules, and a social security card—and spent several weeks in solitary confinement.[196] Later that month, Colorado authorities charged him with Campbell's murder. After a period of resistance, he waived extradition proceedings and was transferred to Aspen in January 1977.[197][198] On June 7, 1977, Bundy was transported 40 miles (64 km) from the Garfield County jail in Glenwood Springs to Pitkin County Courthouse in Aspen for a preliminary hearing. He had elected to serve as his own attorney, and as such, was excused by the judge from wearing handcuffs or leg shackles.[200] During a recess, he asked to visit the courthouse's law library to research his case. While shielded from his guards' view behind a bookcase, he opened a window and jumped to the ground from the second story, injuring his right ankle as he landed. After shedding an outer layer of clothing, Bundy limped through Aspen as roadblocks were being set up on its outskirts, then hiked south onto Aspen Mountain. Near its summit he broke into a hunting cabin and stole food, clothing, and a rifle.[201] The following day, he left the cabin and continued south toward the town of Crested Butte, but became lost in the forest. For two days he wandered aimlessly on the mountain, missing two trails that led downward to his intended destination. On June 10, he broke into a camping trailer on Maroon Lake, 10 miles (16 km) south of Aspen, taking food and a ski parka; however, instead of continuing southward, he walked back north toward Aspen, eluding roadblocks and search parties along the way.[202] Three days later, he stole a car at the edge of Aspen Golf Course. Cold, sleep-deprived, and in constant pain from his sprained ankle, Bundy drove back into Aspen, where two police officers noticed his car weaving in and out of its lane and pulled him over. He had been a fugitive for six days.[203] In the car were maps of the mountain area around Aspen that prosecutors were using to demonstrate the location of Campbell's body (as his own attorney, Bundy had rights of discovery), indicating that his escape had been planned.[204] Black-and-white photo of a man with curly hair 1977 photograph—taken shortly after first escape and recapture[205]—from Bundy's FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives poster Back in jail in Glenwood Springs, Bundy ignored the advice of friends and legal advisors to stay put. The case against him, already weak at best, was deteriorating steadily as pretrial motions consistently resolved in his favor and significant bits of evidence were ruled inadmissible.[206] "A more rational defendant might have realized that he stood a good chance of acquittal, and that beating the murder charge in Colorado would probably have dissuaded other prosecutors ... with as little as a year and a half to serve on the DaRonch conviction, had Ted persevered, he could have been a free man."[207] Instead, Bundy assembled a new escape plan. He acquired a detailed floor plan of the Garfield County jail and a hacksaw blade from other inmates. He accumulated $500 in cash, smuggled in over a six-month period by visitors, Boone in particular.[208] During the evenings, while other prisoners were showering, he sawed a hole about one square foot (0.093 m2) between the steel reinforcing bars in his cell's ceiling. Having lost 35 pounds (16 kg), he was able to wriggle through and explore the crawl space above[209] in the weeks that followed. Multiple reports from an informant of movement within the ceiling during the night were not investigated.[210] By late 1977, Bundy's impending trial had become a cause célèbre in the small town of Aspen, and Bundy filed a motion for a change of venue to Denver.[211] On December 23, the Aspen trial judge granted the request, but to Colorado Springs, where juries had historically been hostile to murder suspects.[212] On the night of December 30, with most of the jail staff on Christmas break and nonviolent prisoners on furlough with their families,[213] Bundy piled books and files in his bed, covered them with a blanket to simulate his sleeping body, and climbed into the crawl space. He broke through the ceiling into the apartment of the chief jailer — who was out for the evening with his wife[214] — changed into street clothes from the jailer's closet, and walked out the front door to freedom.[215] After stealing a car, Bundy drove eastward out of Glenwood Springs, but the car soon broke down in the mountains on Interstate 70. A passing motorist gave him a ride into Vail, 60 miles (97 km) to the east. From there he caught a bus to Denver, where he boarded a morning flight to Chicago. Back in Glenwood Springs, the jail's skeleton crew did not discover the escape until noon on December 31, more than seventeen hours later. By then, Bundy was already in Chicago.[216] From Chicago, Bundy traveled by train to Ann Arbor, Michigan, where he was present in a local tavern on January 2.[217] Five days later, he stole a car and drove south to Atlanta, where he boarded a bus and arrived in Tallahassee, Florida, on the morning of January 8. He stayed for one night at a hotel before he rented a room under the alias Chris Hagen at a boarding house near the Florida State University (FSU) campus.[218] Bundy later said that he initially resolved to find legitimate employment and refrain from further criminal activity, knowing he could probably remain free and undetected in Florida indefinitely as long as he did not attract the attention of police;[219] but his lone job application, at a construction site, had to be abandoned when he was asked to produce identification.[220] He reverted to his old habits of shoplifting and stealing money and credit cards from women's wallets left in shopping carts at local grocery stores.[221] A Chi Omega sorority house resident gazes from a window of the premises hours after Bundy's January 15, 1978 rampage In the early hours of January 15, 1978—one week after his arrival in Tallahassee—Bundy entered FSU's Chi Omega sorority house through a rear door with a faulty locking mechanism.[222] Beginning at about 2:45 a.m. he bludgeoned Margaret Elizabeth Bowman, 21, with a piece of oak firewood as she slept, then garrotted her with a nylon stocking.[223] He then entered the bedroom of 20-year-old Lisa Janet Levy and beat her unconscious, strangled her, tore one of her nipples, bit deeply into her left buttock, and sexually assaulted her with a hair mist bottle.[224] In an adjoining bedroom he attacked Kathy Kleiner, 21, breaking her jaw and deeply lacerating her shoulder; and Karen Chandler, 21, who suffered a concussion, broken jaw, loss of teeth, and a crushed finger.[225] Chandler and Kleiner survived the attack; Kleiner attributed their survival to automobile headlights illuminating the interior of their room and frightening away the attacker.[226][227] Tallahassee detectives determined that the four attacks took place in a total of less than 15 minutes, within earshot of more than 30 witnesses who heard nothing.[222] After leaving the sorority house, Bundy broke into a basement apartment eight blocks away and attacked 21-year-old FSU student Cheryl Thomas, dislocating her shoulder and fracturing her jaw and skull in five places. She was left with permanent deafness in her left ear and equilibrium damage that ended her dance career.[228] On Thomas's bed, police found a semen stain and a pantyhose "mask" containing two hairs "similar to Bundy's in class and characteristic".[229][230] Kimberly Leach On February 8, Bundy drove 150 miles (240 km) east to Jacksonville in a stolen FSU van. In a parking lot he approached 14-year-old Leslie Parmenter, the daughter of the Jacksonville Police Department's Chief of Detectives, identifying himself as "Richard Burton, Fire Department", but retreated when Parmenter's older brother arrived and confronted him.[231] That afternoon, he backtracked 60 miles (97 km) westward to Lake City. At Lake City Junior High School the following morning, 12-year-old Kimberly Dianne Leach was summoned to her homeroom by a teacher to retrieve a forgotten purse; she never returned to class. Seven weeks later, after an intensive search, her partially mummified remains were found in a pig farrowing shed near Suwannee River State Park, 35 miles (56 km) northwest of Lake City.[232][233] Forensic experts surmised that Leach had been raped before having her throat cut and her genitals mutilated with a knife.[234][235] On February 12, with insufficient cash to pay his overdue rent and a growing suspicion that police were closing in on him,[236] Bundy stole a car and fled Tallahassee, driving westward across the Florida Panhandle. Three days later, at around 1:00 a.m., he was stopped by Pensacola police officer David Lee near the Alabama state line after a "wants and warrants" check showed his Volkswagen Beetle was stolen.[237] When told he was under arrest, Bundy kicked Lee's legs out from under him and took off running. Lee fired two warning shots, then gave chase and tackled him. The two struggled over Lee's gun before the officer finally subdued and arrested Bundy.[238] In the stolen vehicle were three sets of IDs belonging to female FSU students, 21 stolen credit cards and a stolen television set.[239] Also found were a pair of dark-rimmed non-prescription glasses and a pair of plaid slacks, later identified as the disguise worn by "Richard Burton, Fire Department" in Jacksonville.[240] As Lee transported his suspect to jail, unaware that he had just arrested one of the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives, he heard Bundy say, "I wish you had killed me."[241]

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Biological warfare, also known as germ warfare, is the use of biological toxins or infectious agents such as bacteria, viruses, insects, and fungi with the intent to kill, harm or incapacitate humans, animals or plants as an act of war.[1] Biological weapons (often termed "bio-weapons", "biological threat agents", or "bio-agents") are living organisms or replicating entities (i.e. viruses, which are not universally considered "alive"). Entomological (insect) warfare is a subtype of biological warfare. Biological warfare is subject to a forceful normative prohibition.[2][3] Offensive biological warfare in international armed conflicts is a war crime under the 1925 Geneva Protocol and several international humanitarian law treaties.[4][5] In particular, the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) bans the development, production, acquisition, transfer, stockpiling and use of biological weapons.[6][7] In contrast, defensive biological research for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes is not prohibited by the BWC.[8] Biological warfare is distinct from warfare involving other types of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), including nuclear warfare, chemical warfare, and radiological warfare. None of these are considered conventional weapons, which are deployed primarily for their explosive, kinetic, or incendiary potential. Biological weapons may be employed in various ways to gain a strategic or tactical advantage over the enemy, either by threats or by actual deployments. Like some chemical weapons, biological weapons may also be useful as area denial weapons. These agents may be lethal or non-lethal, and may be targeted against a single individual, a group of people, or even an entire population. They may be developed, acquired, stockpiled or deployed by nation states or by non-national groups. In the latter case, or if a nation-state uses it clandestinely, it may also be considered bioterrorism.[9] Biological warfare and chemical warfare overlap to an extent, as the use of toxins produced by some living organisms is considered under the provisions of both the BWC and the Chemical Weapons Convention. Toxins and psychochemical weapons are often referred to as midspectrum agents. Unlike bioweapons, these midspectrum agents do not reproduce in their host and are typically characterized by shorter incubation periods.[10] Overview A biological attack could conceivably result in large numbers of civilian casualties and cause severe disruption to economic and societal infrastructure.[11] A nation or group that can pose a credible threat of mass casualty has the ability to alter the terms under which other nations or groups interact with it. When indexed to weapon mass and cost of development and storage, biological weapons possess destructive potential and loss of life far in excess of nuclear, chemical or conventional weapons. Accordingly, biological agents are potentially useful as strategic deterrents, in addition to their utility as offensive weapons on the battlefield.[12] As a tactical weapon for military use, a significant problem with biological warfare is that it would take days to be effective, and therefore might not immediately stop an opposing force. Some biological agents (smallpox, pneumonic plague) have the capability of person-to-person transmission via aerosolized respiratory droplets. This feature can be undesirable, as the agent(s) may be transmitted by this mechanism to unintended populations, including neutral or even friendly forces. Worse still, such a weapon could "escape" the laboratory where it was developed, even if there was no intent to use it – for example by infecting a researcher who then transmits it to the outside world before realizing that they were infected. Several cases are known of researchers becoming infected and dying of Ebola,[13][14] which they had been working with in the lab (though nobody else was infected in those cases) – while there is no evidence that their work was directed towards biological warfare, it demonstrates the potential for accidental infection even of careful researchers fully aware of the dangers. While containment of biological warfare is less of a concern for certain criminal or terrorist organizations, it remains a significant concern for the military and civilian populations of virtually all nations. History Main article: History of biological warfare Part of a series on War History Military Battlespace Weapons Tactics Operational Strategy Grand strategy Administrative Organization Personnel Logistics Science Law Theory Related Lists vte Antiquity and Middle Ages Rudimentary forms of biological warfare have been practiced since antiquity.[15] The earliest documented incident of the intention to use biological weapons is recorded in Hittite texts of 1500–1200 BCE, in which victims of tularemia were driven into enemy lands, causing an epidemic.[16] The Assyrians poisoned enemy wells with the fungus ergot, though with unknown results. Scythian archers dipped their arrows and Roman soldiers their swords into excrements and cadavers – victims were commonly infected by tetanus as result.[17] In 1346, the bodies of Mongol warriors of the Golden Horde who had died of plague were thrown over the walls of the besieged Crimean city of Kaffa. Specialists disagree about whether this operation was responsible for the spread of the Black Death into Europe, Near East and North Africa, resulting in the deaths of approximately 25 million Europeans.[18][19][20][21] Biological agents were extensively used in many parts of Africa from the sixteenth century AD, most of the time in the form of poisoned arrows, or powder spread on the war front as well as poisoning of horses and water supply of the enemy forces.[22][23] In Borgu, there were specific mixtures to kill, hypnotize, make the enemy bold, and to act as an antidote against the poison of the enemy as well. The creation of biologicals was reserved for a specific and professional class of medicine-men.[23] 18th to 19th century During the French and Indian War, in June 1763 a group of Native Americans laid siege to British-held Fort Pitt.[24][25] The commander of Fort Pitt, Simeon Ecuyer, ordered his men to take smallpox-infested blankets from the infirmary and give it to a Lenape delegation during the siege.[26][27][28] A reported outbreak that began the spring before left as many as one hundred Native Americans dead in Ohio Country from 1763 to 1764. It is not clear whether the smallpox was a result of the Fort Pitt incident or the virus was already present among the Delaware people as outbreaks happened on their own every dozen or so years[29] and the delegates were met again later and seemingly had not contracted smallpox.[30][31][32] During the American Revolutionary War, Continental Army officer George Washington mentioned to the Continental Congress that he had heard a rumor from a sailor that his opponent during the Siege of Boston, General William Howe, had deliberately sent civilians out of the city in the hopes of spreading the ongoing smallpox epidemic to American lines; Washington, remaining unconvinced, wrote that he "could hardly give credit to" the claim. Washington had already inoculated his soldiers, diminishing the effect of the epidemic.[33][34] Some historians have claimed that a detachment of the Corps of Royal Marines stationed in New South Wales, Australia, deliberately used smallpox there in 1789.[35] Dr Seth Carus states: "Ultimately, we have a strong circumstantial case supporting the theory that someone deliberately introduced smallpox in the Aboriginal population."[36][37] World War I By 1900 the germ theory and advances in bacteriology brought a new level of sophistication to the techniques for possible use of bio-agents in war. Biological sabotage in the form of anthrax and glanders was undertaken on behalf of the Imperial German government during World War I (1914–1918), with indifferent results.[38] The Geneva Protocol of 1925 prohibited the first use of chemical and biological weapons against enemy nationals in international armed conflicts.[39] World War II With the onset of World War II, the Ministry of Supply in the United Kingdom established a biological warfare program at Porton Down, headed by the microbiologist Paul Fildes. The research was championed by Winston Churchill and soon tularemia, anthrax, brucellosis, and botulism toxins had been effectively weaponized. In particular, Gruinard Island in Scotland, was contaminated with anthrax during a series of extensive tests for the next 56 years. Although the UK never offensively used the biological weapons it developed, its program was the first to successfully weaponize a variety of deadly pathogens and bring them into industrial production.[40] Other nations, notably France and Japan, had begun their own biological weapons programs.[41] When the United States entered the war, Allied resources were pooled at the request of the British. The U.S. then established a large research program and industrial complex at Fort Detrick, Maryland, in 1942 under the direction of George W. Merck.[42] The biological and chemical weapons developed during that period were tested at the Dugway Proving Grounds in Utah. Soon there were facilities for the mass production of anthrax spores, brucellosis, and botulism toxins, although the war was over before these weapons could be of much operational use.[43] Shiro Ishii, commander of Unit 731, which performed human vivisections and other biological experimentation The most notorious program of the period was run by the secret Imperial Japanese Army Unit 731 during the war, based at Pingfan in Manchuria and commanded by Lieutenant General Shirō Ishii. This biological warfare research unit conducted often fatal human experiments on prisoners, and produced biological weapons for combat use.[44] Although the Japanese effort lacked the technological sophistication of the American or British programs, it far outstripped them in its widespread application and indiscriminate brutality. Biological weapons were used against Chinese soldiers and civilians in several military campaigns.[45] In 1940, the Japanese Army Air Force bombed Ningbo with ceramic bombs full of fleas carrying the bubonic plague.[46] Many of these operations were ineffective due to inefficient delivery systems,[44] although up to 400,000 people may have died.[47] During the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Campaign in 1942, around 1,700 Japanese troops died out of a total 10,000 Japanese soldiers who fell ill with disease when their own biological weapons attack rebounded on their own forces.[48][49] During the final months of World War II, Japan planned to use plague as a biological weapon against U.S. civilians in San Diego, California, during Operation Cherry Blossoms at Night. The plan was set to launch on 22 September 1945, but it was not executed because of Japan's surrender on 15 August 1945.[50][51][52] Cold War In Britain, the 1950s saw the weaponization of plague, brucellosis, tularemia and later equine encephalomyelitis and vaccinia viruses, but the programme was unilaterally cancelled in 1956. The United States Army Biological Warfare Laboratories weaponized anthrax, tularemia, brucellosis, Q-fever and others.[53] In 1969, US President Richard Nixon decided to unilaterally terminate the offensive biological weapons program of the US, allowing only scientific research for defensive measures.[54] This decision increased the momentum of the negotiations for a ban on biological warfare, which took place from 1969 to 1972 in the United Nation's Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva.[55] These negotiations resulted in the Biological Weapons Convention, which was opened for signature on 10 April 1972 and entered into force on 26 March 1975 after its ratification by 22 states.[55] Despite being a party and depositary to the BWC, the Soviet Union continued and expanded its massive offensive biological weapons program, under the leadership of the allegedly civilian institution Biopreparat.[56] The Soviet Union attracted international suspicion after the 1979 Sverdlovsk anthrax leak killed approximately 65 to 100 people.[57] 1948 Arab–Israeli War According to historians Benny Morris and Benjamin Kedar, Israel conducted a biological warfare operation codenamed "Cast Thy Bread" during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The Haganah initially used typhoid bacteria to contaminate water wells in newly-cleared Arab villages to prevent the population including militiamen from returning. Later, the biological warfare campaign expanded to include Jewish settlements that were in imminent danger of being captured by Arab troops and inhabited Arab towns not slated for capture. There was also plans to expand the biological warfare campaign into other Arab states including Egypt, Lebanon and Syria, but they were not carried out.[58] International law Main articles: Geneva Protocol and Biological Weapons Convention The Biological Weapons Convention[59] International restrictions on biological warfare began with the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use but not the possession or development of biological and chemical weapons in international armed conflicts.[39][60] Upon ratification of the Geneva Protocol, several countries made reservations regarding its applicability and use in retaliation.[61] Due to these reservations, it was in practice a "no-first-use" agreement only.[62] The 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) supplements the Geneva Protocol by prohibiting the development, production, acquisition, transfer, stockpiling and use of biological weapons.[6] Having entered into force on 26 March 1975, the BWC was the first multilateral disarmament treaty to ban the production of an entire category of weapons of mass destruction.[6] As of March 2021, 183 states have become party to the treaty.[63] The BWC is considered to have established a strong global norm against biological weapons,[64] which is reflected in the treaty's preamble, stating that the use of biological weapons would be "repugnant to the conscience of mankind".[65] The BWC's effectiveness has been limited due to insufficient institutional support and the absence of any formal verification regime to monitor compliance.[66] In 1985, the Australia Group was established, a multilateral export control regime of 43 countries aiming to prevent the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons.[67] In 2004, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1540, which obligates all UN Member States to develop and enforce appropriate legal and regulatory measures against the proliferation of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, in particular, to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction to non-state actors.[68] Bioterrorism Main article: Bioterrorism Biological weapons are difficult to detect, economical and easy to use, making them appealing to terrorists. The cost of a biological weapon is estimated to be about 0.05 percent the cost of a conventional weapon in order to produce similar numbers of mass casualties per kilometer square.[69] Moreover, their production is very easy as common technology can be used to produce biological warfare agents, like that used in production of vaccines, foods, spray devices, beverages and antibiotics. A major factor in biological warfare that attracts terrorists is that they can easily escape before the government agencies or secret agencies have even started their investigation. This is because the potential organism has an incubation period of 3 to 7 days, after which the results begin to appear, thereby giving terrorists a lead. A technique called Clustered, Regularly Interspaced, Short Palindromic Repeat (CRISPR-Cas9) is now so cheap and widely available that scientists fear that amateurs will start experimenting with them. In this technique, a DNA sequence is cut off and replaced with a new sequence, e.g. one that codes for a particular protein, with the intent of modifying an organism's traits. Concerns have emerged regarding do-it-yourself biology research organizations due to their associated risk that a rogue amateur DIY researcher could attempt to develop dangerous bioweapons using genome editing technology.[70] In 2002, when CNN went through Al-Qaeda's (AQ's) experiments with crude poisons, they found out that AQ had begun planning ricin and cyanide attacks with the help of a loose association of terrorist cells.[71] The associates had infiltrated many countries like Turkey, Italy, Spain, France and others. In 2015, to combat the threat of bioterrorism, a National Blueprint for Biodefense was issued by the Blue-Ribbon Study Panel on Biodefense.[72] Also, 233 potential exposures of select biological agents outside of the primary barriers of the biocontainment in the US were described by the annual report of the Federal Select Agent Program.[73] Though a verification system can reduce bioterrorism, an employee, or a lone terrorist having adequate knowledge of a bio-technology company's facilities, can cause potential danger by utilizing, without proper oversight and supervision, that company's resources. Moreover, it has been found that about 95% of accidents that have occurred due to low security have been done by employees or those who had a security clearance.[74] Entomology Main article: Entomological warfare Entomological warfare (EW) is a type of biological warfare that uses insects to attack the enemy. The concept has existed for centuries and research and development have continued into the modern era. EW has been used in battle by Japan and several other nations have developed and been accused of using an entomological warfare program. EW may employ insects in a direct attack or as vectors to deliver a biological agent, such as plague. Essentially, EW exists in three varieties. One type of EW involves infecting insects with a pathogen and then dispersing the insects over target areas.[75] The insects then act as a vector, infecting any person or animal they might bite. Another type of EW is a direct insect attack against crops; the insect may not be infected with any pathogen but instead represents a threat to agriculture. The final method uses uninfected insects, such as bees or wasps, to directly attack the enemy.[76] Genetics Theoretically, novel approaches in biotechnology, such as synthetic biology could be used in the future to design novel types of biological warfare agents.[77][78][79][80] Would demonstrate how to render a vaccine ineffective; Would confer resistance to therapeutically useful antibiotics or antiviral agents; Would enhance the virulence of a pathogen or render a nonpathogen virulent; Would increase the transmissibility of a pathogen; Would alter the host range of a pathogen; Would enable the evasion of diagnostic/detection tools; Would enable the weaponization of a biological agent or toxin. Most of the biosecurity concerns in synthetic biology are focused on the role of DNA synthesis and the risk of producing genetic material of lethal viruses (e.g. 1918 Spanish flu, polio) in the lab.[81][82][83] Recently, the CRISPR/Cas system has emerged as a promising technique for gene editing. It was hailed by The Washington Post as "the most important innovation in the synthetic biology space in nearly 30 years."[84] While other methods take months or years to edit gene sequences, CRISPR speeds that time up to weeks.[6] Due to its ease of use and accessibility, it has raised a number of ethical concerns, especially surrounding its use in the biohacking space.[84][85][86] By target Anti-personnel The international biological hazard symbol Ideal characteristics of a biological agent to be used as a weapon against humans are high infectivity, high virulence, non-availability of vaccines and availability of an effective and efficient delivery system. Stability of the weaponized agent (the ability of the agent to retain its infectivity and virulence after a prolonged period of storage) may also be desirable, particularly for military applications, and the ease of creating one is often considered. Control of the spread of the agent may be another desired characteristic. The primary difficulty is not the production of the biological agent, as many biological agents used in weapons can be manufactured relatively quickly, cheaply and easily. Rather, it is the weaponization, storage, and delivery in an effective vehicle to a vulnerable target that pose significant problems. For example, Bacillus anthracis is considered an effective agent for several reasons. First, it forms hardy spores, perfect for dispersal aerosols. Second, this organism is not considered transmissible from person to person, and thus rarely if ever causes secondary infections. A pulmonary anthrax infection starts with ordinary influenza-like symptoms and progresses to a lethal hemorrhagic mediastinitis within 3–7 days, with a fatality rate that is 90% or higher in untreated patients.[87] Finally, friendly personnel and civilians can be protected with suitable antibiotics. Agents considered for weaponization, or known to be weaponized, include bacteria such as Bacillus anthracis, Brucella spp., Burkholderia mallei, Burkholderia pseudomallei, Chlamydophila psittaci, Coxiella burnetii, Francisella tularensis, some of the Rickettsiaceae (especially Rickettsia prowazekii and Rickettsia rickettsii), Shigella spp., Vibrio cholerae, and Yersinia pestis. Many viral agents have been studied and/or weaponized, including some of the Bunyaviridae (especially Rift Valley fever virus), Ebolavirus, many of the Flaviviridae (especially Japanese encephalitis virus), Machupo virus, Coronaviruses, Marburg virus, Variola virus, and yellow fever virus. Fungal agents that have been studied include Coccidioides spp.[56][88] Toxins that can be used as weapons include ricin, staphylococcal enterotoxin B, botulinum toxin, saxitoxin, and many mycotoxins. These toxins and the organisms that produce them are sometimes referred to as select agents. In the United States, their possession, use, and transfer are regulated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Select Agent Program. The former US biological warfare program categorized its weaponized anti-personnel bio-agents as either Lethal Agents (Bacillus anthracis, Francisella tularensis, Botulinum toxin) or Incapacitating Agents (Brucella suis, Coxiella burnetii, Venezuelan equine encephalitis virus, Staphylococcal enterotoxin B). Anti-agriculture Anti-crop/anti-vegetation/anti-fisheries See also: United States herbicidal warfare research The United States developed an anti-crop capability during the Cold War that used plant diseases (bioherbicides, or mycoherbicides) for destroying enemy agriculture. Biological weapons also target fisheries as well as water-based vegetation. It was believed that the destruction of enemy agriculture on a strategic scale could thwart Sino-Soviet aggression in a general war. Diseases such as wheat blast and rice blast were weaponized in aerial spray tanks and cluster bombs for delivery to enemy watersheds in agricultural regions to initiate epiphytotic (epidemics among plants). On the other hand, some sources report that these agents were stockpiled but never weaponized.[89] When the United States renounced its offensive biological warfare program in 1969 and 1970, the vast majority of its biological arsenal was composed of these plant diseases.[90] Enterotoxins and Mycotoxins were not affected by Nixon's order. Though herbicides are chemicals, they are often grouped with biological warfare and chemical warfare because they may work in a similar manner as biotoxins or bioregulators. The Army Biological Laboratory tested each agent and the Army's Technical Escort Unit was responsible for the transport of all chemical, biological, radiological (nuclear) materials. Biological warfare can also specifically target plants to destroy crops or defoliate vegetation. The United States and Britain discovered plant growth regulators (i.e., herbicides) during the Second World War, which were then used by the UK in the counterinsurgency operations of the Malayan Emergency. Inspired by the use in Malaysia, the US military effort in the Vietnam War included a mass dispersal of a variety of herbicides, famously Agent Orange, with the aim of destroying farmland and defoliating forests used as cover by the Viet Cong.[91] Sri Lanka deployed military defoliants in its prosecution of the Eelam War against Tamil insurgents.[92] Anti-livestock During World War I, German saboteurs used anthrax and glanders to sicken cavalry horses in U.S. and France, sheep in Romania, and livestock in Argentina intended for the Entente forces.[93] One of these German saboteurs was Anton Dilger. Also, Germany itself became a victim of similar attacks – horses bound for Germany were infected with Burkholderia by French operatives in Switzerland.[94] During World War II, the U.S. and Canada secretly investigated the use of rinderpest, a highly lethal disease of cattle, as a bioweapon.[93][95] In the 1980s Soviet Ministry of Agriculture had successfully developed variants of foot-and-mouth disease, and rinderpest against cows, African swine fever for pigs, and psittacosis to kill the chicken. These agents were prepared to spray them down from tanks attached to airplanes over hundreds of miles. The secret program was code-named "Ecology".[56] During the Mau Mau Uprising in 1952, the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used to kill cattle.[96] Defensive operations Main article: Biodefense Medical countermeasures [icon] This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2011) In 2010 at The Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and Their Destruction in Geneva[97] the sanitary epidemiological reconnaissance was suggested as well-tested means for enhancing the monitoring of infections and parasitic agents, for the practical implementation of the International Health Regulations (2005). The aim was to prevent and minimize the consequences of natural outbreaks of dangerous infectious diseases as well as the threat of alleged use of biological weapons against BTWC States Parties. Many countries require their active-duty military personnel to get vaccinated for certain diseases that may potentially be used as a bioweapon such as anthrax, smallpox, and various other vaccines depending on the Area of Operations of the individual military units and commands.[98][99] Public health and disease surveillance It is important to note that most classical and modern biological weapons' pathogens can be obtained from a plant or an animal which is naturally infected.[100] In the largest biological weapons accident known—the anthrax outbreak in Sverdlovsk (now Yekaterinburg) in the Soviet Union in 1979—sheep became ill with anthrax as far as 200 kilometers from the release point of the organism from a military facility in the southeastern portion of the city and still off-limits to visitors today, (see Sverdlovsk Anthrax leak).[101] Thus, a robust surveillance system involving human clinicians and veterinarians may identify a bioweapons attack early in the course of an epidemic, permitting the prophylaxis of disease in the vast majority of people (and/or animals) exposed but not yet ill.[102] For example, in the case of anthrax, it is likely that by 24–36 hours after an attack, some small percentage of individuals (those with the compromised immune system or who had received a large dose of the organism due to proximity to the release point) will become ill with classical symptoms and signs (including a virtually unique chest X-ray finding, often recognized by public health officials if they receive timely reports).[103] The incubation period for humans is estimated to be about 11.8 days to 12.1 days. This suggested period is the first model that is independently consistent with data from the largest known human outbreak. These projections refine previous estimates of the distribution of early-onset cases after a release and support a recommended 60-day course of prophylactic antibiotic treatment for individuals exposed to low doses of anthrax.[104] By making these data available to local public health officials in real time, most models of anthrax epidemics indicate that more than 80% of an exposed population can receive antibiotic treatment before becoming symptomatic, and thus avoid the moderately high mortality of the disease.[103] Common epidemiological warnings From most specific to least specific:[105] Single cause of a certain disease caused by an uncommon agent, with lack of an epidemiological explanation. Unusual, rare, genetically engineered strain of an agent. High morbidity and mortality rates in regards to patients with the same or similar symptoms. Unusual presentation of the disease. Unusual geographic or seasonal distribution. Stable endemic disease, but with an unexplained increase in relevance. Rare transmission (aerosols, food, water). No illness presented in people who were/are not exposed to "common ventilation systems (have separate closed ventilation systems) when illness is seen in persons in close proximity who have a common ventilation system." Different and unexplained diseases coexisting in the same patient without any other explanation. Rare illness that affects a large, disparate population (respiratory disease might suggest the pathogen or agent was inhaled). Illness is unusual for a certain population or age-group in which it takes presence. Unusual trends of death and/or illness in animal populations, previous to or accompanying illness in humans. Many affected reaching out for treatment at the same time. Similar genetic makeup of agents in affected individuals. Simultaneous collections of similar illness in non-contiguous areas, domestic, or foreign. An abundance of cases of unexplained diseases and deaths. Bioweapon identification The goal of biodefense is to integrate the sustained efforts of the national and homeland security, medical, public health, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement communities. Health care providers and public health officers are among the first lines of defense. In some countries private, local, and provincial (state) capabilities are being augmented by and coordinated with federal assets, to provide layered defenses against biological weapon attacks. During the first Gulf War the United Nations activated a biological and chemical response team, Task Force Scorpio, to respond to any potential use of weapons of mass destruction on civilians. The traditional approach toward protecting agriculture, food, and water: focusing on the natural or unintentional introduction of a disease is being strengthened by focused efforts to address current and anticipated future biological weapons threats that may be deliberate, multiple, and repetitive. The growing threat of biowarfare agents and bioterrorism has led to the development of specific field tools that perform on-the-spot analysis and identification of encountered suspect materials. One such technology, being developed by researchers from the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL), employs a "sandwich immunoassay", in which fluorescent dye-labeled antibodies aimed at specific pathogens are attached to silver and gold nanowires.[106] In the Netherlands, the company TNO has designed Bioaerosol Single Particle Recognition eQuipment (BiosparQ). This system would be implemented into the national response plan for bioweapon attacks in the Netherlands.[107] Researchers at Ben Gurion University in Israel are developing a different device called the BioPen, essentially a "Lab-in-a-Pen", which can detect known biological agents in under 20 minutes using an adaptation of the ELISA, a similar widely employed immunological technique, that in this case incorporates fiber optics.[108] List of programs, projects and sites by country United States Main article: United States biological weapons program Fort Detrick, Maryland Researchers working in Class III cabinets at the U.S. Army Biological Warfare Laboratories, Camp Detrick, Maryland (1940s). U.S. Army Biological Warfare Laboratories (1943–69) Building 470 One-Million-Liter Test Sphere Operation Sea-Spray Operation Whitecoat (1954–73) U.S. entomological warfare program Operation Big Itch Operation Big Buzz Operation Drop Kick Operation May Day Project Bacchus Project Clear Vision Project SHAD Project 112 Horn Island Testing Station Fort Terry Granite Peak Installation Vigo Ordnance Plant United Kingdom Main article: United Kingdom and weapons of mass destruction § Biological weapons Porton Down Gruinard Island Nancekuke Operation Vegetarian (1942–1944) Open-air field tests: Operation Harness off Antigua, 1948–1950. Operation Cauldron off Stornoway, 1952. Operation Hesperus off Stornoway, 1953. Operation Ozone off Nassau, 1954. Operation Negation off Nassau, 1954–5. Soviet Union and Russia Main article: Soviet biological weapons program Biopreparat (18 labs and production centers) Stepnogorsk Scientific and Technical Institute for Microbiology, Stepnogorsk, northern Kazakhstan Institute of Ultra Pure Biochemical Preparations, Leningrad, a weaponized plague center Vector State Research Center of Virology and Biotechnology (VECTOR), a weaponized smallpox center Institute of Applied Biochemistry, Omutninsk Kirov bioweapons production facility, Kirov, Kirov Oblast Zagorsk smallpox production facility, Zagorsk Berdsk bioweapons production facility, Berdsk Bioweapons research facility, Obolensk Sverdlovsk bioweapons production facility (Military Compound 19), Sverdlovsk, a weaponized anthrax center Institute of Virus Preparations Poison laboratory of the Soviet secret services Vozrozhdeniya Project Bonfire Project Factor Japan Main article: Special Research Units U.S. authorities granted Unit 731 officials immunity from prosecution in return for access to their research. Unit 731 Zhongma Fortress Kaimingjie germ weapon attack Khabarovsk War Crime Trials Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department Iraq Main articles: Iraqi biological weapons program and Iraq and weapons of mass destruction Al Hakum Salman Pak facility Al Manal facility South Africa Main article: South Africa and weapons of mass destruction § Biological and chemical weapons Project Coast Delta G Scientific Company Roodeplaat Research Laboratories Protechnik Rhodesia Main article: Rhodesia and weapons of mass destruction Canada Grosse Isle, Quebec, site (1939–45) of research into anthrax and other agents DRDC Suffield, Suffield, Alberta List of associated people Bioweaponeers: Includes scientists and administrators Shyh-Ching Lo[109][110] Kanatjan Alibekov, known as Ken Alibek[111] Ira Baldwin[112] Wouter Basson Kurt Blome[113] Eugen von Haagen[114] Anton Dilger[115] Paul Fildes[116] Arthur Galston (unwittingly) Kurt Gutzeit[117] Riley D. Housewright Shiro Ishii Elvin A. Kabat George W. Merck Frank Olson Vladimir Pasechnik[118] William C. Patrick III[119] Sergei Popov[120] Theodor Rosebury Rihab Rashid Taha[121] Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash Nassir al-Hindawi Erich Traub[122] Auguste Trillat Baron Otto von Rosen[123] Yujiro Wakamatsu Yazid Sufaat[citation needed] Writers and activists: Daniel Barenblatt Leonard A. Cole Stephen Endicott Arthur Galston Jeanne Guillemin[124] Edward Hagerman Sheldon H. Harris[125] Nicholas D. Kristof Joshua Lederberg[126] Matthew Meselson[127] Toby Ord Richard Preston Ed Regis Mark Wheelis David Willman Aaron Henderson[citation needed] In popular culture Main article: Biological warfare in popular culture See also iconBiology portal Animal-borne bomb attacks Antibiotic resistance Asymmetric warfare Baker Island Bioaerosol Biological contamination Biological pest control Biosecurity Chemical weapon Counterinsurgency Discredited AIDS origins theories Enterotoxin Entomological warfare Ethnic bioweapon Herbicidal warfare Hittite plague Human experimentation in the United States John W. Powell Johnston Atoll Chemical Agent Disposal System List of CBRN warfare forces McNeill's law Military animal Mycotoxin Plum Island Animal Disease Center Project 112 Project AGILE Project SHAD Rhodesia and weapons of mass destruction Trichothecene Well poisoning Yellow rain References Berger, Tamar; Eisenkraft, Arik; Bar-Haim, Erez; Kassirer, Michael; Aran, Adi Avniel; Fogel, Itay (2016). 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"British war against Indians in 1763" Leitenberg, Milton; Zilinskas, Raymond A. (2012). The Soviet Biological Weapons Program: A History. Harvard University Press. p. 921. Mangold T, Goldberg J (1999). Plague Wars: a true story of biological warfare. Macmillan, London. ISBN 978-0-333-71614-4. Maskiell M, Mayor A (January 2001). "Killer Khilats Part 1: Legends of Poisoned" Robes of Honour" in India". Folklore. 112 (1): 23–45. doi:10.1080/00155870120037920. S2CID 36729031. Maskiell M, Mayor A (January 2001). "Killer Khilats Part 2: Imperial collecting of poison dress legends in India". Folklore. 112 (2): 163–82. doi:10.1080/00155870120082218. S2CID 161373103. Mayor A (2009). Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs: Biological and Chemical Warfare in the Ancient World (revised ed.). Overlook. ISBN 978-1-58567-348-3. National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (2018). Biodefense in the Age of Synthetic Biology. National Academies Press. doi:10.17226/24890. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Shortly after midnight on January 4, 1974, around the time that he terminated his relationship with Edwards, Bundy entered the basement apartment of 18-year-old Karen Sparks[80] (often identified as Joni Lenz,[81][82] Mary Adams,[83] and Terri Caldwell[84] in Bundy literature), a dancer and student at UW in the University District, Seattle. After bludgeoning Sparks with a metal rod from her bed frame, he sexually assaulted her with the same rod[68][85][82] causing extensive internal injuries and rupturing her bladder. She remained unconscious in the hospital for ten days[84] and although she survived, she was left with permanent brain damage, with significant loss to her vision and hearing. In the early morning hours of February 1, Bundy broke into the basement room of 21-year-old Lynda Ann Healy, a UW undergraduate who broadcast morning radio weather reports for skiers. He beat her unconscious; dressed her in blue jeans, a white blouse, and boots; and carried her away.[86] Bundy stated he drove Healy to a secluded area, where he raped and murdered her before dumping her body.[87] During the first half of 1974, female college students disappeared at the rate of about one per month. On March 12, Donna Gail Manson, a 19-year-old student at Evergreen State College in Olympia, 60 miles (95 km) southwest of Seattle, left her dormitory to attend a jazz concert on campus but never arrived.[88] Bundy claimed that he burned Manson's skull in his girlfriend's fireplace "down to the last ash" in "a fit of... paranoia and cleanliness".[89] On April 17, 18-year-old Susan Elaine Rancourt disappeared while on her way to her dorm room after an evening advisors' meeting at Central Washington State College in Ellensburg, 110 miles (175 km) southeast of Seattle.[88][90] Two female Central Washington students later came forward to report encounters—one on the night of Rancourt's disappearance, the other three nights earlier—with a man wearing a sling, who was asking for help carrying a load of books to his brown or tan Volkswagen Beetle.[91][92] On May 6, Roberta Kathleen Parks, 22, left her dormitory at Oregon State University in Corvallis,[93] 260 miles (420 km) south of Seattle, to have coffee with friends at the Memorial Union, but never arrived.[94] Bundy claimed that he spotted Parks in the cafeteria and persuaded her to go with him to a bar. After they got into his car, he tied up and gagged her and drove her back to Washington to be killed, raping her twice on the way.[95] Investigators from Seattle and King County grew increasingly concerned. There was no significant physical evidence, and the missing women had little in common apart from similar appearance: young, attractive, white college students with long hair parted in the middle.[96] On June 1, Brenda Carol Ball, 22, disappeared after leaving the Flame Tavern in Burien, near Seattle–Tacoma International Airport. She was last seen in the parking lot, talking to a brown-haired man with his arm in a sling.[97] Bundy stated he brought Ball back to his residence where they had a "consensual" sexual encounter before he strangled her while she was sleeping; although this failed to explain the damage done to her skull.[98] In the early hours of June 11, 18-year-old UW student Georgann Hawkins vanished while walking down a brightly lit alley between her boyfriend's dormitory residence and her sorority house.[99] The next morning, three Seattle homicide detectives and a criminalist combed the entire alleyway on their hands and knees, finding nothing.[100] Bundy later told Keppel that he lured Hawkins to his car and knocked her unconscious with a crowbar. After handcuffing her, he drove her to Issaquah, a suburb 20 miles (30 km) east of Seattle, where he strangled her and spent the entire night with her body.[101][102] The next afternoon he returned to the UW alley and, in the very midst of a major crime scene investigation, located and gathered Hawkins's earrings and one of her shoes where he had left them in the adjoining parking lot and departed, unobserved. "It was a feat so brazen," wrote Keppel, "that it astonishes police even today."[103] Bundy said he revisited Hawkins's corpse on three occasions.[104] After Hawkins's disappearance was publicized, witnesses came forward to report seeing a man on crutches, with a leg cast and carrying a briefcase, in an alley behind a nearby dormitory on the night of her disappearance.[105] One woman recalled that the man asked her to help him carry the case to his car, a light brown Volkswagen Beetle.[106] During this period, Bundy was working in Olympia as the assistant director of the Seattle Crime Prevention Advisory Commission, where he wrote a pamphlet for women on rape prevention.[107] Later, he worked at the Department of Emergency Services (DES), a state government agency involved in the search for the missing women. At the DES he met and began dating Carole Ann Boone (1947–2018), a twice-divorced mother of two who would play an important role in the final phase of his life six years later.[108] A light tan rusty Volkswagen is positioned for display behind a chain made of handcuffs Bundy's 1968 Volkswagen Beetle, in which he committed many of his crimes. The vehicle was on display at the now-defunct National Museum of Crime and Punishment,[109][110] and is now at the Alcatraz East Crime Museum in Pigeon Forge, Tennessee.[111] Reports of the brutal attack on Sparks and the six missing women appeared prominently in newspapers and on television throughout Washington and Oregon.[112] Fear spread among the population; hitchhiking by young women dropped sharply.[113] Pressure mounted on law enforcement agencies,[114] but the scarcity of physical evidence severely hampered them. Police would not provide reporters with the little information that was available for fear of compromising the investigation.[115] Further similarities between the victims were noted: the disappearances all took place at night, usually near ongoing construction work, and were within a week of midterm or final exams. All of the victims were wearing slacks or blue jeans when they disappeared, and at many crime scenes there were sightings of a man wearing a cast or a sling and driving a brown or tan Volkswagen Beetle.[116] The Oregon and Washington murders culminated on July 14 with the broad daylight abductions of two women from a crowded beach at Lake Sammamish State Park in Issaquah.[117] Four female witnesses described an attractive young man wearing a white tennis outfit with his left arm in a sling, speaking with a light accent, perhaps Canadian or British. Introducing himself as "Ted," he asked their help in unloading a sailboat from his tan or bronze-colored Volkswagen Beetle. Three refused; one accompanied him as far as his car, saw that there was no sailboat, and fled. Three additional witnesses saw him approach Janice Ann Ott, 23, a probation caseworker at the King County Juvenile Court, with the sailboat story and watched her leave the beach in his company.[118] About four hours later, Denise Marie Naslund, a 19-year-old woman who was studying to become a computer programmer, left a picnic to go to the restroom and never returned.[119] Bundy told Stephen Michaud and FBI agent William Hagmaier that Ott was still alive when he returned with Naslund and that he forced one to watch as he assaulted and murdered the other,[120][121][122] but he later denied it in an interview with Lewis on the eve of his execution.[123] King County police, finally armed with a detailed description of their suspect and his car, posted fliers throughout the Seattle area. A composite sketch was printed in regional newspapers and broadcast on local television stations. Kloepfer, Rule, a DES employee, and a UW psychology professor all recognized the profile, the sketch, and the car, and reported Bundy as a possible suspect;[124] but detectives—who were receiving up to 200 tips per day[125]—thought it unlikely that a clean-cut law student with no adult criminal record could be the perpetrator.[126] On September 6, two grouse hunters stumbled across the skeletal remains of Ott and Naslund near a service road in Issaquah, 2 miles (3 km) east of Lake Sammamish State Park.[117][127] An extra femur and several vertebrae found at the site were later identified by Bundy as those of Hawkins.[128] Six months later, forestry students from Green River Community College discovered the skulls and mandibles of Healy, Rancourt, Parks, and Ball on Taylor Mountain, where Bundy frequently hiked, just east of Issaquah. Manson's remains were never recovered.[129] Idaho, Utah, Colorado 565 First Avenue, Salt Lake City, UT Rooming house in Salt Lake City where Bundy lived from September 1974 to October 1975, showing the fire escape used to sneak into his room and windows to the utility room where he concealed photo souvenirs of his murders[130] In August 1974, Bundy received a second acceptance from the University of Utah Law School and moved to Salt Lake City, leaving Kloepfer in Seattle. While he called Kloepfer often, he dated "at least a dozen" other women.[131] As he studied the first-year law curriculum a second time, he was devastated to find out that the other students "had something, some intellectual capacity", that he did not. He found the classes completely incomprehensible. "It was a great disappointment to me," he said.[132] A new string of homicides began the following month, including two that would remain undiscovered until Bundy confessed to them shortly before his execution. On September 2, Bundy raped and strangled a still-unidentified hitchhiker in Idaho, then returned the next day to photograph and dismember the corpse before disposing of the remains in a nearby river.[133][134][135] On October 2, he abducted 16-year-old Nancy Wilcox in Holladay, Utah, a suburb of Salt Lake City.[136][137] Bundy confessed that Wilcox was walking on a poorly lit "main roadway" when he parked his car and forced her into an orchard. He then restrained her and put her into his vehicle and drove back to his apartment, where he allegedly kept her for 24 hours.[138] Bundy informed investigators that her remains were buried near Capitol Reef National Park, some 200 miles (320 km) south of Holladay, but they were never found.[139] On October 18, Melissa Anne Smith—the 17-year-old daughter of the police chief of Midvale, another Salt Lake City suburb—disappeared after leaving a pizza parlor at around 9.30 p.m. Her nude body was found in a nearby mountainous area nine days later; post-mortem examination indicated that she may have remained alive for up to seven days following her disappearance.[140][141] On October 31, Laura Ann Aime, also 17, disappeared 25 miles (40 km) south of Lehi after leaving a Halloween party by herself just after midnight; she was last seen trying to hitchhike.[142] Her naked body was found by hikers 9 miles (14 km) to the northeast in American Fork Canyon on Thanksgiving Day.[143] The medical examiner estimated that Aime had died on November 20; twenty days after her disappearance. Both Smith and Aime had been beaten, raped, sodomized, and strangled with nylon stockings.[144][145] Years later, Bundy described his post-mortem rituals with the corpses of Smith and Aime, including hair shampooing and application of makeup.[146][147] In the late afternoon of November 8, Bundy approached 18-year-old telephone operator Carol DaRonch at Fashion Place Mall in Murray,[148] less than a mile from the Midvale restaurant where Smith was last seen. He identified himself as "Officer Roseland" of the Murray Police Department and told DaRonch that someone had attempted to break into her car. He asked her to accompany him to the station to file a complaint. When DaRonch pointed out to Bundy that he was driving on a road that did not lead to the police station, he immediately pulled onto the shoulder and attempted to handcuff her. During their struggle, he inadvertently fastened both handcuffs to the same wrist, and DaRonch was able to open the car door and escape.[149] Later that evening, Debra Jean Kent, a 17-year-old student at Viewmont High School in Bountiful, 20 miles (30 km) north of Murray, disappeared after leaving a theater production at the school to pick up her brother.[150] The school's drama teacher and a student told police that "a stranger" had asked each of them to come out to the parking lot to identify a car. Another student later saw the same man pacing in the rear of the auditorium, and the drama teacher spotted him again shortly before the end of the play.[151] Outside the auditorium, investigators found a key that unlocked the handcuffs removed from DaRonch's wrist.[152] Bundy eventually admitted to abducting Kent and keeping her at his apartment for a day, stating she was alive "during half of it".[153] In November, Kloepfer called King County police a second time after reading that young women were disappearing in towns surrounding Salt Lake City. Detective Randy Hergesheimer of the Major Crimes division interviewed her in detail. By then, Bundy had risen considerably on the King County hierarchy of suspicion, but the Lake Sammamish witness considered most reliable by detectives failed to identify him from a photo lineup.[154] In December, Kloepfer called the Salt Lake County Sheriff's Office and repeated her suspicions. Bundy's name was added to their list of suspects, but at that time no credible forensic evidence linked him to the Utah crimes.[155] In January 1975, Bundy returned to Seattle after his final exams and spent a week with Kloepfer, who did not tell him that she had reported him to police on three occasions. She made plans to visit him in Salt Lake City in August.[156] A smiling young woman with short hair parted on the side Caryn Campbell: Bundy's 14th documented murder victim and the subject of his first homicide indictment In 1975, Bundy shifted much of his criminal activity eastward, from his base in Utah to Colorado. On January 12, a 23-year-old registered nurse named Caryn Eileen Campbell disappeared while walking down a well-lit hallway between the elevator and her room at the Wildwood Inn (now the Wildwood Lodge) in Snowmass Village, 400 miles (640 km) southeast of Salt Lake City.[157] Her nude body was found a month later next to a dirt road just outside the resort. According to the coroner's report, she had been killed by blows to her head from a blunt instrument that left distinctive linear grooved depressions on her skull; her assailant had slit her left earlobe and her body also bore deep cuts from a sharp weapon.[158] On March 15, 100 miles (160 km) northeast of Snowmass, Vail ski instructor Julie Lyle Cunningham, 26, disappeared while walking from her apartment to a dinner date with a friend. Bundy later told Colorado investigators that he approached Cunningham on crutches and asked her to help carry his ski boots to his car, where he clubbed and handcuffed her before sexually assaulting her at a secondary site near Rifle, 90 miles (140 km) west of Vail. [159][160] Weeks later, he made the six-hour drive from Salt Lake City to revisit her remains.[160][161] Denise Lynn Oliverson, 25, disappeared near the Utah–Colorado border in Grand Junction on April 6 while riding her bicycle to her parents' house; her bike and sandals were found under a viaduct near a railroad bridge.[162] Bundy stated he abducted Oliverson, killed her in his car near the Utah state line, and dumped her body in the Colorado River. This admission was supported by gas receipts, which showed that he was in the city on the same day that Oliverson went missing. On May 6, Bundy parked outside of the Alameda Junior High School in Pocatello, Idaho, 160 miles (255 km) north of Salt Lake City, and after seeing 12-year-old Lynette Dawn Culver walking along by herself, he lured her into his vehicle before driving her to his Holiday Inn hotel room.[163] He then raped Culver and drowned her in the bathtub. He disposed of her body in the Snake River north of Pocatello. Bundy reportedly provided intimate details about Lynette's personal life in his confession.[164][165] An outdoor hallway. Hotel rooms are on the left and a balcony is on the right. Caryn Campbell disappeared while walking down this brightly lit hallway to her hotel room. In mid-May, three of Bundy's Washington State DES co-workers, including Boone, visited him in Salt Lake City and stayed for a week in his apartment. He subsequently spent a week in Seattle with Kloepfer in early-June and they discussed getting married the following Christmas. Again, Kloepfer made no mention of her multiple discussions with authorities in King County and Salt Lake County. Bundy disclosed neither his ongoing relationship with Boone nor a concurrent romance with a Utah law student (known in various accounts as either Kim Andrews[166] or Sharon Auer[167]). On June 28, 15-year-old Susan Curtis vanished from the campus of Brigham Young University in Provo, 45 miles (70 km) south of Salt Lake City. Her murder became Bundy's last confession, tape-recorded moments before he entered the execution chamber.[168] The bodies of victims Wilcox, Kent, Cunningham, Oliverson, Culver, and Curtis were never recovered. In August 1975, Bundy was baptized into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, although he was not an active participant in services and ignored most church restrictions.[169][170][171] He would later be excommunicated by the LDS Church following his 1976 kidnapping conviction.[169] When asked his religious preference after his arrest, Bundy answered "Methodist", the religion of his childhood.[172] In Washington State, investigators were still struggling to analyze the Pacific Northwest murder spree that had ended as abruptly as it had begun. In an effort to make sense of an overwhelming mass of data, they resorted to the then-innovative strategy of compiling a database. They used the King County payroll computer, a "huge, primitive machine" by contemporary standards, but the only one available for their use. After inputting the many lists they had compiled—classmates and acquaintances of each victim, Volkswagen owners named "Ted", known sex offenders, and so on—they queried the computer for coincidences. Out of thousands of names, 26 turned up on four lists; one was Bundy. Detectives also manually compiled a list of their 100 "best" suspects, and Bundy was on that list as well. He was "literally at the top of the pile" of suspects when word came from Utah of his arrest.[173]

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Myanmar (Burmese: မြန်မာ; MLCTS: mranma, pronounced [mjàɴ.mà]), officially the Republic of the Union of Myanmar,[d] also known as Burma (the official name until 1989), is a country in Southeast Asia. It is the largest country by area in Mainland Southeast Asia and has a population of about 55 million.[13] It is bordered by Bangladesh and India to its northwest, China to its northeast, Laos and Thailand to its east and southeast, and the Andaman Sea and the Bay of Bengal to its south and southwest. The country's capital city is Naypyidaw, and its largest city is Yangon (formerly Rangoon).[3] Early civilisations in the area included the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Pyu city-states in Upper Myanmar and the Mon kingdoms in Lower Myanmar.[14] In the 9th century, the Bamar people entered the upper Irrawaddy valley, and following the establishment of the Pagan Kingdom in the 1050s, the Burmese language, culture, and Theravada Buddhism slowly became dominant in the country. The Pagan Kingdom fell to Mongol invasions, and several warring states emerged. In the 16th century, reunified by the Taungoo dynasty, the country became the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia for a short period.[15] The early 19th-century Konbaung dynasty ruled over an area that included modern Myanmar and briefly controlled Manipur and Assam as well. The British East India Company seized control of the administration of Myanmar after three Anglo-Burmese Wars in the 19th century, and the country became a British colony. After a brief Japanese occupation, Myanmar was reconquered by the Allies. On 4 January 1948, Myanmar declared independence under the terms of the Burma Independence Act 1947. Myanmar's post-independence history has continued to be checkered by unrest and conflict. The coup d'état in 1962 resulted in a military dictatorship under the Burma Socialist Programme Party. On 8 August 1988, the 8888 Uprising then resulted in a nominal transition to a multi-party system two years later, but the country's post-uprising military council refused to cede power, and has continued to rule the country through to the present. The country remains riven by ethnic strife among its myriad ethnic groups and has one of the world's longest-running ongoing civil wars. The United Nations and several other organisations have reported consistent and systemic human rights violations in the country.[16] In 2011, the military junta was officially dissolved following a 2010 general election, and a nominally civilian government was installed. Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners were released and the 2015 Myanmar general election was held, leading to improved foreign relations and eased economic sanctions,[17] although the country's treatment of its ethnic minorities, particularly in connection with the Rohingya conflict, continued to be a source of international tension and consternation.[18] Following the 2020 Myanmar general election, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a clear majority in both houses, the Burmese military (Tatmadaw) again seized power in a coup d'état.[19] The coup, which was widely condemned by the international community, led to continuous ongoing widespread protests in Myanmar and has been marked by violent political repression by the military, as well as a larger outbreak of the civil war.[20] The military also arrested Aung San Suu Kyi in order to remove her from public life, and charged her with crimes ranging from corruption to the violation of COVID-19 protocols; all of the charges against her are "politically motivated" according to independent observers.[21] Myanmar is a member of the East Asia Summit, Non-Aligned Movement, ASEAN, and BIMSTEC, but it is not a member of the Commonwealth of Nations despite once being part of the British Empire. Myanmar is a Dialogue Partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The country is very rich in natural resources, such as jade, gems, oil, natural gas, teak and other minerals, as well as also endowed with renewable energy, having the highest solar power potential compared to other countries of the Great Mekong Subregion.[22] However, Myanmar has long suffered from instability, factional violence, corruption, poor infrastructure, as well as a long history of colonial exploitation with little regard to human development.[23] In 2013, its GDP (nominal) stood at US$56.7 billion and its GDP (PPP) at US$221.5 billion.[24] The income gap in Myanmar is among the widest in the world, as a large proportion of the economy is controlled by cronies of the military junta.[25] Myanmar is one of the least developed countries; as of 2020, according to the Human Development Index, it ranks 147 out of 189 countries in terms of human development, the lowest in Southeast Asia.[12] Since 2021, more than 600,000 people were displaced across Myanmar due to the surge in violence post-coup, with more than 3 million people in dire need of humanitarian assistance.[26] Etymology Main article: Names of Myanmar The name of the country has been a matter of dispute and disagreement, particularly in the early 21st century, focusing mainly on the political legitimacy of those using Myanmar versus Burma.[27][28] Both names derive from the earlier Burmese Mranma or Mramma, an ethnonym for the majority Burman ethnic group, of uncertain etymology.[29] The terms are also popularly thought to derive from Sanskrit Brahma Desha, 'land of Brahma'.[30] In 1989, the military government officially changed the English translations of many names dating back to Burma's colonial period or earlier, including that of the country itself: Burma became Myanmar. The renaming remains a contested issue.[31] Many political and ethnic opposition groups and countries continue to use Burma because they do not recognise the legitimacy or authority of the military government.[32] The country's official full name is "Republic of the Union of Myanmar" (Burmese: ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်, Pyihtaungsu Thamada Myanma Naingngantaw, pronounced [pjìdàʊɴzṵ θàɴməda̰ mjəmà nàɪɴŋàɴdɔ̀]). Countries that do not officially recognise that name use the long form "Union of Burma" instead.[3][33] In English, the country is popularly known as either Burma or Myanmar. In Burmese, the pronunciation depends on the register used and is either Bama (pronounced [bəmà]) or Myamah (pronounced [mjəmà]).[31] Official United States foreign policy retains Burma as the country's name although the State Department's website lists the country as Burma (Myanmar).[34] The United Nations uses Myanmar, as does the ASEAN and as do Australia,[35] Russia, Germany,[36] China, India, Bangladesh, Norway,[37] Japan,[38] Switzerland,[39] and Canada.[40] Most English-speaking international news media refer to the country by the name Myanmar, including the BBC,[41] CNN,[42] Al Jazeera,[43] Reuters,[44] and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC)/Radio Australia.[45] Myanmar is known by a name deriving from Burma in Spanish, Italian, Romanian, and Greek.[46] French-language media consistently use Birmanie.[47][48] There are at least nine different pronunciations of the English name Myanmar, and no single one is standard. Pronunciations with two syllables are found most often in major British and American dictionaries.[pronunciations 1] Dictionaries—such as Collins—and other sources also report pronunciations with three syllables.[pronunciations 2][49] As John Wells explains, the English spellings of both Myanmar and Burma assume a non-rhotic variety of English, in which the letter r before a consonant or finally serves merely to indicate a long vowel: [ˈmjænmɑː, ˈbɜːmə]. So the pronunciation of the last syllable of Myanmar as [mɑːr] or of Burma as [ˈbɜːrmə] by some speakers in the UK and most speakers in North America is in fact a spelling pronunciation based on a misunderstanding of non-rhotic spelling conventions. History This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Myanmar" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (August 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Main article: History of Myanmar Prehistory Main articles: Prehistory of Myanmar and Migration period of ancient Burma Pyu city-states, c. 8th century; Pagan is shown for comparison only and is not contemporary. Archaeological evidence shows that Homo erectus lived in the region now known as Myanmar as early as 750,000 years ago, with no more erectus finds after 75,000 years ago.[50] The first evidence of Homo sapiens is dated to about 25,000 BP with discoveries of stone tools in central Myanmar.[51] Evidence of Neolithic age domestication of plants and animals and the use of polished stone tools dating to sometime between 10,000 and 6,000 BCE has been discovered in the form of cave paintings in Padah-Lin Caves.[52] The Bronze Age arrived c. 1500 BCE when people in the region were turning copper into bronze, growing rice and domesticating poultry and pigs; they were among the first people in the world to do so.[53] Human remains and artefacts from this era were discovered in Monywa District in the Sagaing Region.[54] The Iron Age began around 500 BCE with the emergence of iron-working settlements in an area south of present-day Mandalay.[55] Evidence also shows the presence of rice-growing settlements of large villages and small towns that traded with their surroundings as far as China between 500 BCE and 200 CE.[56] Iron Age Burmese cultures also had influences from outside sources such as India and Thailand, as seen in their funerary practices concerning child burials. This indicates some form of communication between groups in Myanmar and other places, possibly through trade.[57] Early city-states Main articles: Pyu city-states and Mon kingdoms Around the second century BCE the first-known city-states emerged in central Myanmar. The city-states were founded as part of the southward migration by the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Pyu people, the earliest inhabitants of Myanmar of whom records are extant, from present-day Yunnan.[58] The Pyu culture was heavily influenced by trade with India, importing Buddhism as well as other cultural, architectural and political concepts, which would have an enduring influence on later Burmese culture and political organisation.[59] By the 9th century, several city-states had sprouted across the land: the Pyu in the central dry zone, Mon along the southern coastline and Arakanese along the western littoral. The balance was upset when the Pyu came under repeated attacks from Nanzhao between the 750s and the 830s. In the mid-to-late 9th century the Bamar people founded a small settlement at Bagan. It was one of several competing city-states until the late 10th century, when it grew in authority and grandeur.[60] Pagan Kingdom Main articles: Pagan Kingdom, Toungoo dynasty, and Konbaung dynasty See also: Kingdom of Ava, Hanthawaddy Kingdom, Kingdom of Mrauk U, and Shan States Pagodas and kyaungs in present-day Bagan, the capital of the Pagan Kingdom Pagan gradually grew to absorb its surrounding states until the 1050s–1060s when Anawrahta founded the Pagan Kingdom, the first ever unification of the Irrawaddy valley and its periphery. In the 12th and 13th centuries, the Pagan Empire and the Khmer Empire were two main powers in mainland Southeast Asia.[61] The Burmese language and culture gradually became dominant in the upper Irrawaddy valley, eclipsing the Pyu, Mon and Pali norms[clarification needed] by the late 12th century.[62] Theravada Buddhism slowly began to spread to the village level, although Tantric, Mahayana, Hinduism, and folk religion remained heavily entrenched. Pagan's rulers and wealthy built over 10,000 Buddhist temples in the Pagan capital zone alone. Repeated Mongol invasions in the late 13th century toppled the four-century-old kingdom in 1287.[62] Temples at Mrauk U. Pagan's collapse was followed by 250 years of political fragmentation that lasted well into the 16th century. Like the Burmans four centuries earlier, Shan migrants who arrived with the Mongol invasions stayed behind. Several competing Shan States came to dominate the entire northwestern to eastern arc surrounding the Irrawaddy valley. The valley too was beset with petty states until the late 14th century when two sizeable powers, Ava Kingdom and Hanthawaddy Kingdom, emerged. In the west, a politically fragmented Arakan was under competing influences of its stronger neighbours until the Kingdom of Mrauk U unified the Arakan coastline for the first time in 1437. The kingdom was a protectorate of the Bengal Sultanate at different time periods.[63] In the 14th and 15th centuries, Ava fought wars of unification but could never quite reassemble the lost empire. Having held off Ava, the Mon-speaking Hanthawaddy entered its golden age, and Arakan went on to become a power in its own right for the next 350 years. In contrast, constant warfare left Ava greatly weakened, and it slowly disintegrated from 1481 onward. In 1527, the Confederation of Shan States conquered Ava and ruled Upper Myanmar until 1555. Like the Pagan Empire, Ava, Hanthawaddy and the Shan states were all multi-ethnic polities. Despite the wars, cultural synchronisation continued. This period is considered a golden age for Burmese culture. Burmese literature "grew more confident, popular, and stylistically diverse", and the second generation of Burmese law codes as well as the earliest pan-Burma chronicles emerged.[64] Hanthawaddy monarchs introduced religious reforms that later spread to the rest of the country.[65] Taungoo and Konbaung Toungoo Empire under Bayinnaung in 1580 Myanmar (缅甸国) delegates in Peking in 1761, at the time of Emperor Qianlong. 万国来朝图 Political unification returned in the mid-16th century, through the efforts of Taungoo, a former vassal state of Ava. Taungoo's young, ambitious King Tabinshwehti defeated the more powerful Hanthawaddy in the Toungoo–Hanthawaddy War. His successor Bayinnaung went on to conquer a vast swath of mainland Southeast Asia including the Shan states, Lan Na, Manipur, Mong Mao, the Ayutthaya Kingdom, Lan Xang and southern Arakan. However, the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia unravelled soon after Bayinnaung's death in 1581, completely collapsing by 1599. Ayutthaya seized Tenasserim and Lan Na, and Portuguese mercenaries established Portuguese rule at Thanlyin (Syriam). The dynasty regrouped and defeated the Portuguese in 1613 and Siam in 1614. It restored a smaller, more manageable kingdom, encompassing Lower Myanmar, Upper Myanmar, Shan states, Lan Na and upper Tenasserim. The restored Toungoo kings created a legal and political framework whose basic features continued well into the 19th century. The crown completely replaced the hereditary chieftainships with appointed governorships in the entire Irrawaddy valley and greatly reduced the hereditary rights of Shan chiefs. Its trade and secular administrative reforms built a prosperous economy for more than 80 years. From the 1720s onward, the kingdom was beset with repeated Meithei raids into Upper Myanmar and a nagging rebellion in Lan Na. In 1740, the Mon of Lower Myanmar founded the Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom. Hanthawaddy forces sacked Ava in 1752, ending the 266-year-old Toungoo Dynasty. A British 1825 lithograph of Shwedagon Pagoda shows British occupation during the First Anglo-Burmese War. After the fall of Ava, the Konbaung–Hanthawaddy War involved one resistance group under Alaungpaya defeating the Restored Hanthawaddy, and by 1759 he had reunited all of Myanmar and Manipur and driven out the French and the British, who had provided arms to Hanthawaddy. By 1770, Alaungpaya's heirs had subdued much of Laos and fought and won the Burmese–Siamese War against Ayutthaya and the Sino-Burmese War against Qing China.[66] With Burma preoccupied by the Chinese threat, Ayutthaya recovered its territories by 1770 and went on to capture Lan Na by 1776. Burma and Siam went to war until 1855, but all resulted in a stalemate, exchanging Tenasserim (to Burma) and Lan Na (to Ayutthaya). Faced with a powerful China and a resurgent Ayutthaya in the east, King Bodawpaya turned west, acquiring Arakan (1785), Manipur (1814) and Assam (1817). It was the second-largest empire in Burmese history but also one with a long ill-defined border with British India.[67] In 1826, Burma lost Arakan, Manipur, Assam and Tenasserim to the British in the First Anglo-Burmese War. In 1852, the British easily seized Lower Burma in the Second Anglo-Burmese War. King Mindon Min tried to modernise the kingdom and in 1875 narrowly avoided annexation by ceding the Karenni States. The British, alarmed by the consolidation of French Indochina, annexed the remainder of the country in the Third Anglo-Burmese War in 1885. Konbaung kings extended Restored Toungoo's administrative reforms and achieved unprecedented levels of internal control and external expansion. For the first time in history, the Burmese language and culture came to predominate the entire Irrawaddy valley. The evolution and growth of Burmese literature and theatre continued, aided by an extremely high adult male literacy rate for the era (half of all males and 5% of females).[68] Nonetheless, the extent and pace of reforms were uneven and ultimately proved insufficient to stem the advance of British colonialism. British Burma (1885–1948) Main articles: British rule in Burma and Burma campaign The landing of British forces in Mandalay after the last of the Anglo-Burmese Wars, which resulted in the abdication of the last Burmese monarch, King Thibaw Min British troops firing a mortar on the Mawchi road, July 1944 In the 19th century, Burmese rulers sought to maintain their traditional influence in the western areas of Assam, Manipur and Arakan. Pressing them, however, was the British East India Company, which was expanding its interests eastwards over the same territory. Over the next sixty years, diplomacy, raids, treaties and compromises, known collectively as the Anglo-Burmese Wars, continued until Britain proclaimed control over most of Burma.[69] With the fall of Mandalay, all of Burma came under British rule, being annexed on 1 January 1886. Throughout the colonial era, many Indians arrived as soldiers, civil servants, construction workers and traders and, along with the Anglo-Burmese community, dominated commercial and civil life in Burma. Rangoon became the capital of British Burma and an important port between Calcutta and Singapore. Burmese resentment was strong, and was vented in violent riots that periodically paralysed Rangoon until the 1930s.[70] Some of the discontent was caused by a disrespect for Burmese culture and traditions. Buddhist monks became the vanguards of the independence movement. U Wisara, an activist monk, died in prison after a 166-day hunger strike.[71] On 1 April 1937, Burma became a separately administered colony of Britain, and Ba Maw became the first Prime Minister and Premier of Burma. Ba Maw was an outspoken advocate for Burmese self-rule, and he opposed the participation of Britain, and by extension Burma, in World War II. He resigned from the Legislative Assembly and was arrested for sedition. In 1940, before Japan formally entered the war, Aung San formed the Burma Independence Army in Japan. As a major battleground, Burma was devastated during World War II by the Japanese invasion. Within months after they entered the war, Japanese troops had advanced on Rangoon, and the British administration had collapsed. A Burmese Executive Administration headed by Ba Maw was established by the Japanese in August 1942. Wingate's British Chindits were formed into long-range penetration groups trained to operate deep behind Japanese lines.[72] A similar American unit, Merrill's Marauders, followed the Chindits into the Burmese jungle in 1943.[73] Beginning in late 1944, allied troops launched a series of offensives that led to the end of Japanese rule in July 1945. The battles were intense with much of Burma laid waste by the fighting. Overall, the Japanese lost some 150,000 men in Burma with 1,700 prisoners taken.[74] Although many Burmese fought initially for the Japanese as part of the Burma Independence Army, many Burmese, mostly from the ethnic minorities, served in the British Burma Army.[75] The Burma National Army and the Arakan National Army fought with the Japanese from 1942 to 1944 but switched allegiance to the Allied side in 1945. Overall, 170,000 to 250,000 Burmese civilians died during World War II.[76] Following World War II, Aung San negotiated the Panglong Agreement with ethnic leaders that guaranteed the independence of Myanmar as a unified state. Aung Zan Wai, Pe Khin, Bo Hmu Aung, Sir Maung Gyi, Sein Mya Maung, Myoma U Than Kywe were among the negotiators of the historic Panglong Conference negotiated with Bamar leader General Aung San and other ethnic leaders in 1947. In 1947, Aung San became Deputy Chairman of the Executive Council of Myanmar, a transitional government. But in July 1947, political rivals[77] assassinated Aung San and several cabinet members.[78] Independence (1948–1962) Main article: Post-independence Burma (1948–1962) British governor Hubert Elvin Rance and Sao Shwe Thaik at the flag-raising ceremony on 4 January 1948 (Independence Day of Burma) On 4 January 1948, the nation became an independent republic, under the terms of the Burma Independence Act 1947. The new country was named the Union of Burma, with Sao Shwe Thaik as its first president and U Nu as its first prime minister. Unlike most other former British colonies and overseas territories, Burma did not become a member of the Commonwealth. A bicameral parliament was formed, consisting of a Chamber of Deputies and a Chamber of Nationalities,[79] and multi-party elections were held in 1951–1952, 1956 and 1960. The geographical area Burma encompasses today can be traced to the Panglong Agreement, which combined Burma Proper, which consisted of Lower Burma and Upper Burma, and the Frontier Areas, which had been administered separately by the British.[80] In 1961, U Thant, the Union of Burma's Permanent Representative to the United Nations and former secretary to the prime minister, was elected Secretary-General of the United Nations, a position he held for ten years.[81] When the non-Burman ethnic groups pushed for autonomy or federalism, alongside having a weak civilian government at the centre, the military leadership staged a coup d'état in 1962. Though incorporated in the 1947 Constitution, successive military governments construed the use of the term 'federalism' as being anti-national, anti-unity and pro-disintegration.[82] Military rule (1962–2011) On 2 March 1962, the military led by General Ne Win took control of Burma through a coup d'état, and the government had been under direct or indirect control by the military since then. Between 1962 and 1974, Myanmar was ruled by a revolutionary council headed by the general. Almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) were nationalised or brought under government control under the Burmese Way to Socialism,[83] which combined Soviet-style nationalisation and central planning. A new constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma was adopted in 1974. Until 1988, the country was ruled as a one-party system, with the general and other military officers resigning and ruling through the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).[84] During this period, Myanmar became one of the world's most impoverished countries.[85] There were sporadic protests against military rule during the Ne Win years, and these were almost always violently suppressed. On 7 July 1962, the government broke up demonstrations at Rangoon University, killing 15 students.[83] In 1974, the military violently suppressed anti-government protests at the funeral of U Thant. Student protests in 1975, 1976, and 1977 were quickly suppressed by overwhelming force.[84] In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the country known as the 8888 Uprising. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators, and General Saw Maung staged a coup d'état and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. The military government finalised plans for People's Assembly elections on 31 May 1989.[86] SLORC changed the country's official English name from the "Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma" to the "Union of Myanmar" on 18 June 1989 by enacting the adaptation of the expression law. In May 1990, the government held free multiparty elections for the first time in almost 30 years, and the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, won[87] earning 392 out of a total 492 seats (i.e., 80% of the seats). However, the military junta refused to cede power[88] and continued to rule the nation, first as SLORC and, from 1997, as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) until its dissolution in March 2011. General Than Shwe took over the Chairmanship – effectively the position of Myanmar's top ruler – from General Saw Maung in 1992 and held it until 2011.[89] On 23 June 1997, Myanmar was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. On 27 March 2006, the military junta, which had moved the national capital from Yangon to a site near Pyinmana in November 2005, officially named the new capital Naypyidaw, meaning "city of the kings".[90] Protesters in Yangon during the 2007 Saffron Revolution with a banner that reads non-violence: national movement in Burmese. In the background is Shwedagon Pagoda. Cyclone Nargis in southern Myanmar, May 2008. In August 2007, an increase in the price of fuel led to the Saffron Revolution led by Buddhist monks that were dealt with harshly by the government.[91] The government cracked down on them on 26 September 2007, with reports of barricades at the Shwedagon Pagoda and monks killed. There were also rumours of disagreement within the Burmese armed forces, but none was confirmed. The military crackdown against unarmed protesters was widely condemned as part of the international reactions to the Saffron Revolution and led to an increase in economic sanctions against the Burmese Government. In May 2008, Cyclone Nargis caused extensive damage in the densely populated rice-farming delta of the Irrawaddy Division.[92] It was the worst natural disaster in Burmese history with reports of an estimated 200,000 people dead or missing, damages totalled to 10 billion US dollars, and as many as 1 million were left homeless.[93] In the critical days following this disaster, Myanmar's isolationist government was accused of hindering United Nations recovery efforts.[94] Humanitarian aid was requested, but concerns about foreign military or intelligence presence in the country delayed the entry of United States military planes delivering medicine, food, and other supplies.[95] In early August 2009, a conflict broke out in Shan State in northern Myanmar. For several weeks, junta troops fought against ethnic minorities including the Han Chinese,[96] Wa, and Kachin.[97][98] During 8–12 August, the first days of the conflict, as many as 10,000 Burmese civilians fled to Yunnan in neighbouring China.[97][98][99] Civil wars Main article: Internal conflict in Myanmar Civil wars have been a constant feature of Myanmar's socio-political landscape since the attainment of independence in 1948. These wars are predominantly struggles for ethnic and sub-national autonomy, with the areas surrounding the ethnically Bamar central districts of the country serving as the primary geographical setting of conflict. Foreign journalists and visitors require a special travel permit to visit the areas in which Myanmar's civil wars continue.[100] In October 2012, the ongoing conflicts in Myanmar included the Kachin conflict,[101] between the Pro-Christian Kachin Independence Army and the government;[102] a civil war between the Rohingya Muslims and the government and non-government groups in Rakhine State;[103] and a conflict between the Shan,[104] Lahu, and Karen[105][106] minority groups, and the government in the eastern half of the country. In addition, al-Qaeda signalled an intention to become involved in Myanmar.[107] Armed conflict between ethnic Chinese rebels and the Myanmar Armed Forces resulted in the Kokang offensive in February 2015. The conflict had forced 40,000 to 50,000 civilians to flee their homes and seek shelter on the Chinese side of the border.[108] During the incident, the government of China was accused of giving military assistance to the ethnic Chinese rebels.[109] Clashes between Burmese troops and local insurgent groups have continued, fuelling tensions between China and Myanmar.[110] Period of liberalisation, 2011–2021 See also: 2011–2015 Myanmar political reforms The military-backed Government had promulgated a "Roadmap to Discipline-flourishing Democracy" in 1993, but the process appeared to stall several times, until 2008 when the Government published a new draft national constitution, and organised a (flawed) national referendum which adopted it. The new constitution provided for election of a national assembly with powers to appoint a president, while practically ensuring army control at all levels.[111] U.S. President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton with Aung San Suu Kyi and her staff at her home in Yangon, 2012 A general election in 2010 - the first for twenty years - was boycotted by the NLD. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party declared victory, stating that it had been favoured by 80 per cent of the votes; fraud, however, was alleged.[112][113] A nominally civilian government was then formed, with retired general Thein Sein as president.[114] A series of liberalising political and economic actions – or reforms – then took place. By the end of 2011 these included the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission, the granting of general amnesties for more than 200 political prisoners, new labour laws that permitted labour unions and strikes, a relaxation of press censorship, and the regulation of currency practices.[115] In response, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar in December 2011 – the first visit by a US Secretary of State in more than fifty years[116] – meeting both President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.[117] Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party participated in the 2012 by-elections, facilitated by the government's abolition of the laws that previously barred it.[118] In the April 2012 by-elections, the NLD won 43 of the 45 available seats. The 2012 by-elections were also the first time that international representatives were allowed to monitor the voting process in Myanmar.[119] Myanmar's improved international reputation was indicated by ASEAN's approval of Myanmar's bid for the position of ASEAN chair in 2014.[120] Map of Myanmar and its divisions, including Shan State, Kachin State, Rakhine State and Karen State. 2015 general elections General elections were held on 8 November 2015. These were the first openly contested elections held in Myanmar since the 1990 general election (which was annulled[121]). The results gave the NLD an absolute majority of seats in both chambers of the national parliament, enough to ensure that its candidate would become president, while NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi is constitutionally barred from the presidency.[121][122] The new parliament convened on 1 February 2016,[123] and on 15 March 2016, Htin Kyaw was elected as the first non-military president since the military coup of 1962.[124] On 6 April 2016, Aung San Suu Kyi assumed the newly created role of state counsellor, a role akin to a prime minister.[125] Coup d'état and civil war Main article: 2021 Myanmar coup d'état See also: 2021–2022 Myanmar protests and Myanmar civil war (2021–present) In Myanmar's 2020 parliamentary election, the ostensibly ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, competed with various other smaller parties – particularly the military-affiliated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).[126] Suu Kyi's NLD won the 2020 Myanmar general election on 8 November in a landslide,[126][127][128] The USDP, regarded as a proxy for the military, suffered a "humiliating" defeat[129][130] – even worse than in 2015[130] – capturing only 33 of the 476 elected seats.[128][129] As the election results began emerging, the USDP rejected them, urging a new election with the military as observers.[126][130] More than 90 other smaller parties contested the vote, including more than 15 who complained of irregularities. However, election observers declared there were no major irregularities.[129][128][131] However, despite the election commission validating the NLD's overwhelming victory,[131] the USDP and Myanmar's military persistently alleged fraud.[132][133][129][134][135][136][137] In January, 2021, just before the new parliament was to be sworn in, The NLD announced that Suu Kyi would retain her State Counsellor role in the upcoming government. [138] In the early morning of 1 February 2021, the day parliament was set to convene, the Tatmadaw, Myanmar's military, detained Suu Kyi and other members of the ruling party.[129] [139][140] The military handed power to military chief Min Aung Hlaing and declared a state of emergency for one year[141][139] and began closing the borders, restricting travel and electronic communications nationwide.[140] The military announced it would replace the existing election commission with a new one, and a military media outlet indicated new elections would be held in about one year – though the military avoided making an official commitment to that.[140] The military expelled NLD party Members of Parliament from the capital city, Naypyidaw.[140] By 15 March 2021 the military leadership continued to extend martial law into more parts of Yangon, while security forces killed 38 people in a single day of violence.[142] Protesters against the military coup in Myanmar By the second day of the coup, thousands of protesters were marching in the streets of Yangon, and other protests erupted nationwide, largely halting commerce and transportation. Despite the military's arrests and killings of protesters, the first weeks of the coup found growing public participation, including groups of civil servants, teachers, students, workers, monks and religious leaders – even normally disaffected ethnic minorities.[143][144][140] The coup was immediately condemned by the United Nations Secretary General, and leaders of democratic nations. The U.S. threatened sanctions on the military and its leaders, including a "freeze" of US$1 billion of their assets in the U.S.[143][140] India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Russia, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines and China refrained from criticizing the military coup.[145][146][147][148] A United Nations Security Council resolution called for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the other detained leaders[143][140] – a position shared by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.[140] International development and aid partners – business, non-governmental, and governmental – hinted at suspension of partnerships with Myanmar. Banks were closed and social media communications platforms, including Facebook and Twitter, removed Tatmadaw postings. Protesters appeared at Myanmar embassies in foreign countries.[143][140] The National Unity Government then declared the formation of an armed wing on 5 May 2021, a date that is often cited as the start of a full-scale civil war. This armed wing was named the People's Defence Force (PDF) to protect its supporters from military junta attacks and as a first step towards a Federal Union Army. The civil war is ongoing as of 2023.[149][150] Geography Main article: Geography of Myanmar Myanmar has a total area of 678,500 square kilometres (262,000 sq mi). It lies between latitudes 9° and 29°N, and longitudes 92° and 102°E. Myanmar is bordered in the northwest by the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh and the Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh states of India. Its north and northeast border is with the Tibet Autonomous Region and Yunnan for a Sino-Myanmar border total of 2,185 km (1,358 mi). It is bounded by Laos and Thailand to the southeast. Myanmar has 1,930 km (1,200 mi) of contiguous coastline along the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest and the south, which forms one quarter of its total perimeter.[3] In the north, the Hengduan Mountains form the border with China. Hkakabo Razi, located in Kachin State, at an elevation of 5,881 metres (19,295 ft), is the highest point in Myanmar.[151] Many mountain ranges, such as the Rakhine Yoma, the Bago Yoma, the Shan Hills and the Tenasserim Hills exist within Myanmar, all of which run north-to-south from the Himalayas.[152] The mountain chains divide Myanmar's three river systems, which are the Irrawaddy, Salween (Thanlwin), and the Sittaung rivers.[153] The Irrawaddy River, Myanmar's longest river at nearly 2,170 kilometres (1,348 mi), flows into the Gulf of Martaban. Fertile plains exist in the valleys between the mountain chains.[152] The majority of Myanmar's population lives in the Irrawaddy valley, which is situated between the Rakhine Yoma and the Shan Plateau. Administrative divisions Main article: Administrative divisions of Myanmar A clickable map of Burma/Myanmar exhibiting its first-level administrative divisions. Myanmar is divided into seven states (ပြည်နယ်) and seven regions (တိုင်းဒေသကြီး), formerly called divisions.[154] Regions are predominantly Bamar (that is, mainly inhabited by Myanmar's dominant ethnic group). States, in essence, are regions that are home to particular ethnic minorities. The administrative divisions are further subdivided into districts, which are further subdivided into townships, wards, and villages. Below are the number of districts, townships, cities/towns, wards, village groups and villages in each division and state of Myanmar as of 31 December 2001:[155] No. State/Region Districts Town ships Cities/ Towns Wards Village groups Villages 1 Kachin State 4 18 20 116 606 2630 2 Kayah State 2 7 7 29 79 624 3 Kayin State 3 7 10 46 376 2092 4 Chin State 2 9 9 29 475 1355 5 Sagaing Region 8 37 37 171 1769 6095 6 Tanintharyi Region 3 10 10 63 265 1255 7 Bago Region 4 28 33 246 1424 6498 8 Magway Region 5 25 26 160 1543 4774 9 Mandalay Region 7 31 29 259 1611 5472 10 Mon State 2 10 11 69 381 1199 11 Rakhine State 4 17 17 120 1041 3871 12 Yangon Region 4 45 20 685 634 2119 13 Shan State 11 54 54 336 1626 15513 14 Ayeyarwady Region 6 26 29 219 1912 11651 Total 63 324 312 2548 13742 65148 Climate Main article: Climate of Myanmar Myanmar map of Köppen climate classification. Much of the country lies between the Tropic of Cancer and the Equator. It lies in the monsoon region of Asia, with its coastal regions receiving over 5,000 mm (196.9 in) of rain annually. Annual rainfall in the delta region is approximately 2,500 mm (98.4 in), while average annual rainfall in the dry zone in central Myanmar is less than 1,000 mm (39.4 in). The northern regions of Myanmar are the coolest, with average temperatures of 21 °C (70 °F). Coastal and delta regions have an average maximum temperature of 32 °C (89.6 °F).[153] Previously and currently analysed data, as well as future projections on changes caused by climate change predict serious consequences to development for all economic, productive, social, and environmental sectors in Myanmar.[156] In order to combat the hardships ahead and do its part to help combat climate change Myanmar has displayed interest in expanding its use of renewable energy and lowering its level of carbon emissions. Groups involved in helping Myanmar with the transition and move forward include the UN Environment Programme, Myanmar Climate Change Alliance, and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation which directed in producing the final draft of the Myanmar national climate change policy that was presented to various sectors of the Myanmar government for review.[157] In April 2015, it was announced that the World Bank and Myanmar would enter a full partnership framework aimed to better access to electricity and other basic services for about six million people and expected to benefit three million pregnant woman and children through improved health services.[158] Acquired funding and proper planning has allowed Myanmar to better prepare for the impacts of climate change by enacting programs which teach its people new farming methods, rebuild its infrastructure with materials resilient to natural disasters, and transition various sectors towards reducing greenhouse gas emissions.[159] Biodiversity Main article: Wildlife of Myanmar The limestone landscape of Kayin State Further information: Deforestation in Myanmar and List of protected areas of Myanmar Myanmar is a biodiverse country with more than 16,000 plant, 314 mammal, 1131 bird, 293 reptile, and 139 amphibian species, and 64 terrestrial ecosystems including tropical and subtropical vegetation, seasonally inundated wetlands, shoreline and tidal systems, and alpine ecosystems. Myanmar houses some of the largest intact natural ecosystems in Southeast Asia, but the remaining ecosystems are under threat from land use intensification and over-exploitation. According to the IUCN Red List of Ecosystems categories and criteria more than a third of Myanmar's land area has been converted to anthropogenic ecosystems over the last 2–3 centuries, and nearly half of its ecosystems are threatened. Despite large gaps in information for some ecosystems, there is a large potential to develop a comprehensive protected area network that protects its terrestrial biodiversity.[160] Myanmar continues to perform badly in the global Environmental Performance Index (EPI) with an overall ranking of 153 out of 180 countries in 2016, among the worst in the South Asian region. The environmental areas where Myanmar performs worst (i.e. highest ranking) are air quality (174), health impacts of environmental issues (143) and biodiversity and habitat (142). Myanmar performs best (i.e. lowest ranking) in environmental impacts of fisheries (21) but with declining fish stocks. Despite several issues, Myanmar also ranks 64 and scores very good (i.e. a high percentage of 93.73%) in environmental effects of the agricultural industry because of an excellent management of the nitrogen cycle.[161][162] Myanmar is one of the most highly vulnerable countries to climate change; this poses a number of social, political, economic and foreign policy challenges to the country.[163] The country had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 7.18/10, ranking it 49th globally out of 172 countries.[164] Myanmar's slow economic growth has contributed to the preservation of much of its environment and ecosystems. Forests, including dense tropical growth and valuable teak in lower Myanmar, cover over 49% of the country, including areas of acacia, bamboo, ironwood and Magnolia champaca. Coconut and betel palm and rubber have been introduced. In the highlands of the north, oak, pine and various rhododendrons cover much of the land.[165] Heavy logging since the new 1995 forestry law went into effect has seriously reduced forest area and wildlife habitat.[166] The lands along the coast support all varieties of tropical fruits and once had large areas of mangroves although much of the protective mangroves have disappeared. In much of central Myanmar (the dry zone), vegetation is sparse and stunted. Typical jungle animals, particularly tigers, occur sparsely in Myanmar. In upper Myanmar, there are rhinoceros, wild water buffalo, clouded leopard, wild boars, deer, antelope, and elephants, which are also tamed or bred in captivity for use as work animals, particularly in the lumber industry. Smaller mammals are also numerous, ranging from gibbons and monkeys to flying foxes. The abundance of birds is notable with over 800 species, including parrots, myna, peafowl, red junglefowl, weaverbirds, crows, herons, and barn owl. Among reptile species there are crocodiles, geckos, cobras, Burmese pythons, and turtles. Hundreds of species of freshwater fish are wide-ranging, plentiful and are very important food sources.[167] Government and politics Head of Government, Deputy Head of Government, and acting Head of State Min Aung Hlaing, Prime Minister and Chairman of the State Administration Council Soe Win, Deputy Prime Minister and Vice Chairman of the State Administration Council Myint Swe, acting President of Myanmar Myanmar operates de jure as a unitary assembly-independent republic under its 2008 constitution. But in February 2021, the civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, was deposed by the Tatmadaw. In February 2021, Myanmar military declared a one-year state emergency and First Vice President Myint Swe became the Acting President of Myanmar and handed the power to the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing and he assumed the role Chairman of the State Administration Council, then Prime Minister. The President of Myanmar acts as the de jure head of state and the Chairman of the State Administration Council acts as the de facto head of government.[168] Assembly of the Union (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) The constitution of Myanmar, its third since independence, was drafted by its military rulers and published in September 2008. The country is governed as a parliamentary system with a bicameral legislature (with an executive president accountable to the legislature), with 25% of the legislators appointed by the military and the rest elected in general elections. The legislature, called the Assembly of the Union, is bicameral and made up of two houses: the 224-seat upper House of Nationalities and the 440-seat lower House of Representatives. The upper house consists 168 members who are directly elected and 56 who are appointed by the Burmese Armed Forces. The lower house consists of 330 members who are directly elected and 110 who are appointed by the armed forces. Political culture The major political parties are the National League for Democracy and the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Myanmar's army-drafted constitution was approved in a referendum in May 2008. The results, 92.4% of the 22 million voters with an official turnout of 99%, are considered suspect by many international observers and by the National League of Democracy with reports of widespread fraud, ballot stuffing, and voter intimidation.[169] The elections of 2010 resulted in a victory for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Various foreign observers questioned the fairness of the elections.[170][171][172] One criticism of the election was that only government-sanctioned political parties were allowed to contest in it and the popular National League for Democracy was declared illegal.[173] However, immediately following the elections, the government ended the house arrest of the democracy advocate and leader of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi,[174] and her ability to move freely around the country is considered an important test of the military's movement toward more openness.[173] Myanmar rates as a corrupt nation on the Corruption Perceptions Index with a rank of 130th out of 180 countries worldwide, with 1st being least corrupt, as of 2019.[175] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Myanmar Myanmar President Thein Sein meets US President Barack Obama in Yangon, 2012 Though the country's foreign relations, particularly with Western nations, have historically been strained, the situation has markedly improved since the reforms following the 2010 elections. After years of diplomatic isolation and economic and military sanctions,[176] the United States relaxed curbs on foreign aid to Myanmar in November 2011[117] and announced the resumption of diplomatic relations on 13 January 2012[177] The European Union has placed sanctions on Myanmar, including an arms embargo, cessation of trade preferences, and suspension of all aid with the exception of humanitarian aid.[178] Sanctions imposed by the United States and European countries against the former military government, coupled with boycotts and other direct pressure on corporations by supporters of the democracy movement, have resulted in the withdrawal from the country of most U.S. and many European companies.[179] Despite Western isolation, Asian corporations have generally remained willing to continue investing in the country and to initiate new investments, particularly in natural resource extraction. The country has close relations with neighbouring India and China with several Indian and Chinese companies operating in the country. Under India's Look East policy, fields of co-operation between India and Myanmar include remote sensing,[180] oil and gas exploration,[181] information technology,[182] hydropower[183] and construction of ports and buildings.[184] Myanmar also has close political relations with Vietnam[185] and Japan.[186][187] In May 2013, Thein Sein became the first Myanmar president to visit the White House in 47 years. President Barack Obama praised the former general for political and economic reforms and the cessation of tensions between Myanmar and the United States. Political activists objected to the visit because of concerns over human rights abuses in Myanmar, but Obama assured Thein Sein that Myanmar will receive U.S. support. The two governments agreed to sign a bilateral trade and investment framework agreement on 21 May 2013.[188] In June 2013, Myanmar held its first ever summit, the World Economic Forum on East Asia 2013. A regional spinoff of the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the summit was held on 5–7 June and attended by 1,200 participants, including 10 heads of state, 12 ministers and 40 senior directors from around the world.[189] Military Main article: Armed forces of Myanmar A Myanmar Air Force Mikoyan MiG-29 multirole fighter Myanmar has received extensive military aid from China in the past.[190] Myanmar has been a member of ASEAN since 1997. Though it gave up its turn to hold the ASEAN chair and host the ASEAN Summit in 2006, it chaired the forum and hosted the summit in 2014.[191] In November 2008, Myanmar's political situation with neighbouring Bangladesh became tense as they began searching for natural gas in a disputed block of the Bay of Bengal.[192] Controversy surrounding the Rohingya population also remains an issue between Bangladesh and Myanmar.[193] Myanmar's armed forces are known as the Tatmadaw, which numbers 488,000. The Tatmadaw comprises the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. The country ranked twelfth in the world for its number of active troops in service.[33] The military is very influential in Myanmar, with all top cabinet and ministry posts usually held by military officials. Official figures for military spending are not available. Estimates vary widely because of uncertain exchange rates, but Myanmar's military forces' expenses are high.[194] Myanmar imports most of its weapons from Russia, Ukraine, China and India. Myanmar is building a research nuclear reactor near Pyin Oo Lwin with help from Russia. It is one of the signatories of the nuclear non-proliferation pact since 1992 and a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) since 1957. The military junta had informed the IAEA in September 2000 of its intention to construct the reactor.[195][196] In 2010 as part of the leaked diplomatic cables, Myanmar was suspected of using North Korean construction teams to build a fortified surface-to-air missile facility.[citation needed] As of 2019, the United States Bureau of Arms Control assessed that Myanmar is not in violation of its obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty but that the Myanmar government had a history of non-transparency on its nuclear programs and aims.[197] Until 2005, the United Nations General Assembly annually adopted a detailed resolution about the situation in Myanmar by consensus.[198][199][200][201] But in 2006 a divided United Nations General Assembly voted through a resolution that strongly called upon the government of Myanmar to end its systematic violations of human rights.[202] In January 2007, Russia and China vetoed a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council[203] calling on the government of Myanmar to respect human rights and begin a democratic transition. South Africa also voted against the resolution.[204] Human rights and internal conflicts Main articles: Human rights in Myanmar and Internal conflict in Myanmar This section may lend undue weight to certain ideas, incidents, or controversies. Please help to create a more balanced presentation. Discuss and resolve this issue before removing this message. (November 2020) Map of conflict zones in Myanmar. States and regions affected by fighting during and after 1995 are highlighted in yellow. There is consensus that the former military regime in Myanmar (1962–2010) was one of the world's most repressive and abusive regimes.[205][206] In November 2012, Samantha Power, Barack Obama's Special Assistant to the President on Human Rights, wrote on the White House blog that "Serious human rights abuses against civilians in several regions continue, including against women and children."[104] Members of the United Nations and major international human rights organisations have issued repeated and consistent reports of widespread and systematic human rights violations in Myanmar. The United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly[207] called on the Burmese military junta to respect human rights and in November 2009 the General Assembly adopted a resolution "strongly condemning the ongoing systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms" and calling on the Burmese military regime "to take urgent measures to put an end to violations of international human rights and humanitarian law."[208] International human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch[209] and Amnesty International[210] have repeatedly documented and condemned widespread human rights violations in Myanmar. The Freedom in the World 2011 report by Freedom House notes, "The military junta has ... suppressed nearly all basic rights; and committed human rights abuses with impunity." In July 2013, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners indicated that there were approximately 100 political prisoners being held in Burmese prisons.[211][212][213][214] Evidence gathered by a British researcher was published in 2005 regarding the extermination or "Burmisation" of certain ethnic minorities, such as the Karen, Karenni and Shan.[215] Mae La camp, Tak, Thailand, one of the largest of nine UNHCR camps in Thailand[216] Based on the evidence gathered by Amnesty photographs and video of the ongoing armed conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA), attacks escalated on civilians in Rakhine State. Ming Yu Hah, Amnesty International's Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns said, the UN Security Council must urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.[217] The military is notorious for rampant use of sexual violence.[16] Child soldiers Child soldiers were reported in 2012 to have played a major part in the Burmese Army.[218] The Independent reported in June 2012 that "Children are being sold as conscripts into the Burmese military for as little as $40 and a bag of rice or a can of petrol."[219] In September 2012, the Myanmar Armed Forces released 42 child soldiers, and the International Labour Organization met with representatives of the government as well as the Kachin Independence Army to secure the release of more child soldiers.[220] Slavery and human trafficking Further information: Sex trafficking in Myanmar Forced labour and human trafficking are common in Myanmar.[221] Human trafficking happens mostly to women who are unemployed and have low incomes. They are deceived by brokers that better opportunities and wages exist for them abroad.[222] In 2017, the government reported 185 trafficking cases. The government of Burma makes little effort to eliminate human trafficking. The U.S. State Department reported that both the government and Tatmadaw were complicit in sex and labour trafficking.[223] Women and girls from all ethnic groups and foreigners have been victims of sex trafficking in Myanmar.[218] They are forced into prostitution, marriages or pregnancies.[224][225] Sex trafficking in Myanmar has been fuelled by factors like internal conflict, political instability, land confiscation,[226] poor border management,[227][228] and government restrictions on providing travel documents.[224] A cyber-scam industry in Myanmar’s borderlands has involved human trafficking, forced labour and other abuses.[229] Many of the scam centres are in territories controlled by junta allies like the Border Guard Force.[229] In August 2023, a report from the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights noted that at least 120,000 people in Myanmar were trapped in such centres by criminal gangs.[230] Genocide allegations and crimes against Rohingya people Displaced Rohingya people of Myanmar[231][232] See also: Rohingya conflict, 2013 Myanmar anti-Muslim riots, and Rohingya genocide The Rohingya people have consistently faced human rights abuses by the Burmese regime that has refused to acknowledge them as Burmese citizens (despite some of them having lived in Burma for over three generations)—the Rohingya have been denied Burmese citizenship since the enactment of a 1982 citizenship law.[233] The Burmese regime has attempted to forcibly expel Rohingya and bring in non-Rohingyas to replace them[234]—this policy has resulted in the expulsion of approximately half of the 800,000[235] Rohingya from Burma, while the Rohingya people have been described as "among the world's least wanted"[236] and "one of the world's most persecuted minorities."[234][237][238] Rohingya are not allowed to travel without official permission, are banned from owning land, and are required to sign a commitment to have no more than two children.[233] As of July 2012, the Myanmar government does not include the Rohingya minority group—classified as stateless Bengali Muslims from Bangladesh since 1982—on the government's list of more than 130 ethnic races and, therefore, the government states that they have no claim to Myanmar citizenship.[239] Since the democratic transition began in 2011, there has been continuous violence as 280 people have been killed and 140,000 forced to flee from their homes in the Rakhine state in 2014.[240] A UN envoy reported in March 2013 that unrest had re-emerged between Myanmar's Buddhist and Muslim communities, with violence spreading to towns that are located closer to Yangon.[241] Government reforms According to the Crisis Group,[242] since Myanmar transitioned to a new government in August 2011, the country's human rights record has been improving. Previously giving Myanmar its lowest rating of 7, the 2012 Freedom in the World report also notes improvement, giving Myanmar a 6 for improvements in civil liberties and political rights, the release of political prisoners, and a loosening of restrictions.[243] In 2013, Myanmar improved yet again, receiving a score of 5 in civil liberties and 6 in political freedoms.[244] The government has assembled a National Human Rights Commission that consists of 15 members from various backgrounds.[245] Several activists in exile, including Thee Lay Thee Anyeint members, have returned to Myanmar after President Thein Sein's invitation to expatriates to return home to work for national development.[246] In an address to the United Nations Security Council on 22 September 2011, Myanmar's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin confirmed the government's intention to release prisoners in the near future.[247] The government has also relaxed reporting laws, but these remain highly restrictive.[248] In September 2011, several banned websites, including YouTube, Democratic Voice of Burma and Voice of America, were unblocked.[249] A 2011 report by the Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations found that, while contact with the Myanmar government was constrained by donor restrictions, international humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) see opportunities for effective advocacy with government officials, especially at the local level. At the same time, international NGOs are mindful of the ethical quandary of how to work with the government without bolstering or appeasing it.[250] A Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh Following Thein Sein's first ever visit to the UK and a meeting with Prime Minister David Cameron, the Myanmar president declared that all of his nation's political prisoners will be released by the end of 2013, in addition to a statement of support for the well-being of the Rohingya Muslim community. In a speech at Chatham House, he revealed that "We [Myanmar government] are reviewing all cases. I guarantee to you that by the end of this year, there will be no prisoners of conscience in Myanmar."[251] Homosexual acts are illegal in Myanmar and can be punishable by life imprisonment.[252][253] In 2016, Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi was accused of failing to protect Myanmar's Muslim minority.[254] Since August 2017 Doctors Without Borders have treated 113 Rohingya refugee females for sexual assault with all but one describing military assailants.[255] Economy Main article: Economy of Myanmar Further information: Golden Triangle (Southeast Asia), Transport in Myanmar, and Oil and gas industry in Myanmar Myanmar's economy is one of the fastest growing economies in the world with a nominal GDP of US$76.09 billion in 2019 and an estimated purchasing power adjusted GDP of US$327.629 billion in 2017 according to the World Bank.[256][improper synthesis?] Foreigners are able to legally lease but not own property.[257] In December 2014, Myanmar set up its first stock exchange, the Yangon Stock Exchange.[258] The informal economy's share in Myanmar is one of the biggest in the world and is closely linked to corruption, smuggling and illegal trade activities.[259][260] In addition, decades of civil war and unrest have contributed to Myanmar's current levels of poverty and lack of economic progress. Myanmar lacks adequate infrastructure. Goods travel primarily across the Thai border (where most illegal drugs are exported) and along the Irrawaddy River.[261] Notably, opium production in Myanmar is the world's second-largest source of opium after Afghanistan, producing some 25% of the world's opium, forming part of the Golden Triangle. While opium poppy cultivation in Myanmar had declined year-on-year since 2015, cultivation area increased by 33% totalling 40,100 hectares alongside an 88% increase in yield potential to 790 metric tonnes in 2022 according to latest data from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Myanmar Opium Survey 2022.[262] With that said, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has also warned that opium production in Myanmar may rise again if the economic crunch brought on by COVID-19 and the country's February 1 military coup persists, with significant public health and security consequences for much of Asia.[263] At the same time, the Golden Triangle, and specifically Shan State of Myanmar, is believed to be the largest methamphetamine producing area in the world. The growing signs of an intensification of methamphetamine manufacturing activity within and around the Golden Triangle, and a corresponding decreas

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ A secretary, administrative assistant, executive assistant, personal secretary, or other similar titles is an individual whose work consists of supporting management, including executives, using a variety of project management, program evaluation, communication, and/or organizational skills within the area of administration. There is a diverse array of work experiences attainable within the administrative support field, ranging between internship, entry-level, associate, junior, mid-senior, and senior level pay bands with positions in nearly every industry, especially among white-collar careers. The functions of a personal assistant may be entirely carried out to assist one other employee or may be for the benefit of more than one. In other situations, a secretary is an officer of a society or organization who deals with correspondence, admits new members, and organizes official meetings and events. But this role should not be confused with the role of an executive secretary, cabinet secretary such as cabinet members who hold the title of "secretary", or company secretary, all which differ from an administrative assistant.[5][6][7] Duties and functions Reggie Love, left, personal aide to the president of the United States from 2009 to 2011[8][9][10] A secretary, also known as a personal assistant (PA) or administrative assistant, can have many administrative duties. The title "secretary," with its root meaning of "keeper of secrets," is not used as often as in decades past, and responsibilities have evolved in response to the technological age.[11] The duties may vary according to the nature and size of the company or organization, and might include managing budgets, bookkeeping, attending telephone calls, handling visitors, maintaining websites, travel arrangements, event planning, and preparing expense reports. Secretaries might also manage all the administrative details of running a high-level conference or meeting and be responsible for arranging the catering for a lunch meeting. Often executives will ask their assistant to take the minutes at meetings and prepare meeting documents for review.[12] In addition to the minutes, the secretary may be responsible for keeping all of the official records of a company or organization.[6] A secretary is also regarded as an "office manager". Today, many secretaries also conduct research, briefings, write memoranda, content writing, handle project management, program evaluation, stakeholder management, customer service duties, devise and maintain office systems including data management and filing, carry out background research and present findings, produce documents like white papers and gray literature, carry out specific projects, take on some of the manager's responsibilities, get involved in decision-making processes, handle public relations tasks, and/or logistics and procurement along with a wide range of other duties related to their specific industry. In a business, many job descriptions overlap. However, while administrative assistant is a generic term, not necessarily implying directly working for a superior, a secretary is usually the key person for all administrative tasks, and often referred to as the "gate keeper". Other titles describing jobs similar to or overlapping those of the traditional secretary are Office Coordinator, Executive Assistant, Office Manager and Administrative Professional. List of job titles synonymous with or similar to secretary: secretary, administrative professional, administrative assistant, executive assistant, administrative officer, administrative support specialist, clerk, military assistant, military aid[13], management assistant, office secretary, program assistant,[14] project assistant, personal aid, body man/body women, personal secretary, or personal assistant.[4] In previous decades, especially in the 20th century and before, at the most basic level a secretary is usually an audio typist with a small number of administrative roles. A good command of the prevailing office language and the ability to type is essential. At higher grades and with more experience they begin to take on additional roles and spend more of their time maintaining physical and electronic files, dealing with the post, photocopying, emailing clients, ordering stationery and answering telephones.[15] Secretary at work, photo taken in 2007 A more skilled executive assistant may be required to type at high speeds using technical or foreign languages, organize diaries, itineraries and meetings and carry out administrative duties which may include accountancy or financial accounting. A secretary / executive assistant may also control access to a manager, thus becoming an influential and trusted aide. Executive assistants are available for contact during off hours by new electronic communication methods for consultations. The largest difference between a generalized secretary and skilled executive assistants is that the executive assistant is required to be able to interact extensively with the general public, vendors, customers, and any other person or group that the executive is responsible to interact with. As the level that the executive interacts with increases so does the level of skill required in the executive assistant that works with the executive. Those executive assistants that work with corporate officers must be capable of emulating the style, corporate philosophy, and corporate persona of the executive for which they work. In the modern workplace the advancement of the executive assistants is codependent on the success of the executive and the ability of both to make the job performance of the team seamless whereas the job place evaluation is reflective of each other's performance executive secretary for now. This should be distinguished from the company secretary, a senior role within a company responsible for compliance with statutory and regulatory requirements. Executive assistant Civilian The work of an executive assistant (sometimes called a management assistant) differs a great deal from that of an administrative assistant. In many organizations, an executive assistant is a high-ranking position in the administrative hierarchy. Executive assistants work for a company officer or executive (at both private and public company institutions), and possess the authority to make crucial decisions affecting the direction of such organizations. As such, executive assistants play a role in decision-making and policy setting. The executive assistant performs the usual roles of managing correspondence, preparing research, and communication, often with one or more administrative assistants or scheduling assistants who report to him or her. The executive assistant also acts as the "gatekeeper", understanding in varying degree the requirements of the executive, and with an ability through this understanding to decide which scheduled events, meetings, teleconferences, or e-mails are most appropriate for allocation of the executive's time. An executive assistant may, from time to time, act as proxy for the executives, representing him/her/them in meetings or communications and project managing the production of reports or other deliverables in the absence of the executive. An executive assistant differs from an administrative assistant (a job which is often part of the career path of an executive assistant) in that they are expected to possess a higher degree of business acumen, be able to manage projects, as well as have the ability to influence others on behalf of the executive. In the past, executive assistants were required to have a high school diploma only, but increasingly jobs are requiring a bachelor's degree[16] of any field of study or when complying with educational requirements within their given industry, may require specialized knowledge in a specific fields of study through a bachelor's degree pertinent to the employer's industry or division's role within the organization. Military United States Coast Guard military aide Lieutenant Commander Jayna McCarron, left, serving as part of the White House Military Office is seen meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden about Medal of Honor recipients, Wednesday, October 6, 2021, in the Oval Office In the U.S. Department of Defense, the title of military assistant (MA) or executive assistant (EA) is typically held by Army, Air Force, and Marine Corps colonels, lieutenant colonels, and senior majors and Navy captains, commanders and senior lieutenant commanders who are in direct support of the Secretary of Defense, Deputy Secretary of Defense and other civilian defense officials down to the level of a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, as well as general officers or flag officers. The Secretary of Defense also has a lieutenant general or vice admiral as his/her senior military assistant. Like their civilian counterparts, EAs are also a resource in decision-making, policy setting, and will have leadership oversight of the entire military and civilian staff supporting the civilian official, general officer, or flag officer. EAs are often interchangeable with other senior military officers of equivalent rank holding the title of chief of staff in other service organizations headed by a flag officer or general officer. In the case of unified combatant commands and service major commands, the Chief of Staff is often a general officer or flag officer himself/herself, typically at the 1-star or 2-star level, but he or she should not be confused with the 4-star officers holding the title of Chief of Staff of the Army or Chief of Staff of the Air Force.[17] Education, training, and entering the profession During the baby boomers' and some older gen Xers' adult years, it was common for secretaries to enter the profession only having obtained a high school diploma supplemented by on-the-job training with no formal post-secondary education, a higher education degree, or previous professional service experience, unlike successor generations in the 21st century. Employers have long preferred unmarried women, a notion that resonated with governments and unions when jobs were scarce in tough economic times. During the 1930s in the United States, both a number of states and the federal government attempted to legislate married women out of the labor market, finding support from unions promoting "family wages"—a wage equal to a married woman husband had enough income to support both a household chore wife and a flock of children.[18] All legislative initiatives that wanted to create a legal basis for such discrimination ultimately failed. But even without a legal basis, employers tried to exclude married women from employment. In a 1940 survey, 40 percent of 485 US companies surveyed said they had clear policies barring married women from working for them.[19] The reason given was that married women would soon leave their positions anyway, and if they stayed in their positions, because of their domestic and family responsibilities, they would not give their paid work the attention that an unmarried woman would. Many of the women working in the office therefore lied about their marital status.[20] Until the mid-1970s, when women's career opportunities began to expand, shorthand and typing skills offered them the chance to find a job with those skills, even if they had completed education that would have given them other jobs had it not been for gender discrimination.[21] Compared to working as a nurse or teacher, the entry requirements for the profession of secretary were low: having shorthand and typing skills were the only skills required for the position. After finishing high school or after reaching the allowed age for workforce entry, if needed it was possible take courses lasting several weeks, to learn how to write shorthand and typing, which advanced entry into a shorthand or writing pool secretary position; these schools or private schools offering courses in typing, for example, existed as early as the 1880s.[22] Very quickly, these courses were predominantly attended by women. 25 percent of the students at Chicago's Metropolitan Business College in the school year 1892/1893 were female—in the shorthand and typing courses, however, 90 percent of the students were female.[23] Origin The role of secretary emerged from European church and state bureaucracies as aspects of the role of chancellor became distinct, and encompassed managing the work of a number of clerks gathered in the chancery. From the Renaissance until the late 19th century, men involved in the daily correspondence and the activities of the powerful had assumed the title of secretary. Der Gemeindeschreiber (the town clerk), painting by Albert Anker, 1874 With time, like many titles, the term was applied to more and varied functions, leading to compound titles to specify various secretarial work better, like general secretary or financial secretary. Just "secretary" remained in use either as an abbreviation when clear in the context or for relatively modest positions such as administrative assistant of the officer(s) in charge, either individually or as member of a secretariat. As such less influential posts became more feminine and common with the multiplication of bureaucracies in the public and private sectors, new words were also coined to describe them, such as personal assistant. In the 1840s and 1850s commercial schools were emerging to train male and female students the skills needed to work in a clerical position.[24] In 1870, Sir Isaac Pitman founded a school where students could qualify as shorthand writers to "professional and commercial men". Originally, this school was only for male students. In 1871, there were more than 150 such schools operating in the United States, a number that grew to as many as 500 by the 1890s.[25] In the 1880s, with the invention of the typewriter, more women began to enter the field and during the upcoming years, especially since World War I, the role of secretary has been primarily associated with women. By the 1930s, fewer men were entering the field of secretaries. Thomas de Keyser, Portrait of Constantijn Huygens with his Secretary, 1627 In an effort to promote professionalism among United States secretaries, the National Secretaries Association was created in 1942. Today, this organization is known as the International Association of Administrative Professionals (IAAP). The organization developed the first standardized test for office workers called the Certified Professional Secretaries Examination (CPS). It was first administered in 1951. By the mid-20th century the need for secretaries was great and offices and organizations featured large secretarial pools. In some cases the demand was great enough to spur secretaries being recruited from overseas; in particular, there was often a steady demand for young British women to come to the U.S. and fill temporary or permanent secretarial positions.[26] Several organizations were created to assist secretaries from foreign lands, including the Society of International Secretaries and the Association of British Secretaries in America.[27] In 1952 Mary Barrett, president of the National Secretaries Association, C. King Woodbridge, president of Dictaphone Corporation, and American businessman Harry F. Klemfuss created a special Secretary's Day holiday, to recognize the hard work of the staff in the office. The holiday caught on, and during the fourth week of April is now celebrated in offices all over the world. It has been renamed "Administrative Professional's Week" to highlight the increased responsibility of today's secretary and other administrative workers, and to avoid embarrassment to those who believe that "secretary" refers only to women or to unskilled workers. In the 20th century, with the spread of the typewriter, shorthand saw competition from steno-typing. Typing thus became the prerogative of women, widows or relatively well-educated young girls, originally from the middle class or the petty bourgeoisie, then from working-class backgrounds with the rise of the profession between the two world wars, which saw the women seize these innovations.[28][29] Secretary typist in 1951 Until recent years, the profession of secretary in the original sense was often subject, in the collective imagination, to stereotypes and pejorative connotations. Indeed, secretarial work was easily associated with low-value, thankless, and badly paid tasks, such as serving coffee to superiors, making photocopies or filing menial documents. In addition, the profession was once exercised almost exclusively by women and considered a pink-collar job in previous decades, but in the 21st century many employers began re-classifying many entry-level positions, including white-collar jobs historically held by men in decades past, as secretary, administrative assistant, or program assistant roles.[28][29] Etymology The term is derived from the Latin word secernere, "to distinguish" or "to set apart", the passive participle (secretum) meaning "having been set apart", with the eventual connotation of something private or confidential, as with the English word secret. A secretarius was a person, therefore, overseeing business confidentially, usually for a powerful individual (a king, pope, etc.). As the duties of a modern secretary often still include the handling of confidential information, the literal meaning of their title still holds true.[30] This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Secretary" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (April 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this message) See also Clerk Cabinet secretary or Department secretary Office lady Receptionist References "Three Wellesley alumnae tapped for Obama administration". The Wellesley Townsman. Wellesley, Massachusetts: GateHouse Media. January 20, 2009. Retrieved January 22, 2009. "Three Wellesley alumnae tapped for Obama administration". The Wellesley Townsman. Wellesley, Massachusetts: GateHouse Media. January 20, 2009. Retrieved January 22, 2009. Parnes, Amie (June 16, 2011). "White House staffers depart for Harvard". Politico. Retrieved June 21, 2011. "Example job description and person specification for a school library assistant". CILIP Guidelines for Secondary School Libraries: 121–122. doi:10.29085/9781783300303.017. "Secretary Job Information | National Careers Service". Nationalcareersservice.direct.gov.uk. January 27, 2012. Retrieved February 3, 2014. Robert, Henry M.; et al. (2011). Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised (11th ed.). Philadelphia, PA: Da Capo Press. pp. 458–460. ISBN 978-0-306-82020-5. Robert III, Henry M.; et al. (2011). Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised In Brief (2nd ed.). Philadelphia, PA: Da Capo Press. pp. 142–151. ISBN 978-0-306-82019-9. Archived from the original on August 16, 2017. Retrieved December 6, 2015. Staff report (April 21, 2011). "Two-sport athlete charged with DWI". Duke Chronicle. Archived from the original on March 1, 2013. Retrieved August 16, 2013. Martin, Nick (February 4, 2015). "Love details time with President Obama in new book "Power Forward"". Duke Chronicle. Retrieved December 20, 2016. Kantor, Jodi (November 11, 2011). "Leaving Obama's Shadow, to Cast One of His Own". The New York Times. p. A24. Retrieved April 23, 2014. Smith, Noah. "Secretary Jobs in the Age of AI". Noahpinion. Substack. Retrieved February 19, 2024. "Secretaries and Administrative Assistants : Occupational Outlook Handbook : U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics". Bls.gov. March 29, 2012. Retrieved December 8, 2013. Military aides still carry the president's nuclear 'football', USATODAY.com content.external (April 11, 2022). "Program Assistant Job Description". Recruiting Resources: How to Recruit and Hire Better. Retrieved February 8, 2023. "Secretaries/typists". NHS Careers. Retrieved January 1, 2012. Rampell, Catherine (September 9, 2014). "The college degree has become the new high school degree". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 6, 2016. Military Assistant/Executive Officer Handbook. Retrieved on 11 June 2013. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel Single Secs, Married Secs, and the Looping Shadow of the Office Wife. Ebook-Position 2515. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel Single Secs, Married Secs, and the Looping Shadow of the Office Wife. Ebook-Position 2531. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel Single Secs, Married Secs, and the Looping Shadow of the Office Wife. Ebook-Position 2449. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel So You Want to Be a Secretary. Ebook-Position 529. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel So You Want to Be a Secretary. Ebook-Position 685. Lynn Peril: Swimming in the Steno Pool. Kapitel So You Want to Be a Secretary. Ebook-Position 702. Mullaney, Marie Marmo; Hilbert, Rosemary C. (February 2018). "Educating Women for Self-Reliance and Economic Opportunity: The Strategic Entrepreneurialism of the Katharine Gibbs Schools, 1911–1968". History of Education Quarterly. 58 (1): 65–93. doi:10.1017/heq.2017.49. ISSN 0018-2680. Weiss, J (1981). "Educating for clerical work: The nineteenth-century private commercial school". Journal of Social History. 14 (3): 416. doi:10.1353/jsh/14.3.407. Scot, Barbara (September 29, 1967). "Secretaries wanted across the Atlantic". The Glasgow Herald. p. 9. Seebohm, Caroline (July 19, 1971). "English Girls in New York: They Don't Go Home Again". New York. pp. 34–38. Sténographie, sténotypie ou dictaphone ?, fiche des Archives nationales françaises Jean Lebrun, « Histoire des secrétaires », émission La Marche de l'Histoire sur France Inter, 16 janvier 2013 "Secretary – Definition and More from the Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary". Merriam-webster.com. August 31, 2012. Retrieved February 3, 2014. Further reading National Association of Parliamentarians, Education Committee (1993). Spotlight on You the Secretary. Independence, MO: National Association of Parliamentarians. ISBN 1-884048-25-0. Covert, Bryce (May 4, 2015). "The Slow Death of the Secretary". The New Republic. Retrieved May 18, 2018. The debate theorical-methodological in field of secretariat: diversities and singularities Educational handbooks for professions occupied by females in the 1960s and 1970s. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Secretary. Look up secretary in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. American Society of Administrative Professionals Administrative Professional Resources iaap – International Association of Administrative Professionals Authority control databases: National Edit this at Wikidata Germany 2 Israel United States Japan Czech Republic 2 Categories: Office and administrative support occupations Secretaries

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Namibia, officially the Republic of Namibia, is a country in Southern Africa. Its western border is the Atlantic Ocean. It shares land borders with Angola and Zambia to the north, Botswana to the east and South Africa to the east and south. Although it does not border Zimbabwe, less than 200 metres (660 feet) of the Botswanan right bank of the Zambezi River separates the two countries. Its capital and largest city is Windhoek. The driest country in sub-Saharan Africa,[17] Namibia has been inhabited since pre-historic times by the Khoi, San, Damara and Nama people. Around the 14th century, immigrating Bantu peoples arrived as part of the Bantu expansion. Since then, the Bantu groups, the largest being the Ovambo, have dominated the population of the country; since the late 19th century, they have constituted a majority. With a population of 3,022,401 people today, Namibia is one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world. In 1884, the German Empire established rule over most of the territory, forming a colony known as German South West Africa. Between 1904 and 1908, German troops waged a punitive campaign against the Herero and Nama which escalated into the first genocide of the 20th century. German rule ended during the First World War with a 1915 defeat by South African forces. In 1920, after the end of the war, the League of Nations mandated administration of the colony to South Africa. From 1948, with the National Party elected to power, this included South Africa applying apartheid to what was then known as South West Africa. In the later 20th century, uprisings and demands for political representation by native African political activists seeking independence resulted in the United Nations assuming direct responsibility over the territory in 1966, but the country of South Africa maintained de facto rule. In 1973, the UN recognized the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) as the official representative of the Namibian people. Namibia gained independence from South Africa on 21 March 1990, following the Namibian War of Independence. However, Walvis Bay and the Penguin Islands remained under South African control until 1994. Namibia is a stable parliamentary democracy. Agriculture, tourism and the mining industry – including mining for gem diamonds, uranium, gold, silver and base metals – form the basis of its economy, while the manufacturing sector is comparatively small. Despite significant GDP growth since its independence,[18] poverty and inequality remain significant in the country. 40.9% of the population is affected by multidimensional poverty[19] and more than 400,000 people continue to live in informal housing.[20] Income disparity in the country is one of the world's highest with a Gini coefficient of 59.1 in 2015.[21] Namibia is a member state of the United Nations, the Southern African Development Community, the African Union and the Commonwealth of Nations. History Main article: History of Namibia Etymology The name of the country is derived from the Namib desert, the oldest desert in the world.[22] The word Namib itself is of Nama origin and means "vast place". The name was chosen by Mburumba Kerina, who originally proposed "Republic of Namib".[23] Before Namibia became independent in 1990, its territory was known first as German South-West Africa (Deutsch-Südwestafrika), and then as South West Africa, reflecting its colonial occupation by Germans and South Africans, respectively. Pre-colonial period The dry lands of Namibia have been inhabited since prehistoric times by the San, Damara, and Nama. For thousands of years, the Khoisan peoples of Southern Africa maintained a nomadic life, the Khoikhoi as pastoralists and the San people as hunter-gatherers. Around the 14th century, immigrating Bantu people began to arrive during the Bantu expansion from central Africa.[24] From the late 18th century onward, Oorlam people from Cape Colony crossed the Orange River and moved into the area that today is southern Namibia.[25] Their encounters with the nomadic Nama tribes were largely peaceful. They received the missionaries accompanying the Oorlam very well,[26] granting them the right to use waterholes and grazing against an annual payment.[27] On their way further north, however, the Oorlam encountered clans of the OvaHerero at Windhoek, Gobabis, and Okahandja, who resisted their encroachment. The Nama-Herero War broke out in 1880, with hostilities ebbing only after the German Empire deployed troops to the contested places and cemented the status quo among the Nama, Oorlam, and Herero.[28] In 1878, the Cape of Good Hope, then a British colony, annexed the port of Walvis Bay and the offshore Penguin Islands; these became an integral part of the new Union of South Africa at its creation in 1910. The first Europeans to disembark and explore the region were the Portuguese navigators Diogo Cão in 1485[29] and Bartolomeu Dias in 1486, but the Portuguese did not try to claim the area. Like most of the interior of Sub-Saharan Africa, Namibia was not extensively explored by Europeans until the 19th century. At that time traders and settlers came principally from Germany and Sweden. In 1870, Finnish missionaries came to the northern part of Namibia to spread the Lutheran religion among the Ovambo and Kavango people.[30] In the late 19th century, Dorsland Trekkers crossed the area on their way from the Transvaal to Angola. Some of them settled in Namibia instead of continuing their journey. German rule See also: German South West Africa and Herero and Namaqua genocide Namibia became a German colony in 1884 under Otto von Bismarck to forestall perceived British encroachment and was known as German South West Africa (Deutsch-Südwestafrika).[31] The Palgrave Commission by the British governor in Cape Town determined that only the natural deep-water harbour of Walvis Bay was worth occupying and thus annexed it to the Cape province of British South Africa. In 1897, a rinderpest epidemic caused massive cattle die-offs of an estimated 95% of cattle in southern and central Namibia. In response the German colonizers set up a veterinary cordon fence known as the Red Line.[32] In 1907 this fence then broadly defined the boundaries for the first Police Zone.[33] From 1904 to 1907, the Herero and the Namaqua took up arms against ruthless German settlers. In a calculated punitive action by the German settlers, government officials ordered the extinction of the natives in the OvaHerero and Namaqua genocide. In what has been called the "first genocide of the 20th century",[34] the Germans systematically killed 10,000 Nama (half the population) and approximately 65,000 Herero (about 80% of the population).[35][36] The survivors, when finally released from detention, were subjected to a policy of dispossession, deportation, forced labour, racial segregation, and discrimination in a system that in many ways foreshadowed the apartheid established by South Africa in 1948. Most Africans were confined to so-called native territories, which under South African rule after 1949 were turned into "homelands" (Bantustans). Some historians have speculated that the downfall of the Herero in Namibia was a model for the Nazis in the Holocaust.[37] The memory of what happened under German rule has contributed to shape the ethnic identity in independent Namibia and has kept its significance in today's relations with Germany.[38] The German minister for development aid apologised for the Namibian genocide in 2004. However, the German government distanced itself from this apology.[39] Only in 2021 did the German government acknowledge the genocide and agreed to pay €1.1 billion over 30 years in community aid.[40] South African mandate See also: South West Africa German church and monument to colonists in Windhoek, Namibia During World War I, South African troops under General Louis Botha occupied the territory and deposed the German colonial administration. The end of the war and the Treaty of Versailles resulted in South West Africa remaining a possession of South Africa, at first as a League of Nations mandate, until 1990.[41] The mandate system was formed as a compromise between those who advocated for an Allied annexation of former German and Ottoman territories and a proposition put forward by those who wished to grant them to an international trusteeship until they could govern themselves.[41] It permitted the South African government to administer South West Africa until that territory's inhabitants were prepared for political self-determination.[42] South Africa interpreted the mandate as a veiled annexation and made no attempt to prepare South West Africa for future autonomy.[42] Hendrik Witbooi (left) and Samuel Maharero (right) were prominent leaders against German colonial rule. As a result of the Conference on International Organization in 1945, the League of Nations was formally superseded by the United Nations (UN) and former League mandates by a trusteeship system. Article 77 of the United Nations Charter stated that UN trusteeship "shall apply...to territories now held under mandate"; furthermore, it would "be a matter of subsequent agreement as to which territories in the foregoing territories will be brought under the trusteeship system and under what terms".[43] The UN requested all former League of Nations mandates be surrendered to its Trusteeship Council in anticipation of their independence.[43] South Africa declined to do so and instead requested permission from the UN to formally annex South West Africa, for which it received considerable criticism.[43] When the UN General Assembly rejected this proposal, South Africa dismissed its opinion and began solidifying control of the territory.[43] The UN General Assembly and Security Council responded by referring the issue to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which held a number of discussions on the legality of South African rule between 1949 and 1966.[44] Map depicting the Police Zone (in tan) and tribal homelands (in red) as they existed in 1978. Self-governing tribal homelands appear as tan with red stripes. South Africa began imposing apartheid, its codified system of racial segregation and discrimination, on South West Africa during the late 1940s.[45] Black South West Africans were subject to pass laws, curfews, and a host of residential regulations that restricted their movement.[45] Development was concentrated in the southern region of the territory adjacent to South Africa, known as the "Police Zone", where most of the major settlements and commercial economic activity were located.[46] Outside the Police Zone, indigenous peoples were restricted to theoretically self-governing tribal homelands.[46] During the late 1950s and early 1960s, the accelerated decolonisation of Africa and mounting pressure on the remaining colonial powers to grant their colonies self-determination resulted in the formation of nascent nationalist parties in South West Africa.[47] Movements such as the South West African National Union (SWANU) and the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) advocated for the formal termination of South Africa's mandate and independence for the territory.[47] In 1966, following the ICJ's controversial ruling that it had no legal standing to consider the question of South African rule, SWAPO launched an armed insurgency that escalated into part of a wider regional conflict known as the South African Border War.[48] Foreign Observer identification badge issued during the 1989 Namibian election In 1971 Namibian contract workers led a general strike against the contract system and in support of independence.[49] Some of the striking workers would later join SWAPO's PLAN[50] as part of the South African Border War. Independence As SWAPO's insurgency intensified, South Africa's case for annexation in the international community continued to decline.[51] The UN declared that South Africa had failed in its obligations to ensure the moral and material well-being of South West Africa's indigenous inhabitants, and had thus disavowed its own mandate.[52] On 12 June 1968, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution proclaiming that, in accordance with the desires of its people, South West Africa be renamed Namibia.[52] United Nations Security Council Resolution 269, adopted in August 1969, declared South Africa's continued occupation of Namibia illegal.[52][53] In recognition of this landmark decision, SWAPO's armed wing was renamed the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN).[54] Namibia became one of several flashpoints for Cold War proxy conflicts in southern Africa during the latter years of the PLAN insurgency.[55] The insurgents sought out weapons and sent recruits to the Soviet Union for military training.[56] As the PLAN war effort gained momentum, the Soviet Union and other sympathetic states such as Cuba continued to increase their support, deploying advisers to train the insurgents directly as well as supplying more weapons and ammunition.[57] SWAPO's leadership, dependent on Soviet, Angolan, and Cuban military aid, positioned the movement firmly within the socialist bloc by 1975.[58] This practical alliance reinforced the external perception of SWAPO as a Soviet proxy, which dominated Cold War rhetoric in South Africa and the United States.[46] For its part, the Soviet Union supported SWAPO partly because it viewed South Africa as a regional Western ally.[59] South African troops patrol the border region for PLAN insurgents, 1980s Growing war weariness and the reduction of tensions between the superpowers compelled South Africa, Angola, and Cuba to accede to the Tripartite Accord, under pressure from both the Soviet Union and the United States.[60] South Africa accepted Namibian independence in exchange for Cuban military withdrawal from the region and an Angolan commitment to cease all aid to PLAN.[61] PLAN and South Africa adopted an informal ceasefire in August 1988, and a United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) was formed to monitor the Namibian peace process and supervise the return of refugees.[62] The ceasefire was broken after PLAN made a final incursion into the territory, possibly as a result of misunderstanding UNTAG's directives, in March 1989.[63] A new ceasefire was later imposed with the condition that the insurgents were to be confined to their external bases in Angola until they could be disarmed and demobilised by UNTAG.[62][64] South African-occupied South West Africa (1915–1990) and maximum extent of South African and UNITA operations in Angola and Zambia during the South African Border War By the end of the 11-month transition period, the last South African troops had been withdrawn from Namibia, all political prisoners granted amnesty, racially discriminatory legislation repealed, and 42,000 Namibian refugees returned to their homes.[58] Just over 97% of eligible voters participated in the country's first parliamentary elections held under a universal franchise.[65] The United Nations plan included oversight by foreign election observers in an effort to ensure a free and fair election. SWAPO won a plurality of seats in the Constituent Assembly with 57% of the popular vote.[65] This gave the party 41 seats, but not a two-thirds majority, which would have enabled it to draft the constitution on its own.[65] The Namibian Constitution was adopted in February 1990. It incorporated protection for human rights and compensation for state expropriations of private property and established an independent judiciary, legislature, and an executive presidency (the constituent assembly became the national assembly). The country officially became independent on 21 March 1990.[66][30] Sam Nujoma was sworn in as the first President of Namibia at a ceremony attended by Nelson Mandela of South Africa (who had been released from prison the previous month) and representatives from 147 countries, including 20 heads of state.[67] In 1994, shortly before the first multiracial elections in South Africa, that country ceded Walvis Bay to Namibia.[68] After independence Since independence Namibia has completed the transition from white minority apartheid rule to parliamentary democracy. Multiparty democracy was introduced and has been maintained, with local, regional and national elections held regularly. Several registered political parties are active and represented in the National Assembly, although the SWAPO has won every election since independence.[69] The transition from the 15-year rule of President Nujoma to his successor Hifikepunye Pohamba in 2005 went smoothly.[70] Since independence, the Namibian government has promoted a policy of national reconciliation. It issued an amnesty for those who fought on either side during the liberation war. The civil war in Angola spilled over and adversely affected Namibians living in the north of the country. In 1998, Namibia Defence Force (NDF) troops were sent to the Democratic Republic of the Congo as part of a Southern African Development Community (SADC) contingent. In 1999, the national government quashed a secessionist attempt in the northeastern Caprivi Strip.[70] The Caprivi conflict was initiated by the Caprivi Liberation Army (CLA), a rebel group led by Mishake Muyongo. It wanted the Caprivi Strip to secede and form its own society. In December 2014, Prime Minister Hage Geingob, the candidate of ruling SWAPO, won the presidential elections, taking 87% of the vote. His predecessor, President Hifikepunye Pohamba, also of SWAPO, had served the maximum two terms allowed by the constitution.[71] In December 2019, President Hage Geingob was re-elected for a second term, taking 56.3% of the vote.[72] On 4 February 2024, President Hage Geingob died and he was immediately succeeded by vice-president Nangolo Mbumba as new President of Namibia.[73] Geography Main article: Geography of Namibia Sand dunes in the Namib, Namibia Fish River Canyon At 825,615 km2 (318,772 sq mi),[74] Namibia is the world's thirty-fourth largest country (after Venezuela). It lies mostly between latitudes 17° and 29°S (a small area is north of 17°), and longitudes 11° and 26°E. Being situated between the Namib and the Kalahari deserts, Namibia has the least rainfall of any country in sub-Saharan Africa.[75] The Namibian landscape consists generally of five geographical areas, each with characteristic abiotic conditions and vegetation, with some variation within and overlap between them: the Central Plateau, the Namib, the Great Escarpment, the Bushveld, and the Kalahari Desert. The Central Plateau runs from north to south, bordered by the Skeleton Coast to the northwest, the Namib Desert and its coastal plains to the southwest, the Orange River to the south, and the Kalahari Desert to the east. The Central Plateau is home to the highest point in Namibia at Königstein elevation 2,606 metres (8,550 ft).[76] The Namib is a broad expanse of hyper-arid gravel plains and dunes that stretches along Namibia's entire coastline. It varies between 100 and 200 kilometres (60 and 120 mi) in width. Areas within the Namib include the Skeleton Coast and the Kaokoveld in the north and the extensive Namib Sand Sea along the central coast.[22] The Great Escarpment swiftly rises to over 2,000 metres (7,000 ft). Average temperatures and temperature ranges increase further inland from the cold Atlantic waters, while the lingering coastal fogs slowly diminish. Although the area is rocky with poorly developed soils, it is significantly more productive than the Namib Desert. As summer winds are forced over the Escarpment, moisture is extracted as precipitation.[77] The Bushveld is found in north-eastern Namibia along the Angolan border and in the Caprivi Strip. The area receives a significantly greater amount of precipitation than the rest of the country, averaging around 400 mm (16 in) per year. The area is generally flat and the soils sandy, limiting their ability to retain water and support agriculture.[78] The Kalahari Desert, an arid region that extends into South Africa and Botswana, is one of Namibia's well-known geographical features. The Kalahari, while popularly known as a desert, has a variety of localised environments, including some verdant and technically non-desert areas. The Succulent Karoo is home to over 5,000 species of plants, nearly half of them endemic; approximately 10 percent of the world's succulents are found in the Karoo.[79][80] The reason behind this high productivity and endemism may be the relatively stable nature of precipitation.[81] Namibia's Coastal Desert is one of the oldest deserts in the world. Its sand dunes, created by the strong onshore winds, are the highest in the world.[82] Because of the location of the shoreline, at the point where the Atlantic's cold water reaches Africa's hot climate, often extremely dense fog forms along the coast.[83] Near the coast there are areas where the dune-hummocks are vegetated.[84] Namibia has rich coastal and marine resources that remain largely unexplored.[85] The Caprivi Strip extends east from the northeastern corner of the country. Urban settlements Main article: List of cities and towns in Namibia Namibia has 13 cities, governed by municipalities and 26 towns, governed by town councils.[86][87] The capital Windhoek is by far the largest urban settlement in Namibia. Largest cities or towns in Namibia According to the 2023 Census[88] Rank Name Region Pop. Windhoek Windhoek Rundu Rundu 1 Windhoek Khomas 486,169 Walvis Bay Walvis Bay Swakopmund Swakopmund 2 Rundu Kavango East 118,625 3 Walvis Bay Erongo 102,704 4 Swakopmund Erongo 75,921 5 Oshakati Oshana 58,696 6 Otjiwarongo Otjozondjupa 49,022 7 Katima Mulilo Zambezi 46,401 8 Okahandja Otjozondjupa 45,159 9 Rehoboth Hardap 40,788 10 Tsumeb Oshikoto 34,960 Climate Köppen climate types of Namibia Namibia is primarily a large desert and semi-desert plateau. Namibia extends from 17°S to 25°S latitude: climatically the range of the sub-Tropical High Pressure Belt. Its overall climate description is arid, descending from the Sub-Humid [mean rain above 500 mm (20 in)] through Semi-Arid [between 300 and 500 mm (12 and 20 in)] (embracing most of the waterless Kalahari) and Arid [from 150 to 300 mm (6 to 12 in)] (these three regions are inland from the western escarpment) to the Hyper-Arid coastal plain [less than 100 mm (4 in)]. Temperature maxima are limited by the overall elevation of the entire region: only in the far south, Warmbad for instance, are maxima above 40 °C (104 °F) recorded.[89] Typically the sub-Tropical High Pressure Belt, with frequent clear skies, provides more than 300 days of sunshine per year. It is situated at the southern edge of the tropics; the Tropic of Capricorn cuts the country about in half. The winter (June – August) is generally dry. Both rainy seasons occur in summer: the small rainy season between September and November, and the big one between February and April.[90] Humidity is low, and average rainfall varies from almost zero in the coastal desert to more than 600 mm (24 in) in the Caprivi Strip. Rainfall is highly variable, and droughts are common.[91] In the summer of 2006/07 the rainfall was recorded far below the annual average.[92] In May 2019, Namibia declared a state of emergency in response to the drought,[93] and extended it by an additional 6 months in October 2019.[94] Weather and climate in the coastal area are dominated by the cold, north-flowing Benguela Current of the Atlantic Ocean, which accounts for very low precipitation (50 mm (2 in) per year or less), frequent dense fog, and overall lower temperatures than in the rest of the country.[91] In Winter, occasionally a condition known as Bergwind (German for "mountain wind") or Oosweer (Afrikaans for "east weather") occurs, a hot dry wind blowing from the inland to the coast. As the area behind the coast is a desert, these winds can develop into sand storms, leaving sand deposits in the Atlantic Ocean that are visible on satellite images.[95] The Central Plateau and Kalahari areas have wide diurnal temperature ranges of up to 30C (54F).[91] Efundja, the annual seasonal flooding of the northern parts of the country, often causes not only damage to infrastructure but loss of life.[96] The rains that cause these floods originate in Angola, flow into Namibia's Cuvelai-Etosha Basin, and fill the oshanas (Oshiwambo: flood plains) there. The worst floods so far occurred in March 2011 and displaced 21,000 people.[97] Water sources Main article: Water supply and sanitation in Namibia Namibia is the driest country in sub-Saharan Africa and depends largely on groundwater. With an average rainfall of about 350 mm (14 in) per annum, the highest rainfall occurs in the Caprivi Strip in the northeast (about 600 mm (24 in) per annum) and decreases in a westerly and southwesterly direction to as little as 50 mm (2 in) and less per annum at the coast. The only perennial rivers are found on the national borders with South Africa, Angola, Zambia, and the short border with Botswana in the Caprivi Strip. In the interior of the country, surface water is available only in the summer months when rivers are in flood after exceptional rainfalls. Otherwise, surface water is restricted to a few large storage dams retaining and damming up these seasonal floods and their run-off. Where people do not live near perennial rivers or make use of the storage dams, they are dependent on groundwater. Even isolated communities and those economic activities located far from good surface water sources, such as mining, agriculture, and tourism, can be supplied from groundwater over nearly 80% of the country.[98] More than 100,000 boreholes have been drilled in Namibia over the past century. One third of these boreholes have been drilled dry.[99] An aquifer called Ohangwena II, on both sides of the Angola-Namibia border, was discovered in 2012. It has been estimated to be capable of supplying a population of 800,000 people in the North for 400 years, at the current (2018) rate of consumption.[100] Experts estimate that Namibia has 7,720 km3 (1,850 cu mi) of underground water.[101][102] According to African Folder, a sewage-to-water treatment project in Namibia not only provides citizens with safe drinking water, but also boosts productivity by 6% per year. All pollutants and impurities are removed using cutting-edge "multi-barrier" technology, which includes residual chlorination, ozone treatment, and ultra membrane filtration. Strict bio-monitoring methods are also used throughout the process to ensure high-quality, safe drinking water.[103] On June 8, 2023, Namibia became the first Southern African country and the eighth country in Africa to accede to the Convention on the Protection and Use of Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes (UN Water Convention).[104] Communal Wildlife Conservancies Quivertree Forest, Bushveld Main article: Communal Wildlife Conservancies in Namibia Namibia is one of few countries in the world to specifically address conservation and protection of natural resources in its constitution.[105] Article 95 states, "The State shall actively promote and maintain the welfare of the people by adopting international policies aimed at the following: maintenance of ecosystems, essential ecological processes, and biological diversity of Namibia, and utilisation of living natural resources on a sustainable basis for the benefit of all Namibians, both present and future."[105] In 1993, Namibia's newly formed government received funding from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) through its Living in a Finite Environment (LIFE) Project.[106] The Ministry of Environment and Tourism, with financial support from organisations such as USAID, Endangered Wildlife Trust, WWF, and Canadian Ambassador's Fund, together form a Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) support structure. The project's main goal is to promote sustainable natural resource management by giving local communities rights to wildlife management and tourism.[107] Wildlife Main article: Wildlife of Namibia Namibia has various species of wildlife including the wild dog, dik dik and critically endangered black rhino. There are 200 terrestrial mammal species, 645 bird species and 115 fish species.[108][109] Government and politics Tintenpalast, the centre of Namibia's government Main articles: Politics of Namibia and Elections in Namibia Namibia is a unitary semi-presidential representative democratic republic.[10] The President of Namibia is elected to a five-year term and is both the head of state and the head of government.[110] All members of the government are individually and collectively responsible to the legislature.[111][112] The Constitution of Namibia outlines the following as the organs of the country's government:[113] Executive: executive power is exercised by the President and the Government. Legislature: Namibia has a bicameral Parliament with the National Assembly as lower house, and the National Council as the upper house.[114] Judiciary: Namibia has a system of courts that interpret and apply the law in the name of the state. While the constitution envisaged a multi-party system for Namibia's government, the SWAPO party has been dominant since independence in 1990.[115] According to 2023 V-Dem Democracy indices Namibia is ranked 66th electoral democracy worldwide and 8th electoral democracy in Africa.[116] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Namibia Former President Hage Geingob (second row, first from the right) with other African leaders and Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Russia–Africa Summit in Sochi, 24 October 2019 Namibia has a largely independent foreign policy, with persisting affiliations with states that aided the independence struggle, including Cuba. With a small army and a fragile economy, the Namibian government's principal foreign policy concern is developing strengthened ties within the Southern African region. A member of the Southern African Development Community, Namibia is a vocal advocate for greater regional integration. It became the 160th member of the UN on 23 April 1990. On its independence it became the 50th member of the Commonwealth of Nations.[117] Military Main article: Namibian Defence Force In 2023, The Global Firepower Index (GFP) reported that Namibia's military is ranked as one of the weakest in the world, at 123rd out of 145 countries. Among 34 African countries, Namibia is also poorly ranked at the 28th position.[118] Despite this, government spending for the Ministry of Defence stood at N$5,885 million (a 1.2% decrease from the previous financial year).[119] With close to 6 billion Namibian dollars (US$411 million in 2021) the Ministry of Defence receives the fourth highest amount of money from Government per ministry. Namibia does not have any enemies in the region, though it has been involved in various disputes regarding borders and construction plans.[120] The Namibian constitution defines the role of the military as "defending the territory and national interests." Namibia formed the Namibian Defence Force (NDF), comprising former enemies in a 23-year bush war: the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) and South West African Territorial Force (SWATF). The British government formulated the plan for integrating these forces and began training the NDF, which consists of a small headquarters and five battalions. The United Nations Transitional Assistance Group (UNTAG)'s Kenyan infantry battalion remained in Namibia for three months after independence to help train the NDF and to stabilise the north. According to the Namibian Defence Ministry, enlistments of both men and women will number no more than 7,500. The chief of the Namibian Defence Force is Air Vice Marshal Martin Kambulu Pinehas (with effect from 1 April 2020). In 2017, Namibia signed the UN treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.[121] Administrative divisions Main article: Administrative divisions of Namibia Population density in Namibia by regions (census 2011) Namibia is divided into 14 regions which are subdivided into 121 constituencies. The administrative division of Namibia is tabled by Delimitation Commissions and accepted or declined by the National Assembly. Since state foundation four Delimitation Commissions have delivered their work, the last one in 2013 under the chairmanship of Judge Alfred Siboleka.[122] The most urbanised and economically active regions are the Khomas and Erongo region, with Khomas home to the capital, Windhoek, and Erongo home to Walvis Bay and Swakopmund. The table below shows statistics from the 2022 Namibia Population and Housing Census: Region Population (2016) People per km² Average Household Size Khomas 494,605 13.4 3.3 Ohangwena 337,729 31.5 4.8 Omusati 316,671 11.9 4.2 Oshikoto 257,302 6.7 4.1 Oshana 230,801 26.7 3.7 Erongo 240,206 3.8 3.1 Otjozondjupa 220,811 2.1 3.6 Kavango East 218,421 9.1 5.3 Zambezi 142,373 9.7 3.7 Kunene 120,762 1.0 3.8 Kavango West 123,266 5.0 5.5 Hardap 106,680 1.0 3.6 ǁKaras 109,893 0.7 3.1 Omaheke 102,881 1.2 3.3 Regional councillors are directly elected through secret ballots (regional elections) by the inhabitants of their constituencies.[123] Local authorities in Namibia can be in the form of municipalities (either Part 1 or Part 2 municipalities), town councils or villages.[124] Human rights Main article: Human rights in Namibia Namibia is one of the most free and democratic countries in Africa,[125] with a government that maintains and protects human rights and freedoms. However, significant issues include government corruption, policy inertia and prison overcrowding. Also, refugees are not permitted free movement.[126] The law is not enforced,[127] but homosexual acts are illegal in Namibia.[128] Discrimination, as well as intolerance, against LGBT people is widespread, specifically in rural areas, although urban areas are generally neutral or supportive with a few LGBT-dedicated clubs and events.[129] Some Namibian government officials and high-profile figures, such as Namibia's Ombudsman John Walters and First Lady Monica Geingos, have called for sodomy and homosexuality to be decriminalised and are in favour of LGBT rights.[127][130] In November 2018, it was reported that 32% of women aged 15–49 experienced violence and domestic abuse from their spouses/partners and 29.5% of men believe that physical abuse towards their wife/partner is acceptable, although this is typically in rural areas.[131] The Namibian constitution guarantees the rights, freedoms and equal treatment of women in Namibia[132] and SWAPO, the ruling party in Namibia, has adopted a "zebra system", which ensures a fair balance of both genders in government and equal representation of women in the Namibian government.[133][126] Economy Main article: Economy of Namibia Namibia GDP per capita, 2000–2022 Downtown Windhoek The trans-African automobile route - the Tripoli-Cape Town Highway and the Trans-Kalahari Corridor pass through Namibia. Namibia's economy is tied closely to South Africa's due to their shared history.[134][135] In Q3 2023, the largest economic sectors were mining (18.0% of GDP), public administration (12.9%), manufacturing (10.1%), and education (9.2%).[136] Namibia has a highly developed banking and financial services sector with modern infrastructures, such as online banking and cellphone banking. The Bank of Namibia (BoN) is the central bank of Namibia responsible for performing all other functions ordinarily performed by a central bank. There are five BoN authorised commercial banks in Namibia: Bank Windhoek, First National Bank, Nedbank, Standard Bank and Small and Medium Enterprises Bank.[137] Namibia's economy is characterised by a divide between the formal and the informal economies, which is in part aggravated by the legacy of apartheid spatial planning.[138] The country's unemployment rate was 33.4% in 2018, with a labour force of 1,090,153.[139] As of 2023, the country has a youth unemployment rate of 38.4%,[140] one of the highest in the world. However, Namibia has a high percentage of skilled labour relative to SADC countries and have relatively low unemployment rates for skilled workers. To fight high unemployment, particularly amongst the youth, the government approved the introduction of an Internship Tax Incentive Programme aimed at incentivising employers to enroll more interns by providing an additional corporate tax deduction. The total financial implication for the Government is estimated at N$126 million. Poverty and inequality remain significant in the country. 40.9% of the population is affected by multidimensional poverty while an additional 19.2 percent is classified as vulnerable to multidimensional poverty.[19] Income disparity in the country remains one of the world's highest with a Gini coefficient of 59.1 in 2015.[21] In 2004 a labour act was passed to protect people from job discrimination stemming from pregnancy and HIV/AIDS status. In early 2010 the Government tender board announced that "henceforth 100 per cent of all unskilled and semi-skilled labour must be sourced, without exception, from within Namibia".[141] In 2013, global business and financial news provider Bloomberg named Namibia the top emerging market economy in Africa and the 13th best in the world. Only four African countries made the Top 20 Emerging Markets list in the March 2013 issue of Bloomberg Markets magazine, and Namibia was rated ahead of Morocco (19th), South Africa (15th), and Zambia (14th). Worldwide, Namibia also fared better than Hungary, Brazil, and Mexico. Bloomberg Markets magazine ranked the top 20 based on more than a dozen criteria. The data came from Bloomberg's own financial-market statistics, IMF forecasts and the World Bank. The countries were also rated on areas of particular interest to foreign investors: the ease of doing business, the perceived level of corruption and economic freedom. To attract foreign investment, the government has made improvement in reducing red tape resulted from excessive government regulations, making Namibia one of the least bureaucratic places to do business in the region. Facilitation payments are occasionally demanded by customs due to cumbersome and costly customs procedures.[142] Namibia is also classified as an Upper Middle Income country by the World Bank, and ranks 87th out of 185 economies in terms of ease of doing business.[143] The cost of living in Namibia is slightly above average because most goods, including cereals, need to be imported. Its capital city, Windhoek, is the 150th most expensive place in the world for expatriates to live.[144] Taxation in Namibia includes personal income tax, which is applicable to the total taxable income of an individual. All individuals are taxed at progressive marginal rates over a series of income brackets. Tax in Namibia is less than South African tax at monthly incomes greater than N$58,754, with the country's effective tax rates typically plateauing at a maximum of 30.8% while South Africa's plateaus at 37.4%.[145] This makes it favourable for wealthy South Africans to migrate to Namibia given their similar cost of living, cultures and socio-economic factors. In 2023, the government stated in the National Mid-Term Budget that personal income tax will be reduced, increasing the minimum taxable income from N$50,000 to N$100,000 and reducing taxable income in higher brackets as well.[citation needed] The value-added tax (VAT) is applicable to most of the commodities and services, except for staple goods such as bread.[146] The B2 between Swakopmund and Walvis Bay, Namibia Despite the remote nature of much of the country, Namibia has seaports, airports, highways, well-maintained roads, infrastructure and railways (narrow-gauge). It is an important regional transportation hub for its seaports and trade with landlocked neighbouring countries. The Central Plateau already serves as a transportation corridor from the more densely populated north to South Africa, the source of four-fifths of Namibia's imports.[147] Agriculture Main article: Agriculture in Namibia Welcoming sign of the Burgsdorf farm in Hardap About half of the population depends on agriculture (largely subsistence agriculture) for its livelihood, but Namibia must still import some of its food. Although per capita GDP is five times the per capita GDP of Africa's poorest countries, the majority of Namibia's people live in rural areas and have a subsistence way of life. Namibia has one of the highest rates of income inequality in the world, due in part to the fact that there is an urban economy and a more rural cashless economy. The inequality figures thus take into account people who do not actually rely on the formal economy for their survival. Although arable land accounts for <1% of Namibia, (about .97%), nearly half of the population is employed in agriculture.[147] About 4,000 commercial farmers own almost half of Namibia's arable land.[148] The United Kingdom offered about $180,000 in 2004 to help finance Namibia's land reform process, as Namibia plans to start expropriating land from white farmers to resettle landless black Namibians.[149] Germany has offered €1.1bn in 2021 over 30 years in reparations for the genocides in the early 20th century but the money will go towards infrastructure, healthcare and training programmes not land reform.[150] An agreement has been reached on the privatisation of several more enterprises in coming years, with hopes that this will stimulate much needed foreign investment, but reinvestment of environmentally derived capital has hobbled Namibian per capita income.[151] One of the fastest growing areas of economic development in Namibia is the growth of wildlife conservancies. Mining and electricity Main article: Mining in Namibia Providing 25% of Namibia's revenue, mining is the single most important contributor to the economy.[152] Namibia is the fourth largest exporter of non-fuel minerals in Africa and was the world's fourth largest producer of uranium. There have been significant investment in uranium mining and Namibia planned to become the largest exporter of uranium by 2015.[153] However, as of 2019 Namibia continued to produce 750 tons of uranium annually making it a smaller than average exporter in the competitive world market.[154] Rich alluvial diamond deposits make Namibia a primary source for gem-quality diamonds.[155] While Namibia is known predominantly for its gem diamond and uranium deposits, a number of other minerals are extracted industrially such as lead, tungsten, gold, tin, fluorspar, manganese, marble, copper and zinc. There are offshore gas deposits in the Atlantic Ocean that are planned to be extracted in the future.[156] According to "The Diamond Investigation", a book about the global diamond market, from 1978, De Beers, the largest diamond company, bought most of the Namibian diamonds, and would continue to do so, because "whatever government eventually comes to power they will need this revenue to survive".[157] Although much of the world's diamond supply comes from what have been called African blood diamonds, Namibia has managed to develop a diamond mining industry largely free of the kinds of conflict, extortion, and murder that have plagued many other African nations with diamond mines. This has been attributed to political dynamics, economic institutions, grievances, political geography, and the effects of neighbourhoods, and is the result of a joint agreement between the government and De Beers that has led to a taxable base, strengthening state institutions.[158] Estimates updated in 2022 suggest that two exploration wells in the offshore Orange Basin could hold 2 and 3 billion barrels of oil, respectively. The expected revenue could transform Namibia's domestic economy and facilitate sustainable development goals.[159] Domestic supply voltage is 220 V AC. Electricity is generated mainly by thermal and hydroelectric power plants. Non-conventional methods of electricity generation also play some role. Encouraged by the rich uranium deposits, in 2010 the Namibian government planned to erect its first nuclear power station by 2018. Uranium enrichment was also envisaged to take place locally.[160] Tourism Main article: Tourism in Namibia An example of Namibian wildlife, the plains zebra, is one focus of tourism. Tourism is a major contributor (14.5%) to Namibia's GDP, creating tens of thousands of jobs (18.2% of all employment) directly or indirectly and servicing over a million tourists per year.[161] The country is a prime destination in Africa and is known for ecotourism, which features Namibia's extensive wildlife.[162] There are many lodges and reserves to accommodate ecotourists. Sport and trophy hunting is also a large and growing component of the Namibian economy, accounting for 14% of total tourism in the year 2000, or 19.6 million U.S. dollars, with Namibia boasting numerous species sought after by international sport hunters.[163] In addition, extreme sports such as sandboarding, skydiving and 4x4ing have become popular, and many cities have companies that provide tours.[citation needed] The most visited places include the capital city of Windhoek, Caprivi Strip, Fish River Canyon, Sossusvlei, the Skeleton Coast Park, Sesriem, Etosha Pan and the coastal towns of Swakopmund, Walvis Bay and Lüderitz.[164] Windhoek plays a very important role in Namibia's tourism due to its central location and close proximity to Hosea Kutako International Airport. According to The Namibia Tourism Exit Survey, which was produced by the Millennium Challenge Corporation for the Namibian Directorate of Tourism, 56% of all tourists visiting Namibia in 2012–13 visited Windhoek.[165] Many of Namibia's tourism related parastatals and governing bodies such as Namibia Wildlife Resorts and the Namibia Tourism Board as well as Namibia's tourism-related trade associations such as the Hospitality Association of Namibia are headquartered in Windhoek.[166] There are also a number of notable hotels in Windhoek, such as Windhoek Country Club Resort, and some international hotel chains, such as Hilton Hotels and Resorts. Namibia's primary tourism related governing body, the Namibia Tourism Board (NTB), was established by an Act of Parliament: the Namibia Tourism Board Act, 2000 (Act 21 of 2000). Its primary objectives are to regulate the tourism industry and to market Namibia as a tourist destination.[167] There are also a number of trade associations that represent the tourism sector in Namibia, such as the Federation of Namibia Tourism Associations (the umbrella body for all tourism associations in Namibia), the Hospitality Association of Namibia, the Association of Namibian Travel Agents, Car Rental Association of Namibia and the Tour and Safari Association of Namibia.[168] Water supply and sanitation Main article: Water supply and sanitation in Namibia The only bulk water supplier in Namibia is NamWater, which sells it to the respective municipalities which in turn deliver it through their reticulation networks.[169] In rural areas, the Directorate of Rural Water Supply in the Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry is in charge of drinking water supply.[169] The UN evaluated in 2011 that Namibia has improved its water access network significantly since independence in 1990. A large part of the population can not, however, make use of these resources due to the prohibitively high consumption cost and the long distance between residences and water points in rural areas.[169] As a result, many Namibians prefer the traditional wells over the available water points far away.[170] Compared to the efforts made to improve access to safe water, Namibia is lagging behind in the provision of adequate sanitation.[171] This includes 298 schools that have no toilet facilities.[172] Over 50% of child deaths are related to lack of water, sanitation, or hygiene; 23% are due to diarrhea alone. The UN has identified a "sanitation crisis" in the country.[170] Apart from residences for upper and middle class households, sanitation is insufficient in most residential areas. Private flush toilets are too expensive for virtually all residents in townships due to their water consumption and installation cost. As a result, access to improved sanitation has not increased much since independence: in Namibia's rural areas 13% of the population had more than basic sanitation, up from 8% in 1990. Many of Namibia's inhabitants have to resort to "flying toilets", plastic bags to defecate into, which after use are flung into the bush.[173] The use of open areas close to residential land for urination and defecation is very common[174] and has been identified as a major health hazard.[172] Demographics Main article: Demographics of Namibia Namibia has the second-lowest population density of any sovereign country, after Mongolia.[175] In 2017 there were on average 3.08 people per km2.[176] The total fertility rate in 2015 was 3.47 children per woman according to the UN which is lower than the average TFR in sub-Saharan Africa of 4.7.[177] Namibia conducts a census every ten years. After independence the first Population and Housing Census was carried out in 1991; further rounds followed in 2001, 2011, and 2023 (delayed two years due to the COVID-19 pandemic and financial constraints).[178] The data collection method is to count every person resident in Namibia on the census reference night, wherever they happen to be. This is called the de facto method.[179] For enumeration purposes the country is demarcated into 4,042 enumeration areas. These areas do not overlap with constituency boundaries to get reliable data for election purposes as well.[180] The 2011 Population and Housing Census counted 2,113,077 inhabitants. Between 2001 and 2011 the annual population growth was 1.4%, down from 2.6% in the previous ten-year period.[181] In 2023, the Namibia Statistics Agency conducted another census, with results expected to be released early-2024. Ethnic groups The majority of the Namibian population is of Bantu-speaking origin—mostly of the Ovambo ethnicity, which forms about half of the population—residing mainly in the north of the country, although many are now resident in towns throughout Namibia. Other ethnic groups are the Herero and Himba people, who speak the related Herero language, and the Damara, who, like the Nama, speak Khoekhoe. In addition to the Bantu majority, there are large groups of Khoisan (such as Nama and San), who are descendants of the original inhabitants of Southern Africa. The country also contains some descendants of refugees from Angola. There are also two smaller groups of people with mixed racial origins, called "Coloureds" and "Basters", who together make up 8.0% (with the Coloureds outnumbering the Basters two to one). There is a substantial Chinese minority in Namibia; it stood at 40,000 in 2006.[182] Himba people in northern Namibia Whites (being mainly of Afrikaner, German, British and Portuguese origin) make up between 4.0 and 7.0% of the population. Although their proportion of the population decreased after independence due to emigration and lower birth rates, they still form the second-largest population of European ancestry, both in terms of percentage and actual numbers, in Sub-Saharan Africa (after South Africa).[183] The majority of Namibian whites and nearly all those who are of mixed race speak Afrikaans and share similar origins, culture, and religion as the white and coloured populations of South Africa. A large minority of whites (around 30,000) trace their family origins back to the German settlers who colonised Namibia prior to the South African invasion during the First World War, and they maintain German cultural and educational institutions. Nearly all Portuguese settlers came to the country from the former Portuguese colony of Angola.[184] The 1960 census reported 526,004 persons in what was then South West Africa, including 73,464 whites (14%).[185] Education Secondary school students Main article: Education in Namibia See also: List of schools in Namibia Namibia has free education for both primary and secondary education levels. Grades 1–7 are primary level, grades 8–12 are secondary. In 1998, there were 400,325 Namibian students in primary school and 115,237 students in secondary schools. The pupil-teacher ratio in 1999 was estimated at 32:1, with about 8% of the GDP being spent on education. Curriculum development, educational research, and professional development of teachers is centrally organised by the National Institute for Educational Development (NIED) in Okahandja.[186] Among sub-Saharan African countries, Namibia has one of the highest literacy rates.[187] According to CIA World Factbook, as of 2018 91.5% of the population age 15 and over can read and write.[187] Most schools in Namibia are state-run, but there are some private schools, which are also part of the country's education system. There are four teacher training universities, three colleges of agriculture, a police training college, and three universities: University of Namibia (UNAM), International University of Management (IUM) and Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST). Namibia was ranked 96th in the Global Innovation Index in 2023.[188][189] The 2018 Namibia Labour Force Survey indicates that 99,536 people within the working age population had tertiary education of any level (6.6% of the working age population), while 21,922 (1.5% of the working age population) of these had postgraduate education. Age group No education Primary Junior secondary Senior secondary Technical/vocational certificate or diploma Currently in year 1, 2 or 3 of tertiary education University certificate, diploma or degree Postgraduate certificate, diploma or degree 15-19 10,695 89,696 112,104 23,588 508 1,558 299 44 20-24 19,090 37,177 99,661 58,909 6,185 9,498 6,019 212 25-29 13,757 31,278 81,909 53,019 7,263 9,035 16,294 3,840 30-34 13,753 25,656 73,216 39,969 4,886 3,161 15,520 2,764 35-39 13,030 24,926 55,816 30,999 3,497 2,582 10,831 3,290 40-44 16,042 24,602 38,462 26,786 3,508 1,605 7,284 2,603 45-49 12,509 24,743 27,780 18,883 1,180 896 6,752 2,663 50-54 12,594 22,360 20,641 10,810 891 582 5,529 2,522 55-59 12,754 19,927 13,654 5,487 825 848 4,064 1,712 60-64 13,832 14,578 8,006 2,764 584 459 2,135 1,570 65+ 49,043 31,213 10,033 3,415 775 389 2,886 702 Total 187,100 346,157 541,281 274,628 30,101 30,612 77,615 21,922 The following table shows the 2018 Namibia Labour Force Survey employment statistics by education. Employment rates in Namibia generally increase with education status. A high school education typically ensures greater employment rates than those with no education or those with primary or junior secondary education as their highest achievement. Namibians with a university certificate, diploma or degree have a significantly higher employment rate at 76.4%, while postgraduate education holders are most likely to be employed with an employment rate of 83.8% in 2018.[190] No education Primary Junior secondary Senior secondary Technical/vocational certificate or diploma Currently in year 1, 2 or 3 of tertiary education University certificate, diploma or degree Postgraduate certificate, diploma or degree Total 187,100 346,157 541,281 274,628 30,101 30,612 77,615 21,922 Employed 85,352 146,089 229,259 146,874 16,292 12,595 59,328 18,378 % Employed 45.6% 42.2% 42.4% 53.5% 54.1% 41.1% 76.4% 83.8% Religion Main article: Religion in Namibia Lutheran church in Swakopmund The Christian community makes up 80%–90% of the population of Namibia, with at least 75% being Protestant, of which at least 50% are Lutheran. Lutherans are the largest religious group, a legacy of the German and Finnish missionary work during the country's colonial times.[30] 10%–20% of the population hold indigenous beliefs.[183] Missionary activities during the second half of the 19th century resulted in many Namibians converting to Christianity. Today most Christians are Lutheran, but there also are Roman Catholic, Methodist, Anglican, African Methodist Episcopal, and Dutch Reformed. Islam in Namibia is subscribed to by about 9,000 people,[191] many of them Nama.[192] Namibia is home to a small Jewish community of about 100 people.[193] Groups such as the Latter-day Saints and Jehovah's Witnesses are also present in the country. Languages Main article: Languages of Namibia Home Languages in Namibia Languages percent Oshiwambo Languages   49.7% Nama/Damara Languages   11.0% Kavango Languages   10.4% Afrikaans   9.4% Herero Languages   9.2% Zambezi Languages   4.9% English   2.3% Other   1.0% San Languages   0.7% German   0.6% Other African Languages   0.5% Tswana   0.3% Other European Languages   0.1% The majority of Namibians can speak and understand English and Afrikaans. Up to 1990, English, German, and Afrikaans were official languages. Long before Namibia's independence from South Africa, SWAPO was of the opinion that the country should become officially monolingual, choosing this approach in contrast to that of its neighbour South Africa (which granted all 11 of its major languages official status), which it saw as "a deliberate policy of ethnolinguistic fragmentation."[194] Consequently, SWAPO instituted English as Namibia's sole official language, though only 2.3% of the population speaks it as a home language. Its implementation is focused on the civil service, education and the broadcasting system, especially the state broadcaster NBC.[195] Some other languages have received semi-official recognition by being allowed as medium of instruction in primary schools. Private schools are expected to follow the same policy as state schools, and "English language" is a compulsory subject.[195] Some critics argue that, as in other postcolonial African societies, the push for monolingual instruction and policy has resulted in a high rate of school drop-outs and of individuals whose academic competence in any language is low.[196] According to the latest statistical data gathered in the most recent survey (2016), the linguistic landscape in the region has witnessed notable shifts since the 2011 census. Oshiwambo remains the predominant language, claiming the position of the most spoken language for a significant 49.7% of households, surpassing its previous standing. The Nama/Damara Languages follow at 11.0%, while the Kavango Languages, with a share of 10.4%, have also experienced a noteworthy increase. Afrikaans, identified as the country's lingua franca, maintains a considerable presence at 9.4%. The Herero Languages account for 9.2%, indicating a slight adjustment from the previous census. The Zambezi Languages have seen a shift to 4.9%, and English, utilized primarily as a second language, stands at 2.3%. Other Languages collectively represent 1.0%, with San Languages at 0.7%, and German at 0.6%. The diversity of languages in the region is further demonstrated by the presence of Other African Languages at 0.5%, Tswana at 0.3%, and Other European Languages at 0.1%.[197] Note: (1) Zambezi languages include: Silozi(Sikololo), Sifwe, Sisubiya, Siyeyi (Yei) and Totela. (2) Herero languages include: Otjiherero, Otjimbanderu, Oruzemba, Otjizimba, Otjihakahona, Otjindongona and Otjitjavikwa (3) Kavango languages include: Rukwangali, Rushambyu, Rugciriku, Thimbukushu, Rumanyo and Rukavango Most of the white population speaks English, Afrikaans or German. More than a century after the end of the German colonial era, German continues to play a role as a commercial language. As a home language, Afrikaans is spoken by 60% of the white community, German by 32%, English by 7% and Portuguese by 4–5%.[183] Geographical proximity to Portuguese-speaking Angola explains the relatively high number of Portuguese speakers; in 2011 these were estimated to number 100,000.[198] Health Main article: Health in Namibia See also: HIV/AIDS in Namibia Life expectancy at birth is estimated to be 64 years in 2017 – among the lowest in the world.[199] Namibia launched a National Health Extension Programme in 2012[200] deployment 1,800 (2015) of a total ceiling of 4,800 health extension workers trained for six months in community health activities including first aid, health promotion for disease prevention, nutritional assessment and counseling, water sanitation and hygiene practices, HIV testing and community-based antiretroviral treatment.[201] Namibia faces a non-communicable disease burden. The Demographic and Health Survey (2013) summarises findings on elevated blood pressure, hypertension, diabetes, and obesity: Among eligible respondents age 35–64, more than 4 in 10 women (44 percent) and men (45 percent) have elevated blood pressure or are currently taking medicine to lower their blood pressure. Forty-nine percent of women and 61 percent of men are not aware that they have elevated blood pressure. Forty-three percent of women and 34 percent of men with hypertension are taking medication for their condition. Only 29 percent of women and 20 percent of men with hypertension are taking medication and have their blood pressure under control. Six percent of women and 7 percent of men are diabetic; that is, they have elevated fasting plasma glucose values or report that they are taking diabetes medication. An additional 7 percent of women and 6 percent of men are prediabetic. Sixty-seven percent of women and 74 percent of men with diabetes are taking medication to lower their blood glucose. Women and men with a higher-than-normal body mass index (25.0 or higher) are more likely to have elevated blood pressure and elevated fasting blood glucose.[202] Estimated percentage of HIV among young adults (15–49) per country as of 2011.[203] 15–50 The HIV epidemic remains a public health issue in Namibia despite significant achievements made by the Ministry of Health and Social Services to expand HIV treatment services.[204] In 2001, there were an estimated 210,000 people living with HIV/AIDS, and the estimated death toll in 2003 was 16,000. According to the 2011 UNAIDS Report, the epidemic in Namibia "appears to be leveling off."[205] As the HIV/AIDS epidemic has reduced the working-aged population, the number of orphans has increased. It falls to the government to provide education, food, shelter and clothing for these orphans.[206] A Demographic and Health Survey with an HIV biomarker was completed in 2013 and served as the fourth comprehensive, national-level population and health survey conducted in Namibia as part of the global Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) programme. The DHS observed important characteristics associated to the HIV epidemic: Overall, 26 percent of men age 15–49 and 32 percent of those age 50–64 have been circumcised. HIV prevalence for men age 15–49 is lower among circumcised (8.0 percent) than among uncircumcised men (11.9 percent). The pattern of lower HIV prevalence among circumcised than uncircumcised men is observed across most background characteristics. For each age group, circumcised men have lower HIV prevalence than those who are not circumcised; the difference is especially pronounced for men age 35–39 and 45–49 (11.7 percentage points each). The difference in HIV prevalence between uncircumcised and circumcised men is larger among urban than rural men (5.2 percentage points versus 2.1 percentage points). HIV prevalence among respondents age 15–49 is 16.9 percent for women and 10.9 percent for men. HIV prevalence rates among women and men age 50–64 are similar (16.7 percent and 16.0 percent, respectively). HIV prevalence peaks in the 35–39 age group for both women and men (30.9 percent and 22.6 percent, respectively). It is lowest among respondents age 15–24 (2.5–6.4 percent for women and 2.0–3.4 percent for men). Among respondents age 15–49, HIV prevalence is highest for women and men in Zambezi (30.9 percent and 15.9 percent, respectively) and lowest for women in Omaheke (6.9 percent) and men in Ohangwena (6.6 percent). In

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This film delves into the intricate socio-political landscape of Nicaragua and its people's relentless struggle against poverty and external interference. The film provides a stark portrayal of Nicaragua's historical battle for autonomy and dignity amidst the backdrop of American interventionism. The narrative unfolds across decades, spotlighting the cyclical pattern of external influence and internal turmoil. From the early 20th-century resistance against US military involvement to the prolonged oppression under the Somoza dictatorship, the documentary meticulously traces Nicaragua's journey toward the Sandinista revolution in 1979. With the Sandinista rise to power, glimpses of hope emerge as the country undergoes a transformative period. The film captures the ambitious reforms implemented by the Sandinista government: the establishment of a robust education system, significant strides in healthcare, and the equitable distribution of land among cooperatives and private peasants. These changes aimed to uplift the marginalized populace, mitigating malnutrition and illiteracy while fostering self-sufficiency. However, the documentary pivots to the escalating threats faced by Nicaragua. President Ronald Reagan's administration, backed by British support, portrays the Sandinista movement as a communist threat, justifying covert funding and support for the Contra rebels. It underscores the Contras' relentless attacks orchestrated from neighboring Honduras, funded and directed by the CIA, posing a severe challenge to Nicaragua's stability. The documentary serves as a poignant critique, raising vital questions about the disproportionate response of powerful nations to the perceived threat of progress and self-determination in smaller, vulnerable countries. It provokes contemplation on the ethics of interventionism and the extent to which a nation must suffer before being deemed non-threatening by global powers. Nicaragua is a nation in Central America. It is located about midway between Mexico and Colombia, bordered by Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south. Nicaragua ranges from the Caribbean Sea on the nation's east coast, and the Pacific Ocean bordering the west. Nicaragua also possesses a series of islands and cays located in the Caribbean Sea. Nicaragua's name is derived from Nicarao, the name of the Nahuatl-speaking tribe which inhabited the shores of Lake Nicaragua before the Spanish conquest of the Americas, and the Spanish word agua, meaning water, due to the presence of the large Lake Cocibolca (or Lake Nicaragua) and Lake Managua (or Lake Xolotlán), as well as lagoons and rivers in the region. Pre-Columbian Nicaragua An ancient petroglyph on Ometepe Island Eastern Nicaragua was populated by Misumalpan and Chibchan-speaking groups, belonging to the Isthmo-Colombian area. Here, the population consisted of extended families or tribes. Food was obtained by hunting, fishing, and slash-and-burn agriculture. Crops like cassava and pineapples were the staple foods. The people of eastern Nicaragua appear to have traded with and been influenced by the native peoples of the Caribbean, as round thatched huts and canoes, both typical of the Caribbean, were common in eastern Nicaragua. When the Spanish arrived in western Nicaragua in the early 16th century, they found three principal tribes, each with a different culture and language: the Niquirano, the Chorotega, and the Chontal. Each one of these diverse groups occupied much of Nicaragua territory, with independent chieftains who ruled according to each group's laws and customs. Their weapons consisted of swords, lances, and arrows made out of wood. Monarchy was the form of government of most tribes; the supreme ruler was the chief, or cacique, who, surrounded by his princes, formed the nobility. Laws and regulations were disseminated by royal messengers who visited each township and assembled the inhabitants to give their chief's orders. Occupying the territory between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. They spoke a version of Nahuat and had migrated from El Salvador around 1200 CE, and ultimately from Central Mexico before that.[1] The Chorotegas, also known as Mangue, lived in the central region, and are also thought to have ultimately migrated from Central Mexico or Oaxaca, between 600 and 700 CE, given that their language belongs to the Oto-Manguean family. These two groups had intimate contact with the Spanish conquerors, paving the way for the racial mix of native and Spanish stock now known as mestizos. The Chontal (which means foreigner in Nahuatl[2]), also known as the Caribs, occupied the central mountain region. This group was smaller than the other two, and it is not known when they first settled in Nicaragua. It is possible that this group has modern representatives in the Cacaopera people. In the west and highland areas where the Spanish settled, the indigenous population was almost completely wiped out by the rapid spread of new diseases brought by the Spaniards, for which the native population had no immunity, and the virtual enslavement of the remainder of the indigenous people. In the east, where the Europeans did not settle, most indigenous groups survived. The English introduced guns and ammunition to one of the local peoples, the Bawihka, who lived in northeast Nicaragua. The Bawihka later intermarried with runaway slaves from Britain's Caribbean possessions, and the resulting population, with its access to superior weapons, began to expand its territory and push other indigenous groups into the interior. This Afro-indigenous group became known to the Europeans as Miskito, and the displaced survivors of their expansionist activities were called the Mayangna. Spanish conquest Further information: Spanish colonization of the Americas and Spanish conquest of Nicaragua Nicaragua was first discovered by Europeans when Christopher Columbus invaded from Honduras and explored the eastern coast on his fourth voyage in 1502. In 1522, the first Spaniards entered the region of what would become known as Nicaragua. Gil González Dávila with a small force reached its western portion after a trek through Costa Rica. He proceeded to explore the fertile western valleys and was impressed with the Indian civilization he found there. He and his small army gathered gold and baptized Indians along the way. Eventually, they became so imposed upon the Indians that they were attacked and nearly annihilated. González Dávila returned to his expedition's starting point in Panama and reported on his find, naming the area Nicaragua. However, governor Pedrarias Dávila attempted to arrest him and confiscate his treasure. He was forced to flee to Santo Domingo to outfit another expedition. Within a few months, Nicaragua was invaded by several Spanish forces, each led by a conquistador. González Dávila was authorized by royal decree and came in from the Caribbean coast of Honduras. Francisco Hernández de Córdoba at the command of the governor of Panama approached from Costa Rica. Pedro de Alvarado and Cristóbal de Olid at the command of Hernán Cortés, came from Guatemala through San Salvador and Honduras. Córdoba apparently came with the intention of colonization. In 1524, he established permanent settlements in the region, including two of Nicaragua's principal towns: Granada on Lake Nicaragua and León west of Lake Managua. But he soon found it necessary to prepare defenses for the cities and go on the offensive against incursions by the other conquistadores. The inevitable clash between the Spanish forces devastated the indigenous population. The Indian civilization was destroyed. The series of battles came to be known as The War of the Captains.[3] By 1529, the conquest of Nicaragua was complete. Several conquistadores came out winners, and some were executed or murdered. Pedrarias Dávila was one such winner. Although he lost control of Panama, he moved to Nicaragua and established his base in León. The land was parceled out to the conquistadores. The area of most interest was the western portion. It included a wide, fertile valley with huge, freshwater lakes, a series of volcanoes, and volcanic lagoons. Many Indians were soon enslaved to develop and maintain "estates" there. Others were put to work in mines in northern Nicaragua, but the great majority were sent as slaves to Panama and Peru, for significant profit to the new landed aristocracy. Many Indians died through disease and neglect by the Spaniards, who controlled everything necessary for their subsistence. From colony to state Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, one of the main leaders of the 1811 and 1812 Independence Movements and first Head of State of Nicaragua. In 1538, the Viceroyalty of New Spain was established, encompassing all of Mexico and Central America, except Panama. By 1570, the southern part of New Spain was designated the Captaincy General of Guatemala. The area of Nicaragua was divided into administrative "parties" with León as the capital. In 1610, the volcano known as Momotombo erupted, destroying the capital. It was rebuilt northwest of its original site. In the meantime, the Pacific Coast of Nicaragua became a supplementary node to the trade route between Manila, Philippines and Acapulco, Mexico; otherwise known as the Manila galleon trade route.[4] The history of Nicaragua remained relatively static for three hundred years following the conquest. There were minor civil wars and rebellions, but they were quickly suppressed. The region was subject to frequent raids by Dutch, French and British pirates, with the city of Granada being invaded twice, in 1658 and 1660. Fight for independence Nicaraguans were divided over Spanish monarchy and independence. In 1811, Nicolás García Jerez, a priest decided to make concessions with pro-independence figures. He proposed holding elections for each barrios, in order to form a government junta. However, he soon declared himself as governor and threatened to punish rebellions by death. Nicaraguans were divided over monarchy and independence. This division made Nicaragua the most active civil battleground in Latin America. The citizens of Leon were the first to act against the Spanish monarchy.[5] They overthrew the local intendente Jose Salvador on December 13, 1811. Granada followed Leon's move with a vote of confidence and demanded the retirement of Spanish officials. The Spanish constitution of 1812 granted more independence to local administrations, and Garcia Perez was appointed as the intendente of Nicaragua. Map of Central America (1860s), pictured is Nicaragua along with the Guanacaste Province which then belonged to Nicaragua but was incorporated with present-day Costa Rica in 1825. In 1821 Guatemala declared its independence and all central american provinces followed it. Nicaragua became a part of the First Mexican Empire in 1822, was a part of the United Provinces of Central America in 1823, and then became an independent republic in its own right in 1838. The Mosquito Coast based on Bluefields on the Atlantic was claimed by the United Kingdom as a protectorate from 1655 to 1850. This area was designated to Honduras in 1859 and transferred to Nicaragua in 1860, though it remained autonomous until 1894. Much of Nicaragua's politics since independence has been characterized by the rivalry between the liberal elite of León and the conservative elite of Granada. The rivalry often degenerated into civil war, particularly during the 1840s and 1850s. Initially invited by the Liberals in 1855 to join their struggle against the Conservatives, a United States adventurer named William Walker declared himself President in 1856 and made English the official language. (See Walker affair.) Honduras and other Central American countries united to drive him out of Nicaragua in 1857, after which a period of three decades of Conservative rule ensued.[6] They were supported by the United States industrialist Cornelius Vanderbilt, who had originally sponsored Walker in Nicaragua. Walker was executed in neighboring Honduras on September 12, 1860.[7] Taking advantage of divisions within the conservative ranks, José Santos Zelaya led a liberal revolt that brought him to power in 1893. Zelaya ended the longstanding dispute with the United Kingdom over the Atlantic coast in 1894, and "reincorporated" the Mosquito Coast into Nicaragua. US interventions Central America 1892 Because of the strategic importance of Nicaragua in the hemisphere, the United States (US) made numerous military interventions to protect what it believed were its interests in the region:[8] 1894: Month-long occupation of Bluefields 1896: Marines land in port of Corinto 1898: Marines land at port of San Juan del Sur 1899: Marines land at port of Bluefields 1907: "Dollar Diplomacy" protectorate set up 1910: Marines land in Bluefields and Corinto 1912-33: Bombing, 20-year occupation, fought guerrillas 1981-90: CIA directs exile (Contra) revolution, plants harbor mines against government United States occupation (1909–1933) Main article: United States occupation of Nicaragua U.S. Marines leaving New York City in 1909 for deployment in Nicaragua. Then-Colonel William P. Biddle, in charge of the detachment, is in civilian clothes at right. In 1909, the United States provided political support to conservative-led forces rebelling against President Zelaya. U.S. motives included differences over the proposed Nicaragua Canal, Nicaragua's potential as a destabilizing influence in the region, and Zelaya's attempts to regulate foreign access to Nicaraguan natural resources. On November 17, 1909, two Americans were executed by order of Zelaya after the two men confessed to having laid a mine in the San Juan River with the intention of blowing up the Diamante. The U.S. justified the intervention by claiming to protect U.S. lives and property. Zelaya resigned later that year. In August 1912, the President of Nicaragua, Adolfo Díaz, requested the resignation of the Secretary of War, General Luis Mena. Concerned that Díaz was leading an insurrection, Mena fled Managua with his brother, the Chief of Police of Managua, and the insurrection escalated. When the U.S. Legation asked President Adolfo Díaz to ensure the safety of American citizens and property during the insurrection, Díaz replied that he could not and that... In consequence my Government desires that the Government of the United States guarantee with its forces security for the property of American Citizens in Nicaragua and that it extend its protection to all the inhabitants of the Republic.[9] United States Marines were stationed in Nicaragua from 1912 to 1933, except for a nine-month period beginning in 1925.[10] From 1910 to 1926, the conservative party ruled Nicaragua. The Chamorro family, which had long dominated the party, effectively controlled the government during that period. In 1914, the Bryan–Chamorro Treaty was signed, giving the U.S. control over the proposed canal, as well as leases for potential canal defenses. Nicaraguan Civil War (1926–1927) Main article: Nicaraguan Civil War (1926–1927) Following the evacuation of U.S. immigrants in 1925, another violent conflict between liberals and conservatives known as the Constitutionalist War took place in 1926, when Liberal soldiers in the Caribbean port of Puerto Cabezas revolted against Conservative President Adolfo Díaz, recently installed as a result of United States pressure following a coup. The leader of this revolt, Gen. José María Moncada, declared that he supported the claim of exiled Liberal vice-president Juan Bautista Sacasa, who arrived in Puerto Cabezas in December, declaring himself president of a "constitutional" government. The U.S., using the threat of military intervention, forced the Liberal generals to agree to a cease-fire. On May 4, 1927, representatives from the two warring factions signed the Pact of Espino Negro, negotiated by Henry Stimson, appointed by U.S. President Calvin Coolidge as a special envoy to Nicaragua. Under the terms of the accord, both sides agreed to disarm, Díaz would be allowed to finish his term and a new national army would be established, the Guardia Nacional (National Guard), with U.S. soldiers remaining in the country to supervise the upcoming November presidential election.[11] Later, a battalion of the U.S. army under the command of Gen. Logan Feland arrived to enforce the agreement. 1927–1933 The only Nicaraguan general to refuse to sign this pact (el tratado del Espino Negro) was Augusto César Sandino. He took refuge in the northern mountains of Las Segovias.[12] He led a sustained guerrilla war, first against the Conservative regime and subsequently against the U.S. Marines, who withdrew upon the establishment of a new Liberal government. When the Americans left in 1933 as a result of Sandino's guerrilla war and the Great Depression, they set up the National Guard, a combined military and police force trained and equipped by the Americans, designed to be loyal to U.S. interests. Anastasio Somoza García, a close friend of the American government, was put in charge. He was one of the three rulers of the country, the others being Sandino and the mostly figurehead President Juan Bautista Sacasa. Sandino and the newly elected Sacasa government reached an agreement by which he would cease his guerrilla activities in return for amnesty, a grant of land for an agricultural colony, and retention of an armed band of 100 men for a year.[13] The Nicaraguan Campaign Medal, a decoration of the United States Navy, was later issued for those American service members who had performed military duty in Nicaragua during the early years of the 20th century. There followed a growing hostility between Sandino and Anastasio Somoza Garcia, chief of the national guard, which prompted Somoza to order the assassination of Sandino.[14][15] Fearing future armed opposition from Sandino, Somoza invited him to a meeting in Managua, where Sandino was assassinated on February 21 of 1934 by the National Guard. Following the death of Sandino was the execution of hundreds of men, women, and children.[16] Somoza dynasty (1936–1979) This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Anastasio Somoza García's rule With Sandino's death and using his troops, the National Guard, to force Sacasa to resign, Somoza had taken control of the country in 1937 and destroyed any potential armed resistance.[17] The Somoza family would rule until 1979. The earliest opposition to Somoza came from the educated middle class and the normally conservative wealthy, such as Pedro Joaquín Chamorro. On September 21, 1956, a Nicaraguan poet, Rigoberto López Pérez, snuck into a party attended by the President and shot him in the chest. In his memoirs Nicaragua Betrayed, Anastasio Debayle (Somoza's son) claims that Chamorro had knowledge of the assassination plot. While the assassin quickly died in a hail of gunfire, Somoza himself died a few days later, in an American hospital in the Panama Canal Zone. Somoza's rise to power and the formation of a dictatorship Divisions within the Conservative Party in the 1932 elections paved the way for the Liberal Juan Bautista Sacasa to assume power. This initiated an inherently weak presidency—hardly a formidable obstacle to Somoza as he set about building his personal influence over Congress and over the ruling Liberal Party. President Sacasa's popularity decreased as a result of his poor leadership and accusations of fraud in the 1934 congressional elections. Somoza García benefited from Sacasa's diminishing power, and at the same time brought together the National Guard and the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal – PL) in order to win the presidential elections in 1936. Somoza Garcia also cultivated support from former presidents Moncada and Chamorro while consolidating control within the Liberal Party. Early in 1936, Somoza openly confronted President Sacasa by using military force to displace local government officials loyal to the president and replacing them with close associates. Somoza García's increasing military confrontation led to Sacasa's resignation on June 6, 1936. The Congress appointed Carlos Brenes Jarquín, a Somoza García associate, as interim president and postponed presidential elections until December. In November, Somoza resigned as chief director of the National Guard, thus complying with constitutional requirements for eligibility to run for the presidency. The Liberal Nationalist Party (Partido Liberal Nacionalista – PLN) was established with support from a faction of the Conservative Party to support Somoza Garcia's candidacy. Somoza was elected president in the December election by the remarkable margin of 107,201 votes to 108. On January 1, 1937, he resumed control of the National Guard, combining the roles of president and chief director of the military. After Somoza's win in the December 1936 presidential elections, he proceeded to consolidate his power within the National Guard, while at the same time dividing his political opponents. Somoza family-members and close associates took up key positions within the government and the military. The Somoza family also controlled the PLN, which in turn controlled the legislature and judicial system, thus giving Somoza absolute power over every sphere of Nicaraguan politics. Nominal political opposition was allowed as long as it did not threaten the ruling élite. Somoza Garcia's National Guard repressed serious political opposition and anti-government demonstrations. The institutional power of the National Guard grew in most government-owned enterprises, until eventually the Guard controlled the national radio and telegraph networks, the postal and immigration services, health services, the internal revenue service, and the national railroads. In less than two years after his election, Somoza Garcia, defying the Conservative Party, declared his intention to stay in power beyond his presidential term. Thus, in 1938, Somoza Garcia named a Constituent Assembly that gave the president extensive power and elected him for another eight-year term. A Constituent Assembly, extension of the presidential term from four years to six years, and clauses empowering the president to decree laws relating to the National Guard without consulting Congress, ensured Somoza's absolute control over the state and the military. Control over electoral and legislative machinery provided the basis for a permanent dictatorship. In 1941, during World War II, Nicaragua declared war on Germany. Somoza sent no troops to the battlefronts, but used the crisis to seize attractive properties held by German-Nicaraguans, the best known of which was the Montelimar estate. (Today it operates as a privately owned luxury resort and casino.[18]) Nicaragua became the first country to ratify the UN Charter.[19] Younger Somozas Somoza García was succeeded by his two sons. Luis Somoza Debayle became President (29 September 1956 to 1 May 1963), and was effectively dictator of the country until his death, but his brother Anastasio Somoza Debayle held great power as head of the National Guard. A graduate of West Point, Anastasio was even closer to the Americans than his father and was said to speak better English than Spanish. Luis Somoza, remembered by some for being moderate, was in power for only a few years before dying of a heart attack. The revolutionaries opposing the Somozas were greatly strengthened by the Cuban Revolution. The revolution provided both hope and inspiration to the insurgents, as well as weapons and funding. Operating from Costa Rica they formed the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) and came to be known as Sandinistas. They took their name from the still legendary Augusto César Sandino. With aid from the United States, the Somoza brothers succeeded in defeating the guerrillas. Then came president, René Schick, whom most Nicaraguans viewed "as nothing more than a puppet of the Somozas".[20] President Luis Somoza Debayle, under pressure from the rebels, announced that national elections would be held in February 1963. Election reforms had been made that established secret ballots and a supervising electoral commission, although the Conservative Party never elected any members of the commission. Somoza had also introduced a constitutional amendment that would prevent family members from succeeding him. The opposition was extremely skeptical of Somoza's promises, and ultimately control of the country passed to Anastasio Somoza Debayle. In 1961, a young student, Carlos Fonseca, evoked the historical figure of Sandino, and founded the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). The FSLN was a tiny party throughout most of the 1960s, but Somoza's hatred of it, and his repressive treatment of anyone suspected as a Sandinista sympathizer, gave many ordinary Nicaraguans the idea that the Sandinistas were much stronger than was the case. Somoza acquired monopolies in industries that were key to rebuilding the nation, not allowing other members of the upper class to share the profits that would result from the reborn economic activity. This ultimately weakened Somoza since even the economic elite were reluctant to support him. In the 1950s a synthetic brand of cotton, one of Nicaragua's economic pillars of the epoch, was developed. This caused the price of cotton to decrease, placing the economy in great trouble. Landless peasants worked on large plantations during short harvest seasons and received wages as low as US$1 per day. In desperation, many of these poor laborers migrated east, seeking their own land near the rain forest. In 1968, the World Health Organization found that polluted water led to 17% of all Nicaraguan deaths. American economic involvement From 1945 to 1960, the U.S.-owned Nicaraguan Long Leaf Pine Company (NIPCO) directly paid the Somoza family millions of dollars in exchange for favorable benefits to the company, such as not having to re-forest clear cut areas. By 1961, NIPCO had cut all of the commercially viable coastal pines in northeast Nicaragua. Expansion of cotton plantations in the 1950s and cattle ranches in the 1960s forced peasant families from the areas they had farmed for decades. Some were forced by the National Guard to relocate into colonization projects in the rainforest. Some moved eastward into the hills, where they cleared forests in order to plant crops. Soil erosion forced them, however, to abandon their land and move deeper into the rainforest. Cattle ranchers then claimed the abandoned land. Peasants and ranchers continued this movement deep into the rain forest. By the early 1970s, Nicaragua had become the United States' top beef supplier. The beef supported fast-food chains and pet food production. President Anastasio Somoza Debayle owned the largest slaughterhouse in Nicaragua, as well as six meat-packing plants in Miami. Also in the 1950s and 1960s, 40% of all U.S. pesticide exports went to Central America. Nicaragua and its neighbors widely used compounds banned in the U.S., such as DDT, endrin, dieldrin and lindane. In 1977 a study revealed that mothers living in León had 45 times more DDT in their breast milk than the World Health Organization safe level. Sandinista insurrection (1972–1979) See also: Sandinista National Liberation Front A major turning point was the December 1972 Managua earthquake that killed over 10,000 people and left 500,000 homeless. A great deal of international relief was sent to the nation. Some Nicaraguan historians point to the earthquake that devastated Managua as the final 'nail in the coffin' for Somoza; some 90% of the city was destroyed. Somoza's brazen corruption, mishandling of relief (which prompted Pittsburgh Pirates star Roberto Clemente to fly to Managua on December 31, 1972, to try to help - a flight that ended in his death)[21] and refusal to rebuild Managua, flooded the ranks of the Sandinistas with young disaffected Nicaraguans who no longer had anything to lose.[22] The Sandinistas received some support from Cuba and the Soviet Union. On 27 December 1974, a group of nine FSLN guerrillas invaded a party at the home of a former Minister of Agriculture, killing him and three guards in the process of taking several leading government officials and prominent businessmen hostage. In return for the hostages they succeeded in getting the government to pay US$2 million ransom, broadcast an FSLN declaration on the radio and in the opposition newspaper La Prensa, release fourteen FSLN members from jail, and fly the raiders and the released FSLN members to Cuba. Archbishop Miguel Obando y Bravo acted as an intermediary during the negotiations.[23] The incident humiliated the government and greatly enhanced the prestige of the FSLN. Somoza, in his memoirs, refers to this action as the beginning of a sharp escalation in terms of Sandinista attacks and government reprisals. Martial law was declared in 1975, and the National Guard began to raze villages in the jungle suspected of supporting the rebels. Human rights groups condemned the actions, but U.S. President Gerald Ford refused to break the U.S. alliance with Somoza. The country tipped into full-scale civil war with the 1978 murder of Pedro Chamorro, who had opposed violence against the regime. 50,000 people turned out for his funeral. It was assumed by many that Somoza had ordered his assassination; suspected plotters included the dictator's son, “El Chiguin”, Somoza's President of National Congress of Nicaragua, Cornelio Hueck, Somoza's Attorney General, and Pedro Ramos, a close Cuban ally who commercialized illegal blood plasma. A nationwide strike, including labour and private businesses, commenced in protest, demanding an end to the dictatorship. At the same time, the Sandinistas stepped up their rate of guerrilla activity. Several towns, assisted by Sandinista guerrillas, expelled their National Guard units. Somoza responded with increasing violence and repression. When León became the first city in Nicaragua to fall to the Sandinistas, he responded with aerial bombardment, famously ordering the air force to "bomb everything that moves until it stops moving." The U.S. media grew increasingly unfavorable in its reporting on the situation in Nicaragua. Realizing that the Somoza dictatorship was unsustainable, the Carter administration attempted to force him to leave Nicaragua. Somoza refused and sought to maintain his power through the National Guard. At that point, the U.S. ambassador sent a cable to the White House saying it would be "ill-advised" to call off the bombing, because such an action would help the Sandinistas gain power. When ABC reporter Bill Stewart was executed by the National Guard, and graphic film of the killing was broadcast on American TV, the American public became more hostile to Somoza. In the end, President Carter refused Somoza further U.S. military aid, believing that the repressive nature of the government had led to popular support for the Sandinista uprising. In May 1979, another general strike was called, and the FSLN launched a major push to take control of the country. By mid July they had Somoza and the National Guard isolated in Managua.[24] Sandinista period (1979–1990) Main article: History of Nicaragua (1979–1990) As Nicaragua's government collapsed and the National Guard commanders escaped with Somoza, the U.S. first promised and then denied them exile in Miami. The rebels advanced on the capital victoriously. On July 19, 1979, a new government was proclaimed under a provisional junta headed by 33-year-old Daniel Ortega, and included Violeta Chamorro, Pedro's widow. Somoza eventually ended up in Paraguay, where he was assassinated in September 1980, allegedly by members of the 'Argentinian Revolutionary Workers' Party.[25] The United Nations estimated material damage from the revolutionary war to be US$480 million. The FSLN took over a nation plagued by malnutrition, disease, and pesticide contaminations. Lake Managua was considered dead because of decades of pesticide runoff, toxic chemical pollution from lakeside factories, and untreated sewage. Soil erosion and dust storms were also a problem in Nicaragua at the time due to deforestation. To tackle these crises, the FSLN created the Nicaraguan Institute of Natural Resources and the Environment. The key large-scale programs of the Sandinistas included a National Literacy Crusade from March to August 1980. Nicaragua received international recognition for gains in literacy, health care, education, childcare, unions, and land reform.[26][27] Daniel Ortega remained as president in the 1980s, going on to become one of the longest leaders in the Americas. Managua became the second capital in the hemisphere after Cuba to host an embassy from North Korea. Due to tensions between their Soviet sponsors and China, the Sandinistas allowed Taiwan to retain its mission and refused to allow a Chinese mission in the country. The Sandinistas won the national election of November 4, 1984, gathering 67% of the vote. The election was certified as "free and fair" by the majority of international observers. The Nicaraguan political opposition and the Reagan administration claimed political restrictions were placed on the opposition by the government. The primary opposition candidate was the U.S.-backed Arturo Cruz, who succumbed to pressure from the United States government[28] not to take part in the 1984 elections; later US officials were quoted as saying, "the (Reagan) Administration never contemplated letting Cruz stay in the race, because then the Sandinistas could justifiably claim that the elections were legitimate."[29] Three right-wing opposition parties (Coordinadora Democrática Nicaragüense) boycotted the election, claiming that the Sandinistas were manipulating the media and that the elections might not be fair. Other opposition parties such as the Conservative Democratic Party and the Independent Liberal party, were both free to denounce the Sandinista government and participate in the elections.[30] Ortega was victorious, but the long years of war had decimated Nicaragua's economy. Historian Christopher Andrew claimed that it was later discovered that the FSLN had, in fact, been suppressing right-wing opposition parties while leaving moderate parties alone, with Ortega claiming that the moderates "presented no danger and served as a convenient facade to the outside world".[31] In 1993, the Library of Congress wrote "Foreign observers generally reported that the election was fair. Opposition groups, however, said that the FSLN domination of government organs, mass organizations groups, and much of the media created a climate of intimidation that precluded a truly open election.".[32] Communist leanings and U.S. backed Contras American support for the long rule of the Somoza family had soured relations, and the FSLN government was committed to a Marxist ideology, with many of the leading Sandinista continuing long-standing relationships with the Soviet Union and Cuba. United States President Jimmy Carter, who had cut off aid to Somoza's Nicaragua the previous year, initially hoped that continued American aid to the new government would keep the Sandinistas from forming a doctrinaire Marxist–Leninist government aligned with the Soviet bloc, but the Carter administration aid was minimal,[33] and the Sandinistas turned to Cuban and Eastern European assistance to build a new army of 75,000, including T-55 tanks, heavy artillery and HIND attack helicopters, that made the Sandinista Army more powerful than its neighbors. The Soviets also pledged to provide MiG 21 fighters, but the aircraft were never delivered.[31] With the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, relations between the United States and the Sandinista regime became an active front in the Cold War. The Reagan administration insisted on the "Communist threat" posed by the Sandinistas—reacting particularly to the support provided to the Sandinistas by Cuba and the Soviets. The US suspended aid due to evidence of Sandinista support to FMLN rebels in El Salvador.[34] Prior to U.S. aid withdrawal, FSLN politician Bayardo Arce, stated that "Nicaragua is the only country building its socialism with the dollars of imperialism." The Reagan administration responded by imposing economic sanctions and a trade embargo against Nicaragua in 1981, which would not be lifted until 1990.[35] Right-wing contra guerrillas in 1987, the group was supported by the US to oppose the Sandinista government. After a brief period of sanctions, Nicaragua was faced with a collapsing economy.[36] The U.S. trained and financed the Contras, which were a counter-revolutionary group, based in neighboring Honduras to militarily oppose the Sandinista government. President Reagan called the Contras "the moral equivalent of our founding fathers." The Contras, groups of Somoza's National Guard who had fled to Honduras, were organized, trained and funded by CIA. The Contra chain of command included some ex-National Guardsmen, including Contra founder and commander Enrique Bermúdez and others, including ex-Sandinista hero Edén Pastora, who rejected the Leninist orientation of the Sandinistas. The Contras operated out of camps in the neighboring Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south. They engaged in a systematic campaign of terror amongst the rural Nicaraguan population to disrupt social reform projects of the Sandinistas. The US support for the Contras sparked widespread criticism from many quarters around the globe including within Nicaragua and the U.S., Democrats in Congress included. Several historians have criticized the contra campaign and the Reagan Administration's support for it, citing the brutality and numerous human rights violations of the Contras. LaRamee and Polakoff, for example, describe the destruction of health centers, schools and cooperatives at the hands of the rebels.[37] Others have contended that large scale murder, rape and torture also occurred in Contra dominated areas.[38] The US also sought to place economic pressure on the Sandinistas, and the Reagan administration imposed a full trade embargo.[39] The Sandinistas were also accused of human rights abuses including torture, disappearances and mass executions.[40][41] The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights investigated abuses by Sandinista forces, including an execution of 35 to 40 Miskitos in December 1981,[42] and an execution of 75 people in November 1984.[43] American pressure against the government escalated throughout 1983 and 1984; the Contras began a campaign of economic sabotage and disrupted shipping by planting underwater mines in Nicaragua's Port of Corinto,[44] an action later condemned by the International Court of Justice as illegal.[45] Daniel Ortega was elected president in 1984. The years of war and Nicaragua's economic situation had taken an unparalleled toll on Nicaragua. The US Government offered a political amnesty program that gave visas to any Nicaraguan without question. Nicaraguans (particularly wealthy on or those who had familial connections within the US) left the country in the largest emigration Nicaraguan history. On May 1, 1985, Reagan issued an executive order that imposed a full economic embargo on Nicaragua, which remained in force until March 1990. Comparative GDP per capita. Nicaragua experienced a large fall in growth in the late 1980s. Nicaragua won a historic case against the U.S. at the International Court of Justice in 1986 (see Nicaragua v. United States), and the U.S. was ordered to pay Nicaragua $12 billion in reparations for violating Nicaraguan sovereignty by engaging in attacks against it. The United States withdrew its acceptance of the Court arguing it had no authority in matters of sovereign state relations. The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution[46] to pressure the U.S. to pay. Only Israel and El Salvador, which was backed in its own guerrilla insurgency, voted with the U.S.. Jeane Kirkpatrick, the American ambassador to the UN, criticized the Court as a "semi-judicial" body. In addition, the U.S. noted that Cuba and the Soviet Union had earlier committed the same violations against Nicaraguan sovereignty by providing training and ammunition to the Sandinistas against the Somoza regime.[47] The International Court of Justice decision called the nature of the conflict in Nicaragua as one of aggression directed by a foreign power against Nicaragua. In a twelve to three vote, the Court's summary judgment against the United States stated that by: ...training, arming, equipping, financing and supplying the contra forces or otherwise encouraging, supporting and aiding military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua, the United States has acted, against the Republic of Nicaragua, in breach of its obligation under customary international law not to intervene in the affairs of another State.[48] In 1982, legislation was enacted by US Congress to prohibit further aid to the Contras. Reagan's officials attempted to illegally supply them out of the proceeds of arms sales to Iran and third party donations, triggering the Iran–Contra Affair of 1986–87. Mutual exhaustion, Sandinista fears of Contra unity and military success, and mediation by other regional governments led to the Sapoa ceasefire between the Sandinistas and the Contras on March 23, 1988. Subsequent agreements were designed to reintegrate the Contras and their supporters into Nicaraguan society in preparation for general elections Sixteen years of center-right rule (1990–2006) The FSLN lost to the National Opposition Union by 14 points in elections on February 25, 1990. ABC news had been predicting a 16-point Sandinista victory. At the beginning of Violeta Chamorro's nearly 7 years in office the Sandinistas still largely controlled the army, labor unions, and courts. Her government made moves towards consolidating democratic institutions, advancing national reconciliation, stabilizing the economy, privatizing state-owned enterprises. Due to the control and influence of the army by the Sandinistas, the period following this saw the United States again re-introducing sanctions to Nicaragua from 1992 to 1995. Demands from the United States on lifting the sanctions were as given: strengthen civil control over the Nicaraguan military and settle expropriation claims.[35] In February 1995, Sandinista Popular Army Cmdr. Gen. Humberto Ortega was replaced, in accordance with a new military code enacted in 1994 by Gen. Joaquín Cuadra, who espoused a policy of greater professionalism in the renamed Army of Nicaragua. A new police organization law, passed by the National Assembly and signed into law in August 1996, further codified both civilian control of the police and the professionalization of that law enforcement agency. Affected regions in Nicaragua during Hurricane Mitch. The October 20, 1996 presidential, legislative, and mayoral elections also were judged free and fair by international observers and by the groundbreaking national electoral observer group Ética y Transparencia (Ethics and Transparency) despite a number of irregularities, due largely to logistical difficulties and a baroquely complicated electoral law. This time Nicaraguans elected former-Managua Mayor Arnoldo Alemán, leader of the center-right Liberal Alliance, which later consolidated into the Constitutional Liberal Party (PLC). Alemán continued to privatize the economy and promote infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and wells, assisted in large part by foreign assistance received after Hurricane Mitch hit Nicaragua in October 1998. His administration was besieged by charges of corruption, resulting in the resignation of several key officials in mid-2000. Alemán himself was subsequently convicted of official corruption and sentenced to twenty years in jail. In November 2000, Nicaragua held municipal elections. Alemán's PLC won a majority of the overall mayoral races. The FSLN fared considerably better in larger urban areas, winning a significant number of departmental capitals including Managua. Presidential and legislative elections were held on November 4, 2001, the country's fourth free and fair election since 1990. Enrique Bolaños of the PLC was elected to the Nicaraguan presidency, defeating the FSLN candidate Daniel Ortega, by 14 percentage points. The elections were characterized by international observers as free, fair and peaceful. Bolaños was inaugurated on January 10, 2002. In November 2006 the presidential election was won by Daniel Ortega, returned to power after 16 years in opposition. International observers, including the Carter Center, judged the election to be free and fair. The country partly rebuilt its economy during the 1990s, but was hit hard by Hurricane Mitch at the end of October 1998, almost exactly a decade after the similarly destructive Hurricane Joan and again in 2007 it was hit by Hurricane Felix, a category 5 hurricane. Ten years later, Hurricane Nate also hit Nicaragua and destroyed much of the infrastructure in the countryside, such as communication masts. Ortega back in power (2006–present) 2014–18 Nicaraguan protests In the Nicaraguan general election, 2006 Daniel Ortega gained some 38% of the vote in the single round, thus returning to power for his second term overall. The constitution at the time included a ban on immediate reelection of an incumbent president and on any one individual serving more than two terms as president. That notwithstanding, Ortega ran again and won the Nicaraguan general election, 2011 amid accusations of fraud by losing candidate Fabio Gadea Mantilla. Economic growth during most of those two terms was strong, and tourism in Nicaragua grew especially strongly, in part thanks to the perception of Nicaragua as a safe country to visit. The Nicaraguan general election, 2016 saw a partial electoral boycott by the opposition and again accusations of electoral fraud as well, as accusations that the abstention rate was higher than the one officially published by the government. The Nicaraguan Canal was an issue of public debate and some controversy. Starting 19 April 2018, criticism of the Ortega government over the canal, forest fires in the Indio Maíz nature reserve, and a planned reform of the social security system led to the 2018–2022 Nicaraguan protests to which the government responded with violence and harsh repression. See also flagNicaragua portal José Antonio Lacayo de Briones y Palacios List of presidents of Nicaragua Nicaragua v. United States (1986 International Court of Justice judgement) Politics of Nicaragua Timeline of Managua UNAPA (1994) General: History of Central America List of years in Nicaragua References Fowler 1985, p. 37. Covarrubias, Miguel (1986). "Mexico South: The Isthmus of Tehuantepec". pp. 68ff. ISBN 9780710301840. Retrieved 2009-01-19. Duncan, David Ewing, Hernando de Soto – A Savage Quest in the Americas – Book II: Consolidation, Crown Publishers, Inc., New York, 1995 Making the First Global Trade Route: The Southeast Asian Foundations of the Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade, 1519-1650 (Page 163) Citing Andre Gschaedler, "Mexico and the Pacific, 1540 - 1565: The Voyage of Villabos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1954), 40. https://library.ucsd.edu/research-and-collections/collections/notable-collections/latin-american-elections-statistics/Nicaragua/elections-and-events-18111856.html Archived 2021-03-01 at the Wayback Machine> Herring, Hubert, A History of Latin America – from the Beginnings to the Present – Chapter 28, Central America and Panama – Nicaragua, 1838–1909, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1968 "William Walker". Goodfelloweb. Archived from the original on 2007-07-28. Retrieved 2007-05-09. History of U.S. Interventions in Latin America "Foreign Relations of the United States 1912, pg. 1032ff". Thompson, Arthur R. (March 1916). "Renovating Nicaragua". The World's Work: A History of Our Time. XXXI: 490–503. Retrieved 2009-08-04. David Model, Lying for Empire: How to Commit War Crimes With a Straight Face, Common Courage Press, 2005 A Disaster Foretold Archived April 3, 2007, at the Wayback Machine Sandinos Archived December 31, 2006, at the Wayback Machine Biography. See 1933 History of U.S. Violence around the globe Nicaragua: From Sandino to Chavez History of Somozas Archived November 10, 2006, at the Wayback Machine Dynasty in Nicaragua Latin American Studies Archived 2007-02-06 at the Wayback Machine Sandino and Somoza "El asalto de Somoza a los alemanes" (in Spanish). 6 January 2005. Archived from the original on 12 October 2007. Retrieved 2007-07-13. "The United States and the Founding of the United Nations..." U.S. Department of State. October 2005. Retrieved 2007-05-09. Leonard, Thomas M Luis. "Against all odds", U.S. policy and the 1963 Central America Summit Conference, 2003 Clemente Robertos Archived 2007-04-27 at the Wayback Machine Biography The Sandinistas and the Revolution Archived 2007-02-06 at the Wayback Machine "Nicaraguan Rebels Free Hostages and Fly to Cuba". The New York Times. 31 December 1974. This section draws on information from: Library of Congress, Country Study, Chapter 1 >> "The End of the Anastasio Somoza Debayle Era"; and Ignatiev. Timeline of Archived 2006-04-26 at the Wayback Machine Nicaragua's history Background History Archived 2017-04-22 at the Wayback Machine of Nicaragua globalexchange.org Archived 2006-09-30 at the Wayback Machine Report on Nicaragua Smith, Wayne S., Lies About Nicaragua, Foreign Policy (Summer 1987) New York Times October 21, 1984 The Electoral Process in Nicaragua: Domestic and International Influences, Latin American Studies Organization Andrew, Christopher et al. The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World, Basic Books, September 20, 2005. "Nicaragua". Library of Congress Country Studies. Retrieved 2013-12-11. Hughes, J. M. "U.S. Policy In Central America: Time For Decisive Action". globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 11 December 2013. Security at any Cost Archived 2007-02-14 at the Wayback Machine U.S. & Latin America in the 20th Century Hufbauer, Gary Clyde; Schott, Jeffrey J.; Elliott, Kimberly (2007). Economic Sanctions Reconsidered. Washington: Peterson Institute for International Economics. p. 21. ISBN 9780881325362. Leogrande, William M (1996-06-01). "Making the economy scream: Us economic sanctions against Sandinista Nicaragua". Third World Quarterly. 17 (2): 329–348. doi:10.1080/01436599650035716. ISSN 0143-6597. LaRamee, Polakoff, Pierre, Erica (1999). Undermining of the Sandinista Revolution. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 141–205. Chomsky, Noam (1985). Turning the Tide. Boston, MA: South End Press. "US Policy: Economic Embargo: The War Goes On". Envío. Central American University – UCA. Retrieved 2007-08-21. Moore, John Norton (1987) The Secret War in Central America. University Publications of America. p. 143. ISBN 978-0890939611 Miranda, Roger and Ratliff, William (1993) The Civil War in Nicaragua. Transaction. p. 193. ISBN 9781412819688 "OAS Study Says Miskito Indians Suffered Abuse From Sandinistas". The Washington Post. Retrieved 2021-07-21. "Annual Report 1992–1993". Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. 1993-03-12. Retrieved 2009-03-30. Truver, SC. "Mines and Underwater IEDs in U.S. Ports and Waterways..." (PDF). p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-04-28. Retrieved 2007-08-21. Summary of the Order Archived 2007-11-07 at the Wayback Machine of the International Court of Justice of 10 May 1984 United Nations General Assembly Session 41 Resolution 31. Judgement of the International Court of Justice of 27 June 1986 concerning military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua : need for immediate compliance A/RES/41/31 3 November 1986. Retrieved 11 December 2013. Morrison, Fred L. (January 1987). "Legal Issues in The Nicaragua Opinion". American Journal of International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 81, No. 1. 81 (1): 160–166. doi:10.2307/2202146. JSTOR 2202146. Archived from the original on 2012-02-05. "Appraisals of the ICJ's Decision. Nicaragua vs United States (Merits)" Case concerning Nicaragua v. USA Bibliography Oleg Ignatiev, "The Storm of Tiscapa", in Borovik and Ignatiev, The Agony of a Dictatorship. Progress Publishers, 1979; English translation, 1980. Covers the rebellion against Somoza. Library of Congress (United States), Country Study: Nicaragua, 1993. Andrés Pérez, "Nicaragua: History, social conflict, and missions for peace", in Gregory Wirick and Robert Miller (ed.s) Canada and Missions for Peace: Lessons from Nicaragua, Cambodia and Somalia. IDRC (Canada), 1998. The middle part of the document linked to is a good general history from about 1850 to the 1990s. Further reading See also: Bibliography of Nicaragua Belli, Gioconda. (2001). El País Bajo mi Piel Belli, Humberto. (1985). Breaking Faith: The Sandinista Revolution and Its Impact on Freedom and Christian Faith in Nicaragua. Crossway Books/The Puebla Institute. Bermudez, Enrique, The Contras' Valley Forge: How I View the Nicaraguan Crisis, Policy Review magazine, The Heritage Foundation, Summer 1988. Black, George. Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. London: Zed Press, 1981. Christian, Shirley. Nicaragua, Revolution In the Family. New York: Vintage Books, 1986. Cox, Jack. Requiem in the Tropics: Inside Central America. UCA Books, 1987. Diederich, Bernard. Somoza. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1981. Kagan, Robert (1996). Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 1977-1990. New York: The Free Press. ISBN 978-0-02-874057-7. Kirkpatrick, Jean. Dictatorships and Double Standards. Touchstone, 1982. Knight, Charles, ed. (1866). "Republic of Nicaragua". Geography. English Cyclopaedia. Vol. 3. London: Bradbury, Evans, & Co. hdl:2027/nyp.33433000064802. Moore, John Norton, The Secret War in Central America: Sandinista Assault on World Order. University Publications of America, 1987. Sabin, Joseph, ed. (1881). "Nicaragua". Bibliotheca Americana. Vol. 13. New York. OCLC 13972268. Woodward, Ralph Lee. Nicaragua. Oxford, England; Santa Barbara, Calif.: Clio Press, 1994. External links Article discussing American media inaccurate polling in 1990 election International Court of Justice[permanent dead link] United Nations General Assembly resolution Article discussing history behind American funding of the Contra-rebels. This article was written in 1987. Independence of Nicaragua Information regarding Nicaragua prior to the revolution[permanent dead link] vte Nicaragua articles History Nicarao Spanish conquest Mexican rule (1822–1823) Federal Republic of Central America (1823–1838) Mosquito Coast United States occupation (1912–1933) Somoza Dynasty (1936–1979) Sandinistas v. Contras Sandinista period (1979–1990) Post-Sandinista period (1990–) Geography Climate change Earthquakes Ecoregions Fauna Islands Lakes Mountains Municipalities Protected areas Rivers Volcanoes Water resources Politics Administrative divisions Constitution Elections Foreign relations Government Human rights LGBT rights Law enforcement Armed Forces National Assembly Political parties Politics President Territorial disputes Economy Agriculture Banking Central Bank Córdoba (currency) Economic history Energy Nicaragua Canal Stock Exchange Telecommunications Tourism Transport Society Corruption Demographics Education Ethnic groups Languages Health Religion Water supply and sanitation Culture Cuisine Film Literature Music Mass media Museums National symbols Public holidays OutlineIndexBibliography Category Portal vte History of North America Sovereign states Antigua and Barbuda Bahamas Barbados Belize Canada Costa Rica Cuba Dominica Dominican Republic El Salvador Grenada Guatemala Haiti Honduras Jamaica Mexico Nicaragua Panama Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Lucia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Trinidad and Tobago United States Dependencies and other territories Anguilla Aruba Bermuda Bonaire British Virgin Islands Cayman Islands Curaçao Greenland Guadeloupe Martinique Montserrat Puerto Rico Saint Barthélemy Saint Martin Saint Pierre and Miquelon Saba Sint Eustatius Sint Maarten Turks and Caicos Islands United States Virgin Islands Category: History of Nicaragua

More on Dellinger - To Kill a Pacifist: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/p/to-kill-a-pacifist David T. Dellinger (August 22, 1915 – May 25, 2004) was an American pacifist and an activist for nonviolent social change. Although active beginning in the early 1940s, Dellinger reached peak prominence as one of the Chicago Seven, who were put on trial in 1969. Early life Dellinger was born in Wakefield, Massachusetts to a wealthy family. He was the son of Maria Fiske and Raymond Pennington Dellinger; his father was an alumnus of Yale University, a lawyer, and a prominent Republican and friend of Calvin Coolidge.[1] His maternal grandmother, Alice Bird Fiske, was active in the Daughters of the American Revolution.[1][2][3] Dellinger graduated from Yale University with a Bachelor of Arts in economics, began a doctorate for a year at New College, Oxford, and studied theology at Union Theological Seminary of Columbia University with the intention of becoming a Congregationalist minister.[4][5] At Yale he had been a classmate and friend of the economist and political theorist Walt Rostow. Rejecting his comfortable background, he walked out of Yale one day to live with hobos during the Depression. While at Oxford University, he visited Nazi Germany and drove an ambulance during the Spanish Civil War. Dellinger, who opposed the war's victorious Nationalist faction, led by Francisco Franco, later recalled, "After Spain, World War II was simple. I wasn't even tempted to pick up a gun to fight for General Motors, U.S. Steel, or the Chase Manhattan Bank, even if Hitler was running the other side."[6] Political career During World War II, he was an imprisoned conscientious objector and anti-war agitator. In federal prison, he and fellow conscientious objectors, including Ralph DiGia and Bill Sutherland, protested racial segregation in the dining halls, which were ultimately integrated because of the protests.[7] He sat on the executive committee of the Socialist Party of America and the Young People's Socialist League, its youth section, until he left in 1943. In February 1946, Dellinger helped to found the radical pacifist Committee for Nonviolent Revolution.[2] In 1948, he co-founded the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors. He was also a long-time member of the War Resisters League, joining the staff in March 1955. In July–November 1951, Dellinger participated in the Paris-to-Moscow bicycle trip for disarmament with Ralph DiGia, Bill Sutherland, and Art Emery and sponsored by the Peacemakers; cyclists got as far as the headquarters of the Soviet Army in Vienna. “We were warned not to go to the Soviet zone. People who went to the army headquarters were sometimes never seen again. But we didn’t think that would happen to us. The worst that would happen was jail, and I already knew I could stand that. I was only worried about what I was putting my family through back in the States.”[8] The Paris-to-Moscow Bicycle Trip for Disarmament was a key inspiration for the San Francisco to Moscow Walk for Peace in 1960–1961.[9] In the 1950s and the 1960s, Dellinger joined freedom marches in the South and led many hunger strikes in jail. In 1956, he, Dorothy Day, and A. J. Muste founded the magazine Liberation as a forum for the pacifist, non-Marxist left.[10][11] Dellinger had contacts and friendships with such diverse individuals as Eleanor Roosevelt, Ho Chi Minh, Martin Luther King Jr., Abbie Hoffman, A.J. Muste, Greg Calvert, James Bevel, David McReynolds, and numerous Black Panthers such as Fred Hampton, whom he greatly admired. As chair of the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, he worked with many antiwar organizations and helped bring King and Bevel into leadership positions in the 1960s antiwar movement. In 1966 Dellinger travelled to both North and South Vietnam to learn first-hand the impact of American bombing. He later recalled that critics ignored his trip to Saigon and focused solely on his visit to Hanoi.[12] In 1968, he signed the "Writers and Editors War Tax Protest" pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments to protest the Vietnam War,[13] and later became a sponsor of the War Tax Resistance project, which practiced and advocated tax resistance as a form of protest against the war.[14] Chicago Seven trial As US involvement in Vietnam grew, Dellinger applied Mahatma Gandhi's principles of nonviolence to his activism within the growing antiwar movement. One of the high points of this was the Chicago Seven trial over allegations that Dellinger and several others had conspired to cross state lines with the intention of inciting a riot, after antiwar protesters had interrupted the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. The ensuing court case was turned by Dellinger and his co-defendants into a nationally publicized platform for putting the Vietnam War on trial. On February 18, 1970, they were acquitted of the conspiracy charge, but five defendants, including Dellinger, were convicted of crossing state lines to incite a riot. All of the defendants, along with their two lawyers, were given sentences for contempt of court; Dellinger was sentenced to 29 months and 16 days on 32 contempt counts. Judge Julius Hoffman's handling of the trial, along with the FBI's bugging of the defense lawyers, resulted, with the help of the Center for Constitutional Rights, in the convictions being overturned by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals two years later. The appeals court remanded the contempt citations for trial before a judge other than Julius Hoffman. Dellinger was eventually convicted on five contempt counts, but was sentenced to time already served.[15][16] Subsequent activities Dellinger spoke at the December 1971 John Sinclair Freedom Rally in Ann Arbor, Michigan.[17] In the late 1970s, Dellinger spent two years teaching at Goddard College's Adult Degree Program and Vermont College.[18][19] In 2001, he was invited back to give the commencement address to the graduating class of Goddard's Residential Undergraduate Program.[20] Dellinger also was a founder of Seven Days, an American alternative news magazine written from a leftist or anti-establishment perspective. Dellinger obtained the subscription list of Ramparts magazine, which ceased publication in October 1975.[21] Seven Days began preview editions in 1975, published regularly starting in 1977 but ceased publication in 1980. In 1986, when his Yale class of 1936 held its 50th reunion, Dellinger wrote in the reunion book: "Lest my way of life sounds puritanical or austere, I always emphasize that in the long run one can't satisfactorily say no to war, violence, and injustice unless one is simultaneously saying yes to life, love, and laughter."[22] For his lifelong commitment to pacifist values and for serving as a spokesperson for the peace movement, Dellinger was awarded the Peace Abbey Courage of Conscience award on September 26, 1992. In 1996, during the first Democratic Convention held in Chicago since 1968, Dellinger and his grandson were arrested along with nine others, including Civil Rights Movement historian Randy Kryn, Bradford Lyttle and Abbie Hoffman's son Andrew, during a sit-in at Chicago's Federal Building.[23] In 2001, Dellinger led a group of young activists from Montpelier, Vermont, to Quebec City to protest a conference that planned to create a free trade zone.[24] Death Dellinger died in Montpelier, Vermont, in 2004 after an extensive stay at Heaton Woods Nursing Home.[24] He suffered from Alzheimer's disease for years before his death. Popular culture Peter Boyle played Dellinger in the 1987 film Conspiracy: The Trial of the Chicago 8. Dylan Baker voiced Dellinger in the 2007 animated documentary Chicago 10. In the 2010 film The Chicago 8 Dellinger was played by Peter Mackenzie. John Carroll Lynch portrayed Dellinger in the 2020 drama film The Trial of the Chicago 7. Selected works Dellinger, David T., Revolutionary Nonviolence: Essays by Dave Dellinger, Indianapolis : Bobbs-Merrill, 1970 Dellinger, David T., More Power Than We Know: The People’s Movement Toward Democracy, Garden City, N.Y. : Anchor Press, 1975. ISBN 0-385-00162-2 Dellinger, David T., Vietnam Revisited: From Covert Action to Invasion to Reconstruction, Boston, MA : South End Press, 1986. ISBN 0-89608-320-9 Dellinger, David T., From Yale to Jail: The Life Story of a Moral Dissenter, New York : Pantheon Books, 1993. ISBN 0-679-40591-7. (Dellinger's autobiography) Dellinger, David (1999). "Why I Refused to Register in the October 1940 Draft and a Little of What It Led To". In Gara, Larry; Gara, Lenna Mae (eds.). A Few Small Candles: War Resisters of World War II Tell Their Stories. Kent State University Press. pp. 20–37. ISBN 0-87338-621-3. See also List of peace activists References Kaufman, Michael T., "David Dellinger, of Chicago 7, Dies at 88", The New York Times, May 27, 2004 Hunt, Andrew E. (2006). David Dellinger: the life and times of a nonviolent revolutionary. NYU Press. p. 88ff. ISBN 978-0-8147-3638-8. Retrieved 2 October 2011. Revolution, Daughters of the American (28 March 2018). "Directory of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution". Memorial continental hall – via Google Books. "Lifelong Protester David Dellinger Dies (washingtonpost.com)". www.washingtonpost.com. "Interview with David Dellinger". "A quote from From Yale to Jail". www.goodreads.com. Matt Meyer and Judith Mahoney Pasternak, "David Dellinger, 1915–2004," Nonviolent Activist, May–June 2004, pp. 10–11, 21. "Ralph DiGia Fund for Peace & Justice » Timeline of a Life of Activism". Archived from the original on 2021-04-20. Retrieved 2020-09-16. Lyttle, Bradford. (1966). You come with naked hands; the story of the San Francisco to Moscow march for peace. Greenleaf Books. OCLC 3216677. James Tracy (1996). Direct action. University of Chicago Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-226-81127-7. "liberation magazine." Kaufman, Michael T. (May 27, 2004). "David Dellinger, of Chicago 7, Dies at 88". New York Times. Retrieved January 26, 2014. ""Interview with David T. Dellinger, 1982." 08/31/1982.WGBH Media Library & Archives. Retrieved 3 November 2010". Archived from the original on 2012-07-28. "Writers and Editors War Tax Protest," January 30, 1968 New York Post "A Call to War Tax Resistance" The Cycle 14 May 1970, p. 7 Carlson, Michael, "Obituary: David Dellinger : Pacifist elder statesman of the anti-Vietnam Chicago Eight", The Guardian (UK), Friday 28 May 2004 United States v. Dellinger, Center for Constitutional Rights. Barrett, Jane (1971-12-16), "John Sinclair: The Rally and the Release", Village Voice, retrieved 2010-02-14[permanent dead link] "Life on the Edge: The turbulent public and private lives of David Dellinger & Elizabeth Peterson" Article dated 5/29/2006 from the Rutland Herald/Times Argus. "Entry: David Dellinger", Cf. p. 103 in John J. Duffy, Samuel B. Hand, Ralph H. Orth, The Vermont Encyclopedia, University Press of New England, 2003. ISBN 9781584650867 Watch the video from Goddard College's archives. "The State". Los Angeles Times. March 7, 1976. Archived from the original on September 20, 2022. Retrieved 2022-09-18 – via Newspapers.com. McCarthy, Colman, "A Man Who Didn't Obey" (Obituary of David Dellinger), The Progressive, August 1, 2004. UPI report, August 28, 1996 "Peace activist Dellinger dies at age 88". Rutland Herald. 2004-05-26. Retrieved 2024-03-14. Further reading Edited by Mark L. Levine, George C. McNamee and Daniel Greenberg / Foreword by Aaron Sorkin. The Trial of the Chicago 7: The Official Transcript. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020. ISBN 978-1-9821-5509-4. OCLC 1162494002 Edited with an introduction by Jon Wiener. Conspiracy in the Streets: The Extraordinary Trial of the Chicago Seven. Afterword by Tom Hayden and drawings by Jules Feiffer. New York: The New Press, 2006. ISBN 978-1-56584-833-7 Edited by Judy Clavir and John Spitzer. The Conspiracy Trial: The extended edited transcript of the trial of the Chicago Eight. Complete with motions, rulings, contempt citations, sentences and photographs. Introduction by William Kunstler and foreword by Leonard Weinglass. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1970. ISBN 0224005790. OCLC 16214206 Schultz, John. The Conspiracy Trial of the Chicago Seven. Foreword by Carl Oglesby. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. ISBN 9780226760742. (Originally published in 1972 as Motion Will Be Denied.) Bennett, Scott H (2003). Radical Pacifism: The War Resisters League and Gandhian Nonviolence in America, 1915–1963. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 0-8156-3028-X. Clavir, Judy; and John Spitzer, (eds.), The Conspiracy Trial, Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1970 Cornell, Andrew (2016). Unruly Equality: U.S. Anarchism in the Twentieth Century. University of California Press. pp. 166–. ISBN 978-0-520-28675-7. DeBenedetti, Charles (1990). An American Ordeal: The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era. Syracuse University Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-8156-0245-3. Hunt, Andrew (2006). David Dellinger: The Life and Times of a Nonviolent Revolutionary. New York University Press. Miller, Timothy (September 1, 1992). "The Roots of the 1960s Communal Revival". American Studies: 73–93. ISSN 0026-3079. Conspiracy on appeal; appellate brief on behalf of the Chicago Eight. Of Counsel: Arthur Kinoy, Helene E. Schwartz [and] Doris Peterson. New York, Center for Constitutional Rights; distributed by Agathon Publication Services, 1971. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Theodore Robert Bundy (né Cowell; November 24, 1946 – January 24, 1989) was an American serial killer who kidnapped, raped, and murdered dozens of young women and girls during the 1970s and possibly earlier. After more than a decade of denials, he confessed to 30 murders committed in seven states between 1974 and 1978. Bundy's true victim total is unknown. Bundy typically simulated having a physical impairment such as an injury to convince his target that he was in need of assistance, or would dupe her into believing he was an authority figure. He would then lure his victim to a vehicle parked in a more secluded area, at which point he would bludgeon her unconscious, then restrain her with handcuffs before driving his victim to a remote location to be sexually assaulted and killed. He frequently revisited the bodies of those he abducted, grooming and performing sex acts on the corpses until decomposition and destruction by wild animals made further interactions impossible. He decapitated at least 12 of his victims, keeping their severed heads as mementos in his apartment. On a few occasions, he broke into homes at night and bludgeoned, maimed, strangled and/or sexually assaulted his victims in their sleep. In 1975, Bundy was arrested and jailed in Utah for aggravated kidnapping and attempted criminal assault. He then became a suspect in a progressively longer list of unsolved homicides in several states. Facing murder charges in Colorado, Bundy engineered two dramatic escapes and committed further assaults in Florida, including three murders, before being recaptured in 1978. For the Florida homicides, he received three death sentences in two trials, and was executed in the electric chair at Florida State Prison in Raiford on January 24, 1989. Biographer Ann Rule characterized him as "a sadistic sociopath who took pleasure from another human's pain and the control he had over his victims, to the point of death and even after." Bundy once described himself as "the most cold-hearted son of a bitch you'll ever meet", a statement with which attorney Polly Nelson, a member of his last defense team, agreed. "Ted", she wrote, "was the very definition of heartless evil." Early life and education Childhood Ted Bundy was born Theodore Robert Cowell on November 24, 1946, to Eleanor Louise Cowell (1924–2012) at the Elizabeth Lund Home for Unwed Mothers in Burlington, Vermont. His biological father's identity has never been confirmed; his original birth certificate apparently assigns paternity to a salesman and United States Air Force veteran named Lloyd Marshall, though a copy of it listed his father as unknown. Louise claimed she met a war veteran named Jack Worthington, who abandoned her soon after she became pregnant. Census records reveal that several men by the name of John Worthington and Lloyd Marshall lived near Louise when Bundy was conceived. Some family members expressed suspicions that Bundy was sired by Louise's own father. However, in the 2020 documentary film Crazy, Not Insane, psychiatrist Dorothy Otnow Lewis claimed she received a sample of Bundy's blood and that a DNA test had confirmed that Bundy was not the product of incest. For the first three years of his life, Bundy lived in the Northeast Philadelphia's Roxborough neighborhood, with his maternal grandparents, Samuel Knecht Cowell (1898–1983) and Eleanor Miriam Longstreet (1895–1971) who raised him as their son to avoid the social stigma that accompanied birth outside of wedlock at that time. Family, friends, and even young Ted were told that his grandparents were his parents and that his mother was his older sister. Bundy eventually discovered the truth about his family, although his recollections of the circumstances varied; he told a girlfriend that a cousin showed him a copy of his birth certificate after calling him a "bastard,"[19] but he told biographers Stephen Michaud and Hugh Aynesworth that he had found the certificate himself.[13] Biographer and true crime writer Ann Rule, who knew Bundy personally, wrote that he did not find out until 1969, when he located his original birth record in Vermont.[20] Bundy expressed a lifelong resentment toward his mother for never telling him about his real father, and for leaving him to discover his true parentage for himself.[21] Bundy occasionally exhibited disturbing behavior at an early age. Louise's younger sister, Julia Cowell, recalled awakening from a nap to find herself surrounded by knives from the kitchen, and her 3-year-old nephew standing by the bed, smiling.[22] In some interviews, Bundy spoke warmly of his grandparents[23] and told Rule that he "identified with," "respected," and "clung to" his grandfather.[24] In 1987, however, he and other family members told attorneys that Samuel was a tyrannical bully who beat his wife and dog, swung neighborhood cats by their tails, and expressed racist and xenophobic attitudes. In one instance, Samuel reportedly threw Julia down a flight of stairs for oversleeping.[25] He would sometimes speak aloud to unseen presences,[26] and at least once flew into a violent rage when the question of Bundy's paternity was raised.[25] Bundy described his grandmother as a timid and obedient woman who periodically underwent electroconvulsive therapy for depression[26] and feared to leave their house toward the end of her life.[27] These descriptions of Bundy's grandparents have been questioned in more recent investigations. Some locals remembered Samuel as a "fine man" and expressed bewilderment at the reports of him being violent. "The characterization that [Sam] was a raging alcoholic and animal abuser was a convenient characterization used to make people justify why Ted was the way he was," said one of Bundy's cousins. "From my limited exposure to him, nothing could be farther from the truth. His daughters loved him dearly and had nothing but fond memories of him." In addition, Louise's sister, Audrey Cowell, stated that their mother could not leave her home because she suffered a stroke due to being overweight and was not mentally ill.[28] Bundy as a high school senior in 1965 In 1950, Louise changed her surname from Cowell to Nelson[29] and, at the urging of multiple family members, left Philadelphia with Ted to live with cousins Alan and Jane Scott in Tacoma, Washington.[30][31] In 1951, Louise met Johnny Culpepper Bundy (1921–2007), a hospital cook, at an adult singles night at Tacoma's First Methodist Church.[32] They married later that year and Johnny formally adopted Ted.[32] Johnny and Louise conceived four children together, and though Johnny tried to include his adopted son in camping trips and other family activities, Bundy remained distant from him. He would later complain to a girlfriend that Johnny "was not his real father", "wasn't very bright," and "didn't make much money."[33] Bundy varied his recollections of Tacoma in later years. To Michaud and Aynesworth, he described roaming his neighborhood, picking through trash barrels in search of pictures of naked women[34] and to attorney and author Polly Nelson he said that he perused detective magazines, and crime novels for stories that involved sexual violence, particularly when the stories were illustrated with pictures of dead or maimed women.[35] In a letter to Rule, however, he asserted that he "never, ever read fact-detective magazines, and shuddered at the thought that anyone would."[36] He once told Michaud that he would consume large quantities of alcohol and "canvass the community" late at night in search of undraped windows where he could observe women undressing, or "whatever [else] could be seen."[37] Psychologist Al Carlisle claimed that Bundy "started fantasizing about women he saw while window peeping or elsewhere [and] mimicking the accents of some politicians he listened to on the radio. In essence, he was fantasizing about being someone else, someone important."[31] Bundy's childhood Tacoma neighbor Sandi Holt described him as a bully and a "mean-spirited kid". "He liked to terrify people ... He liked to be in charge. He liked to inflict pain and suffering and fear."[31] She also alleged that Bundy engaged in animal cruelty: "He hung one of the stray cats in the neighborhood from one of the clothes lines in the backyard, doused it in lighter fluid and set it on fire and I heard that cat squealing."[31] She claimed that Bundy would take younger children in the neighborhood into the woods and terrorize them. "He'd take them out there and strip them down, take their clothes," she said. "You'd hear them screaming for blocks, I mean no matter where we were here, we could hear them screaming."[31] Holt added that Bundy built makeshift punji traps around his neighborhood, injuring at least one girl. "One little girl went over the top of one of Ted's tiger traps and got the whole side of her leg slit open with the sharpened point of the stick that she landed on."[31][38] Accounts of Bundy's social life also varied. He told journalists Michaud and Aynesworth that he "chose to be alone" as an adolescent because he was unable to understand interpersonal relationships;[39] he also claimed to have no natural sense of how to develop friendships. "I didn't know what made people want to be friends," Bundy said. "I didn't know what underlay social interactions."[40] "Some people perceived me as being shy and introverted," he said. "I didn't go to dances. I didn't go on the beer drinking outings. I was a pretty, you might call me straight, but not a social outcast in any way."[31] Classmates from Woodrow Wilson High School, however, told Rule that Bundy was "well known and well liked" there, "a medium-sized fish in a large pond."[41] Bundy's only significant athletic avocation was downhill skiing, which he pursued enthusiastically with stolen equipment and forged lift tickets.[13] During high school, he was arrested at least twice on suspicion of burglary and motor vehicle theft. When he was 18 years old, the details of the incidents were expunged from his record, as is customary in Washington and many other states.[42] University years After graduating from high school in 1965, Bundy attended the University of Puget Sound (UPS) for one year before transferring to the University of Washington (UW) to study Chinese.[43] In 1967, he became romantically involved with a UW classmate, Diane Edwards (identified in Bundy biographies by several pseudonyms, most commonly Stephanie Brooks).[44] Bundy later described Edwards as "the only woman I ever really loved."[45] In early 1968, Bundy dropped out of college and worked a series of minimum-wage jobs. He also volunteered at the Seattle office of Nelson Rockefeller's presidential campaign[46] and became Arthur Fletcher's driver and bodyguard during Fletcher's campaign for Lieutenant Governor of Washington State.[47] Edwards graduated in the spring of 1968 and left Washington for San Francisco. Bundy visited her later that year after he earned a scholarship to study Chinese at Stanford University that summer.[48] In August, Bundy attended the 1968 Republican National Convention in Miami.[49] Shortly thereafter, Edwards ended their relationship and returned to her family home in California, frustrated by what she described as Bundy's immaturity and lack of ambition. Psychiatrist Dorothy Otnow Lewis would later pinpoint this crisis as "probably the pivotal time in his development".[50] Devastated by the breakup, Bundy traveled to Colorado and then farther east, visiting relatives in Arkansas and Philadelphia and enrolling for one semester at Temple University.[51] It was also at this time in early-1969, Rule believed, that Bundy visited the office of birth records in Burlington and confirmed his true parentage.[51][52] Bundy was back in Washington by the fall of 1969, when he met Elizabeth Kloepfer (identified in Bundy literature as Meg Anders, Beth Archer, or Liz Kendall), a single mother from Ogden, Utah, who worked as a secretary at the UW School of Medicine.[53] Their tumultuous relationship would continue well past his initial incarceration in Utah in 1976.[54] Bundy became a father figure to Kloepfer's daughter Molly, who was 3 years old when he started dating her mother; he remained in her life until she was aged 10, after he had been arrested. As an adult, Molly wrote of incidents beginning at age 7 in which Bundy was abusive or sexually inappropriate with her. Her accounts include Bundy hitting her in the face, knocking her down, putting her at risk of drowning, indecent exposure, and sexual touching disguised as accidents or "games".[55] In mid-1970, Bundy, now focused and goal-oriented, re-enrolled at UW, this time as a psychology major. He became an honor student and was well regarded by his professors.[56] In 1971, he took a job at Seattle's Suicide Hotline Crisis Center. There, he met and worked alongside Ann Rule, a former Seattle police officer and aspiring crime writer who would later write one of the definitive Bundy biographies, The Stranger Beside Me. Rule saw nothing disturbing in Bundy's personality at the time; she described him as "kind, solicitous, and empathetic."[57] After graduating from UW in 1972,[58] Bundy joined Governor Daniel J. Evans's re-election campaign.[59] Posing as a college student, he shadowed Evans' opponent, former governor Albert Rosellini, and recorded his stump speeches for analysis by Evans's team.[60][61] Evans appointed Bundy to the Seattle Crime Prevention Advisory Committee.[62] After Evans was re-elected, Bundy was hired as an assistant to Ross Davis, Chairman of the Washington State Republican Party. Davis thought well of Bundy and described him as "smart, aggressive ... and a believer in the system."[63] In early-1973, despite mediocre LSAT scores, Bundy was accepted into the law schools of UPS and the University of Utah on the strength of letters of recommendation from Evans, Davis, and several UW psychology professors.[64][65] During a trip to California on Republican Party business in the summer of 1973, Bundy rekindled his relationship with Edwards. She marveled at his transformation into a serious and dedicated professional, seemingly on the cusp of a significant legal and political career. Bundy continued to date Kloepfer as well; neither woman was aware of the other's existence. In the fall of 1973, he matriculated at UPS Law School,[66] and continued courting Edwards, who flew to Seattle several times to stay with him. They discussed marriage; at one point he introduced her to Davis as his fiancée.[33] In January 1974, Bundy abruptly broke off all contact with Edwards; her phone calls and letters went unreturned. When she finally reached him by phone a month later, she demanded to know why he had unilaterally ended their relationship without explanation. In a flat, calm voice, he replied, "Diane, I have no idea what you mean," and hung up. She never heard from him again.[67] Bundy later explained, "I just wanted to prove to myself that I could have married her";[68] but Edwards concluded in retrospect that "Ted's high-power courtship in the latter part of 1973 had been deliberately planned, that he had waited all those years to be in a position of where he could make her fall in love with him, so that he could drop her, reject her, as she had rejected him."[67] By then, Bundy had begun skipping classes at law school. By April, he had stopped attending entirely,[69] as young women began to disappear in the Pacific Northwest.[70] First murders There is no consensus as to when or where Bundy began killing women. He told different stories to different people and refused to divulge the specifics of his earliest crimes, even as he confessed in graphic detail to dozens of later murders in the days preceding his execution.[71] He told Nelson that he attempted his first kidnapping in 1969 in Ocean City but did not kill anyone until sometime in 1971 in Seattle.[72] He told psychologist Art Norman that he killed two women in Atlantic City while visiting family in Philadelphia in 1969.[73][74] Bundy hinted to homicide detective Robert Keppel that he committed a murder in Seattle in 1972[75] and another murder in 1973 that involved a hitchhiker near Tumwater, but he refused to elaborate.[76] Rule and Keppel both believed that he might have started killing as a teenager.[77][78] Bundy's earliest documented homicides were committed in 1974, when he was 27. By his own admission, he had by then mastered the necessary skills – in the era before DNA profiling – to leave minimal incriminating forensic evidence at crime scenes.[79]

Secrets of the CIA: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Victor Marchetti is a former CIA officer who worked for the agency for over a decade. He resigned from the CIA in 1969, citing ethical concerns and disillusionment with the agency's operations. Marchetti co-authored "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence" with John D. Marks. This book, published in 1974, was one of the first to expose the inner workings and controversial activities of the CIA. It details the agency's clandestine operations and criticizes its role in U.S. foreign policy, alleging that it often operated beyond the bounds of law and morality. In this part, Victor Marchetti discusses his reasons for leaving the CIA, including his disillusionment with the agency's activities, which he believed were often unethical and counterproductive. He criticizes the CIA's covert operations, lack of accountability, and the broader implications for U.S. democracy and foreign policy. William Colby was the Director of Central Intelligence from 1973 to 1976. He played a significant role during a tumultuous period for the CIA, marked by increased scrutiny and public revelations about the agency's domestic and international activities. Colby's 1975 testimony before the House Military Appropriations Subcommittee is notable for his admission that the CIA had kept files on American citizens, which was a significant issue during the period of intense scrutiny of the agency's activities known as the "Year of Intelligence." This testimony was part of broader congressional investigations into CIA abuses. This part focuses on Colby's testimony, in which he acknowledged the CIA's surveillance activities on Americans. This was a major revelation that contributed to the growing demand for reforms and oversight of the intelligence community. John D. Marks is a former State Department employee who later became an author and intelligence analyst. He is known for his critical works on the CIA. Marks co-authored "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence" with Victor Marchetti. This book is a critical exposé of the CIA, revealing many of its covert operations and questioning the ethics and efficacy of its intelligence practices. In this part, John D. Marks discusses various CIA scandals, including abuses of power and instances where the agency's operations conflicted with American democratic values. Marks' insights draw from his experiences and research, shedding light on the controversial aspects of CIA activities. Bella Abzug was a prominent U.S. Congresswoman and lawyer known for her advocacy for civil rights, women's rights, and social justice. She was a vocal critic of the CIA and its illegal activities. In this part, Bella Abzug talks about the CIA's illegal activities, particularly its surveillance and collection of information on American citizens. She highlights the agency's overreach and the need for stringent oversight to prevent abuses of power and protect civil liberties. Philip Agee was a former CIA officer who became a whistleblower. He is best known for his book "Inside the Company: CIA Diary," which provides a detailed account of his experiences within the agency. "Inside the Company: CIA Diary" is an autobiographical account of Agee's career in the CIA. Published in 1975, the book exposes numerous covert operations, including those aimed at undermining foreign governments. Agee's revelations were controversial and led to significant debate about the role and accountability of the CIA. This part involves a reading from Philip Agee's book, focusing on his work with the CIA and its efforts to sabotage the Allende government in Chile. Agee's diary entries provide firsthand insight into the agency's covert operations and the ethical dilemmas faced by its officers. Philip Burnett Franklin Agee (/ˈeɪdʒi/; January 19, 1935 – January 7, 2008)[1] was a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) case officer and writer of the 1975 book, Inside the Company: CIA Diary,[2] detailing his experiences in the CIA. Agee joined the CIA in 1957, and over the following decade had postings in Washington, D.C., Ecuador, Uruguay and Mexico. After resigning from the Agency in 1968, he became a leading opponent of CIA practices.[2][3][4] A co-founder of the CounterSpy and CovertAction series of periodicals, he died in Cuba in January 2008.[5] Early years Agee was born in Takoma Park, Maryland and was raised in Tampa, Florida.[6] He had, Agee wrote in On the Run, "a privileged upbringing in a big white house bordering an exclusive golf club".[7] After graduating from Tampa's Jesuit High School, he attended the University of Notre Dame, from which he graduated cum laude in 1956.[6] Agee later attended the University of Florida College of Law.[6] He served in the United States Air Force from 1957 to 1960.[6] Agee then worked as a case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency from 1960 to 1968, including postings to Quito, Montevideo, and Mexico City.[6] Leaving the CIA Agee stated that his Roman Catholic social conscience had made him increasingly uncomfortable with his work by the late 1960s leading to his disillusionment with the CIA and its support for authoritarian governments across Latin America. In his book Inside the Company, Agee condemned the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City and wrote that this was the immediate event precipitating his leaving the agency. Agee wrote that the CIA was "very pleased with his work" and had offered him "another promotion", and that his manager "was startled" when Agee told him about his plans to resign.[8] John Barron wrote in his book The KGB Today (1983) that Agee's resignation was forced "for a variety of reasons, including his irresponsible drinking, continuous and vulgar propositioning of embassy wives, and inability to manage his finances".[9][10] Agee said these claims were ad hominem attacks meant to discredit him.[11] Allegations of links to Cuban intelligence Russian exile Oleg Kalugin, former head of the KGB's Counterintelligence Directorate, claimed that in 1973 Agee approached the KGB's resident in Mexico City and offered a "treasure trove of information." According to Kalugin, the KGB was too suspicious to accept his offer.[12] Kalugin writes that Agee then went to the Cubans, who "welcomed him with open arms." The Cubans shared Agee's information with the KGB, but Kalugin continued to regret the missed opportunity to have direct access to this asset.[12] According to Mitrokhin, while Agee was writing Inside the Company the KGB kept in contact with him through a London correspondent of the Novosti News Agency.[13] Agee was accused of receiving up to US$1 million in payments from the Cuban intelligence service. He denied the accusations, which were first made by a high-ranking Cuban intelligence officer and defector in a 1992 Los Angeles Times report.[14] A later Los Angeles Times article claimed that Agee posed as a CIA Inspector General staff member in order to target a member of the CIA's Mexico City station on behalf of Cuban intelligence. According to this story, Agee was identified during a meeting by a CIA case officer.[15] Vasili Mitrokhin's KGB files claim that Inside the Company: CIA Diary was "prepared by Service A, together with the Cubans". Mitrokhin's notes however do not indicate what the KGB and DGI contributed to Agee's text. Mitrokhin claims that Agee removed all references to CIA penetration of Latin American Communist parties from his typescript before publication at the request of Service A.[16] In 1978 Agee began the publication of the Covert Action Information Bulletin. Mitrokhin's files claim that the bulletin was founded on the KGB's initiative and the group running it was "put together" by First Chief Directorate counter-intelligence and that Agee was the only member of the group who was aware of KGB or DGI involvement. According to Mitrokhin's files, KGB headquarters assembled a team to keep the Bulletin supplied with material specifically designed to compromise the CIA. A document titled Director of Central Intelligence: Perspectives for Intelligence, 1976-1981 was supplied to Agee by the KGB. Agee highlighted in his commentary Director of Central Intelligence William Colby's complaint that the Covert Action Information Bulletin was among the most serious problems facing the CIA.[16] Also from Mitrokhin's files: In Dirty Work 2: The CIA in Africa, it is said that Agee met with Oleg Maksimovich Nechiporenko and A. N. Istkov of the KGB, and they gave him a list of CIA officers working in Africa. The files also claim that Agee decided not to identify himself as an author out of fear he would lose his residence permit in Germany.[16] To the end of his life, Philip Agee consistently and categorically denied ever having worked for any intelligence service after leaving the CIA. He said that his motives were purely altruistic. In support of this he adduces the relentless persecution he endured from the CIA, as it and the U.S. State Department revoked his passport and succeeded in having him deported from several Western European countries, one after the other, until he finally found refuge in Cuba.[17][page needed] Memoir Because of legal problems in the United States, Inside the Company was first published in 1975 in Britain, while Agee was living in London.[13] In a Playboy magazine interview after the book's publication, Agee said: "Millions of people all over the world had been killed or at least had their lives destroyed by the CIA ... I couldn't just sit by and do nothing."[18] Agee said that "Representatives of the Communist Party of Cuba also gave me important encouragement at a time when I doubted that I would be able to find the additional information I needed."[8][19][20] The London Evening News called Inside the Company: CIA Diary "a frightening picture of corruption, pressure, assassination and conspiracy". The Economist called the book "inescapable reading". Miles Copeland, Jr., a former CIA station chief in Cairo, said the book was "as complete an account of spy work as is likely to be published anywhere"[21] and it is "an authentic account of how an ordinary American or British 'case officer' operates ... All of it ... is presented with deadly accuracy."[22] The book was delayed for six months before being published in the United States; it became an immediate best seller.[13] Inside the Company identified 250 alleged CIA officers and agents.[3] The list of officers and agents, all personally known to Agee, appears in an appendix to the book.[23] While written as a diary, the book actually reconstructs events based on Agee's memory and his subsequent research.[24] Agee describes his first overseas assignment in 1960 to Ecuador, where his primary mission had the aim of forcing a diplomatic break between Ecuador and Cuba. He writes that the technique he used included bribery, intimidation, bugging, and forgery. Agee spent four years in Ecuador penetrating Ecuadorian politics. He states that his actions subverted and destroyed the political fabric of Ecuador.[4] Agee helped bug the United Arab Republic code-room in Montevideo, Uruguay, with two contact microphones placed on the ceiling of the room below.[4] On December 12, 1965, Agee visited senior Uruguayan military and police officers at a Montevideo police headquarters. He realized that the screaming he heard from a nearby cell was the torturing of a Uruguayan, whose name he had given to the police as someone to watch. The Uruguayan senior officers simply turned up a radio report of a soccer game to drown out the screams.[4] Agee also ran CIA operations within the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games and he witnessed the events of the Tlatelolco massacre.[citation needed] Agee identified President José Figueres Ferrer of Costa Rica, President Luis Echeverría Álvarez (1970–1976) of Mexico and President Alfonso López Michelsen (1974–1978) of Colombia as CIA collaborators or agents.[25] Following this he details how he resigned from the CIA and began writing the book, conducting research in Cuba, London and Paris. During this time he said that the CIA spied on him.[4][25][26] The cover of the book featured an image of the bugged typewriter given to Agee by a CIA agent as part of their surveillance and attempts to stop publication of the book.[17] In 1982, the United States Congress passed the Intelligence Identities Protection Act (IIPA), legislation that seemed directly aimed at Agee's works. The law later figured in the 2003 Valerie Plame affair.[7] Expulsion Agee gained attention from the United Kingdom media after the publication of Inside the Company. He revealed the identities of dozens of CIA agents in the CIA London station.[13] After numerous requests from the American government as well as an MI6 report that blamed Agee's work for the execution of two MI6 agents in Poland, a request was put in to deport Agee from the UK.[13] Agee fought this and was supported by MPs and journalists. The Labour MP Stan Newens promoted a parliamentary bill, gaining the support of more than 50 of his colleagues, which called for the CIA station in London to be expelled.[27] The activity in support of Agee did not prevent his eventual deportation from the UK on June 3, 1977, when he traveled to the Netherlands.[28] Agee was also eventually expelled from the Netherlands, France, West Germany and Italy.[29] On January 12, 1975, Agee testified before the second Bertrand Russell Tribunal in Brussels that in 1960 he had conducted personal name-checks of Venezuelan employees for a Venezuelan subsidiary of what is now ExxonMobil. Exxon was "letting the CIA assist in employment decisions, and my guess is that those name checks ... are continuing to this day". Agee stated that the CIA customarily performed this service for subsidiaries of large U.S. corporations throughout Latin America. An Exxon spokesman denied Agee's accusations.[22] In 1978 Agee and a small group of his supporters began publishing the Covert Action Information Bulletin, which promoted "a worldwide campaign to destabilize the CIA through exposure of its operations and personnel". Mitrokhin states that the bulletin had help from both the KGB and the Cuban DGI.[28] The January 1979 issue of Agee's Bulletin published the infamous FM 30-31B,[30] which was claimed by the United States House Intelligence Committee to be a hoax produced by the Soviet intelligence services.[31][32][33][34][35] In 1978 and 1979, Agee published the two volumes of Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe and Dirty Work: The CIA in Africa which contained information on 2,000 CIA personnel.[28] Agee told Swiss journalist Peter Studer [de]: "The CIA is plainly on the wrong side, that is, the capitalistic side. I approve KGB activities, communist activities in general. Between the overdone activities that the CIA initiates and the more modest activities of the KGB, there is absolutely no comparison."[36][37] Agee's US passport was revoked by the US government in 1979. The State Department offered him an administrative hearing to challenge the passport revocation, but Agee instead sued in federal court. The case reached the Supreme Court, which ruled against Agee in 1981.[38] In 1980 Maurice Bishop's government conferred citizenship of Grenada on Agee, and he took up residence on that island. The collapse of the Grenada Revolution removed that safe haven, and Agee then received a passport from the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. After a change of government there, this passport was revoked in 1990, and he was given a German passport, in accordance with the working status of his wife, the American ballet dancer Giselle Roberge who was working and living in Germany at the time. Agee was later readmitted to both the U.S. and United Kingdom.[39] Agee's own description of his odyssey was published in his autobiography, On the Run, in 1987.[18] Later activities In the 1980s NameBase founder Daniel Brandt had taught Agee how to use computers and computer databases for his research.[40] Agee lived with his wife principally in Hamburg, Germany and Havana, Cuba, founding the Cubalinda.com travel website in the 1990s.[41] U.S. President George H. W. Bush, who considered Agee a traitor,[7] accused him of being responsible for the murder of the head of the CIA Station in Athens, Richard Welch, by the Revolutionary Organization 17 November. Bush had directed the CIA from 1976 to 1977.[29] Agee and his friends rejected Bush's assertion about Welch.[7] When this accusation was included in Barbara Bush's 1994 memoir, Agee sued her for libel. Barbara Bush agreed to remove the allegation from the paperback edition of her book as part of a legal settlement.[29] On December 16, 2007, Agee was admitted to a hospital in Havana, and surgery was performed on him for perforated ulcers. His wife said on January 9, 2008, that he had died in Cuba on January 7 and had been cremated.[1][42] Bibliography Articles "Why I Split The CIA And Spilled The Beans". (Archived copy)Esquire, June 1975. Full issue available. "Where Myths Lead To Murder". CovertAction Information Bulletin, No. 1, July 1988. (pp. 4–7) Full issue available. "A Friendly Interview". CovertAction Information Bulletin, No. 19, Spring–Summer 1983. (pp. 33–34) Full issue available. "Changes in Eastern Europe". CovertAction Information Bulletin, No. 35, Fall 1990. (pp. 3–4) Full issue available. Books Inside the Company: CIA Diary. Penguin, 1975. ISBN 0-14-004007-2. 629 pages. Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe. Edited by Lois Wolf. Lyle Stuart, 1978. ISBN 0-88029-132-X. 318 pages. Dirty Work 2: The CIA in Africa. Edited by Lois Wolf. Lyle Stuart, January 1979. ISBN 0-8184-0294-6. 258 pages. On the Run. Lyle Stuart, June 1987. ISBN 0-8184-0419-1. 400 pages. White Paper Whitewash: Interviews with Philip Agee on the CIA and El Salvador. Edited by Warner Poelchau. Deep Cover Books, 1982. ISBN 0-940380-00-5, OCLC 557663936. 203 pages. Interviews "An Interview with Philip Agee: Confessions of an Ex-CIA Man". Ann Arbor Sun, February 28, 1975. Reports The CIA Against Latin America: Special Case: Ecuador. Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility (Ecuador), December 2014. Articles by other authors Kaeten Mistry, A Transnational Protest against the National Security State: Whistle-Blowing, Philip Agee, and Networks of Dissent, Journal of American History, Volume 106, Issue 2, September 2019, Pages 362–389 Shane, Scott. "Philip Agee, 72, Is Dead; Exposed Other C.I.A. Officers" (Obituary). The New York Times, January 10, 2008. Agee, Chris John. "Bridging the Gap: Philip Agee, 1935–2008". NACLA Report on the Americas, January/February 2009. pp. 9–13. "Remembering Philip Agee" Archived 2019-08-15 at the Wayback Machine. Socialism & Democracy Online, March 6, 2011. Talks given by Melvin Wulf, William Schaap, and Len Weinglass at a memorial for Philip Agee held at the West Side Y in New York City, on May 3, 2009. Filmography Documentaries Fidel: The Untold Story. Directed by Estela Bravo. First Run/Icarus Films, 2001. OCLC 52742983. 91 min. Commentary provided by interviews with Agee. On Company Business . Directed by Allan Francovich. 1980. 2h 54min. IMDB Television Alternative Views, with Frank Morrow & Douglas Kellner. Episode 540: The Company and the Country: A Conversation with Phil Agee, Pt. 1 (November 1995) Episode 541: The Company and the Country: A Conversation with Phil Agee, Pt. 2 (November 1995) Episode 445: Philip Agee Looks at the Gulf War (May 1991) Speech recorded April, 1991 at MIT. Public Speaking Testimony at the 14th World Festival for Youth and Students in Havana regarding US terrorism against Cuba. Alternative Views, 1997. See also William Blum CounterSpy Victor Marchetti Ralph McGehee Lindsay Moran Clive Ponting L. Fletcher Prouty William Schaap Frank Snepp Edward Snowden John Stockwell Peter Wright References Will Weissert, "Ex-CIA Agent Philip Agee Dead in Cuba", Associated Press (sfgate.com), January 9, 2008. Agee, Philip (1975). Inside The Company: CIA Diary. Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-004007-2. Andrew, Christopher; Vasili Mitrokhin (2000). The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-00312-5. p. 230 Kapstein, Jonathan (July 28, 1975). "Philip Agee: The spy who came in and told; Inside the Company: CIA Diary". Business Week: 12. Archived from the original on October 20, 2006. The Associated Press (9 January 2008). "Former CIA agent Agee dies in Cuba at age 72". NBC News. Retrieved 9 January 2008. Joe Holley (10 January 2008). "Philip Agee, 72; Agent Who Turned Against CIA". The Washington Post. Retrieved 13 November 2010. "Mr. Agee was born in Tacoma, Fla., attended Jesuit schools and graduated cum laude from the University of Notre Dame in 1956. He told the New York Times in 1974 that the CIA attempted to recruit him while he was at Notre Dame, offering a package plan that included Air Force duty. He said no but reconsidered while studying law at the University of Florida." Shane, Scott (January 10, 2008). "Philip Agee, 72, Is Dead; Exposed Other C.I.A. Officers". The New York Times. Retrieved December 14, 2018. Inside The Company: CIA Diary, p. 640 Barron, John (1983). KGB Today: The Hidden Hand. Reader's Digest Association. pp. 227–230. ISBN 0-88349-164-8. "Philip Agee". The Times. London. January 9, 2008. Retrieved December 14, 2018. (subscription required) Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, Allen Lane, 1975 Andrew p. 230, referencing Kalugin, Oleg (1995). Spymaster: The Highest-ranking KGB Officer Ever to Break His Silence. Blake Publishing Ltd. ISBN 1-85685-101-X. p. 191-192 Andrew states: "The KGB files noted by Mitrokhin describe Agee as an agent of the Cuban DGI and give details of his collaboration with the KGB, but do not formally list him as a KGB or DGI agent. vol. 6, ch. 14, parts 1,2,3; vol. 6, app. 1, part 22." Andrew, p. 231 "Former CIA agent attempts to draw U.S. tourists to Cuba over Internet". CNN.com. 2000-06-25. Archived from the original on March 17, 2008. Retrieved 2008-12-12. "Once Again, Ex-Agent Philip Agee Eludes CIA's Grasp", Los Angeles Times, October 14, 1997 Andrew, Christopher M. (23 September 1999). The sword and the shield : the Mitrokhin archive and the secret history of the KGB. Mitrokhin, Vasili, 1922-2004. New York. ISBN 0-465-00310-9. OCLC 42368608. Agee, Philip (June 1987). On the Run. L. Stuart. Davison, Phil (January 11, 2018). "Philip Agee: Former CIA agent who accused his government of 'state terrorism'". The Independent. London. Archived from the original on 2022-05-26. Retrieved December 14, 2018. "PHILIP AGEE'S SERVICES". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2022-08-29. Rid, Thomas (2020-04-21). Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-71865-7. Andrew, p. 231 referencing Agee, Philip (June 1987). On the Run. L. Stuart. ISBN 0-8184-0419-1. p. 111-112, 120-121. "Book details CIA activities". Facts on File World News Digest: 37 B3. January 25, 1975. Archived from the original on October 20, 2006. Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, Allen Lane, 1975, pp 599-624. Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, Allen Lane, 1975, p 9. "Secret agent; Inside the Company: CIA Diary. By Philip Agee. Penguin. 640 pages. 95p". The Economist. January 11, 1975. p. 87. Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, Allen Lane, 1975, pp 573-583 "Philip Agee". January 10, 2008. Retrieved December 14, 2018. Andrew, p. 232-233. Holley, Joe (2008-01-09). "Philip Agee, 72; Agent Who Turned Against CIA". The Washington Post. Retrieved 2013-12-14. CovertAction, Number 3, January 1979. Elizabeth Pond (1985-02-28). "The West Wakes Up to the Dangers of Misinformation". Christian Science Monitor. "House Intelligence Committee Begins Inquiry into Allegations of Forgeries". The Washington Post. 1979-01-17. U.S. House. Hearings Before the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. Soviet Active Measures. 97th Congress, 2nd session. July 13, 14, 1982. U.S. House. Hearings Before the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. Soviet Covert Action (The Forgery Offense). 96th Congress, 2nd session. February 6, 19, 1980. Peer Henrik Hansen (2005). "A Review of: 'Falling Flat on the Stay-Behinds'". International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence. 19 (1): 182–186. doi:10.1080/08850600500332656. S2CID 154096664. Horowitz, David (December 1991). "The Politics of Public Television". Commentary Magazine. 92 (6). Archived from the original on April 23, 2005. William E. Simon (December 1980). "You can't trust the news". The Saturday Evening Post. "Haig v. Agee 453 U.S. 280 (1981)". supreme.justia.com. Duncan Campbell (January 10, 2007). "The spy who stayed out in the cold". The Guardian. London. Retrieved March 10, 2007. Stevenson, Jonathan (2021). A drop of treason : Philip Agee and his exposure of the CIA. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 140. ISBN 9780226356686. Campbell, Duncan (January 10, 2008). "Philip Agee". The Guardian. London. Retrieved December 14, 2018. "Death of CIA whistleblower - World News". 8 May 2024. External links Appearances on C-SPAN Philip Agee at IMDb Philip Agee in libraries (WorldCat catalog) Philip Agee Papers, Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives at New York University. Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway Spain France BnF data Germany Israel Belgium United States Sweden Latvia Czech Republic Korea Netherlands Poland People Deutsche Biographie Other IdRef Categories: 1935 births2008 deathsAmerican expatriates in CubaAmerican foreign policy writersAmerican male non-fiction writers20th-century American memoiristsAmerican political writersAmerican spiesAmerican whistleblowersDeaths from ulcersEspionage writersFredric G. Levin College of Law alumniHistorians of the Central Intelligence AgencyJesuit High School (Tampa) alumniPeople deported from the United KingdomPeople of the Central Intelligence AgencyUniversity of Notre Dame alumni20th-century American male writers

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Convenience food (also called tertiary processed food) is food that is commercially prepared (often through processing) for ease of consumption, and is usually ready to eat without further preparation. It may also be easily portable, have a long shelf life, or offer a combination of such convenient traits. Convenience foods include ready-to-eat dry products, frozen food such as TV dinners, shelf-stable food, prepared mixes such as cake mix, and snack food. Food scientists now consider most of these products to be ultra-processed foods and link them to poor health outcomes.[1] Bread, cheese, salted food and other prepared foods have been sold for thousands of years, but these typically require a much lower level of industrial processing, as reflected in systems such as the Nova classification. Other types of food were developed with improvements in food technology. Types of convenience foods can vary by country and geographic region. Some convenience foods have received criticism due to concerns about nutritional content and how their packaging may increase solid waste in landfills. Various methods are used to reduce the unhealthy aspects of commercially produced food and fight childhood obesity. Convenience food is commercially prepared for ease of consumption.[2] Products designated as convenience food are often sold as hot, ready-to-eat dishes; as room-temperature, shelf-stable products; or as refrigerated or frozen food products that require minimal preparation (typically just heating).[3] Convenience foods have also been described as foods that have been created to "make them more appealing to the consumer."[4] Convenience foods and restaurants are similar in that they save time.[5] They differ in that restaurant food is ready to eat, whilst convenience food usually requires rudimentary preparation. Both typically cost more money and less time compared to home cooking from scratch.[5] History Throughout history, people have bought food from bakeries, creameries, butcher shops and other commercial processors to save time and effort. The Aztec people of Central Mexico utilized several convenience foods that required only adding water for preparation, which were used by travelers.[6] Cornmeal that was ground and dried, referred to as pinolli, was used by travelers as a convenience food in this manner.[6] Canned food was developed in the 19th century, primarily for military use, and became more popular during World War I. The expansion of canning depended significantly upon the development of canneries for producing large quantities of cans very cheaply. Before the 1850s, making a can for food required a skilled tinsmith; afterwards, an unskilled laborer, operating a can-making machine, could produce 15 times as many cans each day.[7] One of the earliest industrial-scale processed foods was meatpacking. After the invention of a system of refrigerator cars in 1878, animals could be raised, slaughtered, and butchered hundreds (later thousands) of miles or kilometers away from the consumer.[7] Grocery store display in 1966 Experience in World War II contributed to the development of frozen foods and the frozen food industry.[8] Modern convenience food saw its beginnings in the United States during the period that began after World War II.[9] Many of these products had their origins in military-developed foods designed for storage longevity and ease of preparation in the battle field. Following the war, several commercial food companies had leftover manufacturing facilities, and some of these companies created new freeze-dried and canned foods for home use.[10] Like many product introductions, not all were successful—convenience food staples such as fish sticks and canned peaches were counterbalanced by failures such as ham sticks and cheeseburgers-in-a-can.[11] However, this new focus on convenience foods and the use of technology in the kitchen alleviated labor that was traditionally carried out by women, and therefore meals that could be prepared quickly enabled women to exercise more control over their time.[12] As of the 2010s due to increased preference for fresh, "natural", whole, and organic food and health concerns the acceptability of processed food to consumers in the United States was dropping and the reputation of major packaged food brands had been damaged. Firms responded by offering "healthier" formulations and acquisition of brands with better reputations.[13] Types Convenience foods can include products such as candy; beverages such as soft drinks, juices and milk; nuts, fruits and vegetables in fresh or preserved states; processed meats and cheeses; and canned products such as soups and pasta dishes. Additional convenience foods include frozen pizza,[14] chips[4] such as potato chips (known in Britain as crisps),[14] pretzels,[4] and cookies.[14] These products are often sold in portion-controlled, single-serving packaging designed for portability.[15][16] Packaged mixes A cake mix Gristmills have produced flour for baking for thousands of years. In more recent times flour has been sold with other ingredients mixed in, as have other products ready to cook. Packaged mixes are convenience foods[17] which typically require some preparation and cooking either in the oven or on the stove top. Packaged baked goods mixes typically use chemical leaveners (commonly referred to as baking powder[18]), for a quick, reliable result, avoiding the requirement for time-consuming skilled labor and the climate control needed for traditional yeast breads. These packaged mixes produce a type of quickbread. Examples include cake mixes,[19] macaroni and cheese,[20] brownie mixes,[21] and gravy mixes.[22] Some packaged mixes may have a high saturated fat content.[23] By country Onigiri at a convenience store in Kamakura, Japan In 2007, it was noted in the book Australia's food & nutrition 2012 that a distinct increase in convenience food consumption had been occurring in Australia.[24] In the Republic of Ireland, breakfast rolls eaten by busy workers became a symbol of the Celtic Tiger economic boom.[25] In Japan, onigiri (rice balls) are a popular convenience food[26] that dates for millennia — by the Heian period these were established enough to be mentioned in literature.[27][28] Additional Japanese convenience foods include prepared tofu (bean curd),[29] prepared packages of seafood[30] and instant ramen noodles.[31] In the Philippines, ready-to-consume packages of traditional Filipino dishes such as sisig, adobo, and caldereta are popular products offered by convenience stores across the country.[32] Canned tuna packed in oil is a convenience food in the Solomon Islands.[33] In Russia, frozen pelmeni, a type of meat dumplings, adopted from Uralic peoples such as Komi, Mansi and Udmurts,[34] are known from at least the 18th century, and industrially produced and prepacked pelmeni are a staple of the supermarket freezer sections. By region In Western Africa, processed cassava flour that has been grated and dried is a popular convenience food.[35] Retail In some instances, retail sales of convenience foods may provide higher profit margins for food retailers compared to the profits attained from sales of the individual ingredients that are present in the convenience foods.[36] A survey in 1984 attributed over one-third of funds spent by consumers for food in Britain to be for convenience food purchases.[37] Environmental and health concerns Refrigerated dinner, to be heated in a microwave oven Several groups have cited the environmental harm of single serve packaging due to the increased usage of plastics that contributes to solid waste in landfills.[38][39] Due to concerns about obesity and other health problems, some health organizations have criticized the high fat, sugar, salt, food preservatives and food additives that are present in some convenience foods.[15] In most developed countries, 80% of consumed salt comes from industry-prepared food (5% come from natural salt; 15% comes from salt added during cooking or eating).[40] Health effects of salt concentrate on sodium and depend in part on how much is consumed. A single serving of many convenience foods contains a significant portion of the recommended daily allowance of sodium. Manufacturers are concerned that if the taste of their product is not optimized with salt, it will not sell as well as competing products. Tests have shown that some popular packaged foods depend on significant amounts of salt for their palatability.[41] Labeling, mitigation, and regulation Many preservatives, salts, artificial colors and artificial flavorings are used in this highly processed frozen food item. In response to the issues surrounding the healthfulness of convenience and restaurant foods, an initiative in the United States, spearheaded by Michelle Obama and her Let's Move! campaign, to reduce the unhealthy aspects of commercially produced food and fight childhood obesity, was unveiled by the White House in February 2010. Mrs. Obama has pushed the industry to cut back on sugars and salts found in many convenience foods, encouraging self-regulation over government intervention through laws and regulations.[42] Despite Mrs. Obama's stated preference on self-regulation, the Food and Drug Administration announced that it was looking into quantifying the guidelines into law while other groups and municipalities are seeking to add other preventive measures such as target taxes and levies onto these products.[43][44] In response to the attention, in April 2010 a coalition of sixteen manufacturers all agreed to reduce salt levels in foods sold in the United States under a program based on a similar effort in the United Kingdom.[43] However, the initiative has met with resistance from some manufacturers, who claim that processed foods require the current high levels of salt to remain appetizing and to mask undesirable effects of food processing such as "warmed-over flavor".[41] The coalition expanded its mission in May 2010 by announcing that it intends to reduce the amount of calories in foods. By introducing lower calorie foods, changing product recipes and reducing portion sizes, the coalition stated that it expected to reduce the caloric content of foods by more than 1.5 trillion calories in total by 2012.[44] Social inequality As previously stated, convenience foods cover a variety of food groups and come in numerous forms. Thus, there are a variety of healthy and unhealthy convenience foods. Research such as the 2002 study by Kimberly Morland et al., have correlated inequalities between low-income communities and increased access to unhealthy convenience foods. This is mostly due to the decline of affordable grocery stores in some urban areas.[45][46] Comparing low-income communities to more affluent communities, there are four times more supermarkets located in white communities than the black communities (commonly found in food deserts). As a result, the 2002 study concluded that with limited access to healthy food options in supermarkets, members within the low-income and minority communities have unequal access.[45][non-primary source needed] A 2010 study by Dharma E. Cortes et al. also found a connection between consumption of unhealthy convenience food and minority communities. Limited access to healthy food options has resulted in an increase in obesity amongst members in these communities.[47][non-primary source needed] Many low-income families struggle with buying fresh fruits and vegetables and nutritional meals for their families because of the price of the products. These families are most often located in food deserts and fresh food is not readily available in their community. Thus, families resort to buying food that is high in fat, sugar, and salt because these highly processed options are inexpensive. These highly processed foods make up a significant portion of unhealthy convenience foods.[48] See also iconFood portalDrink portal Comfort food Food desert Food packaging Food preservation Food processing Junk food List of foods Snack food Ultra-processed food References Monteiro, Carlos A.; Cannon, Geoffrey; Levy, Renata B; Moubarac, Jean-Claude; Louzada, Maria L. C.; Rauber, Fernanda; Khandpur, Neha; Cediel, Gustavo; Neri, Daniela; Martinez-Steele, Euridice; Baraldi, Larissa G.; Jaime, Patricia C. (2019). "Ultra-processed foods: what they are and how to identify them". Public Health Nutrition. 22 (5): 936–941. doi:10.1017/S1368980018003762. ISSN 1368-9800. PMC 10260459. PMID 30744710. Jean Anderson; Barbara Deskins (October 1995). The Nutrition Bible (1st ed.). William Morrow & Co. ISBN 978-0-688-11619-4. "Convenience Foods". Swiss Association for Nutrition. Health and Age Center. 8 May 2003. Archived from the original on 22 April 2009. Retrieved 18 May 2009. Chow, Ching Kuang (19 November 2007). Fatty Acids in Foods and their Health Implications, Third Edition. CRC Press. p. 376. ISBN 9781420006902. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Ensminger 1994, p. 463. Keoke, Emory Dean; Porterfield, Kay Marie (2009). Encyclopedia of American Indian Contributions to the World: 15,000 Years of Inventions and Innovations - Emory Dean Keoke, Kay Marie Porterfield. Infobase. p. 138. ISBN 9781438109909. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Kawash, Samira (2013). Candy: A Century of Panic and Pleasure. Faber and Faber. pp. 46–48. ISBN 9780865477568. Ensminger 1994, p. 465. Gosse, Van; Moser, Richard R. (2008). The World the Sixties Made: Politics and Culture in Recent America. Temple University Press. p. 150. ISBN 9781592138463. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Rudolph, Thomas; Schlegelmilch, Bodo B.; Bauer, András; Franch, Josep; Meise, Jan Niklas (9 March 2012). Diversity in European Marketing: Text and Cases. Springer. p. 180. ISBN 9783834969767. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Shapiro, Laura (29 March 2005). Something from the Oven: Reinventing Dinner in 1950s America. New York: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-303491-9. Maurer, Elizabeth (2017), How Highly Processed Foods Liberated 1950s Housewives, National Women's History Museum Hans Taparia and Pamela Koch (6 November 2015). "A Seismic Shift in How People Eat". The New York Times. Retrieved 7 November 2015. "The food movement over the past couple of decades has substantially altered consumer behavior and reshaped the competitive landscape." Rees, Jonathan (30 July 2005). Eating Properly - Jonathan Rees. Smart Apple Media. ISBN 9781583405918. Retrieved 10 July 2013.[permanent dead link] Rudolph, Thomas; Schlegelmilch, Bodo B.; Bauer, András; Franch, Josep; Meise, Jan Niklas (9 March 2012). Diversity in European Marketing: Text and Cases. Springer. p. 181. ISBN 9783834969767. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Frewer, Lynn J.; Risvik, Einar; Schifferstein, Hendrik (21 September 2001). Food, People and Society: A European Perspective of Consumers' Food Choices. Springer. p. 333. ISBN 9783540415213. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Vickie a. Vaclavik, Ph. D.; Marjorie m. Devine, Ph. D.; Marcia h. Pimentel, M. S. (7 June 2002). Dimensions of Food, Fifth Edition - Vickie A. Vaclavik, Ph.D., Marcia H. Pimentel, M.S., Marjorie M. Devine, Ph.D. CRC Press. ISBN 9781439832714. Retrieved 10 July 2013. John Brodie, John Godber "Bakery Processes, Chemical Leavening Agents" in Kirk-Othmer Encyclopedia of Chemical Technology 2001, John Wiley & Sons. doi:10.1002/0471238961.0308051303082114.a01.pub2 Hartel, Richard W.; Hartel, Annakate (1 March 2009). Food bites [electronic resource]: the science of the foods we eat - Richard W. Hartel, AnnaKate Hartel. Springer. ISBN 9780387758459. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Smith, Andrew F. (May 2007). The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 9780195307962. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Mehaffy, Carolyn; Mehaffy, Bob (November 1995). Destination Mexico: Planning a Cruise to Mexico - Carolyn Mehaffy, Bob Mehaffy. Paradise Cay Publications. ISBN 9780939837410. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Bricklin, Mark (15 August 1994). Prevention Magazine's Nutrition Advisor: The Ultimate Guide to the Health-Boosting and Health-Harming Factors in Your Diet. Rodale. ISBN 9780875962252. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Cannon, Dr. Christopher P.; Vierck, Elizabeth; Beale, Lucy (5 December 2006). The Complete Idiot's Guide to the Anti-Inflammation Diet - Christopher Cannon, Elizabeth Vierck. Penguin. ISBN 9781440696879. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Welfare, Australian Institute of Health and (2012). Australia's food & nutrition 2012. p. 13. ISBN 9781742493237. Retrieved 10 July 2013. McDonald, Brian (12 May 2008). "Top breakfast baguette rolls into Irish history". Irish Independent. Retrieved 3 February 2019. Wilk, Richard R. (2006). Fast Food, Slow Food: The Cultural Economy of the Global Food System. ISBN 9780759109155. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Ikeda, Kikan; Shinji Kishigami; Ken Akiyama (1958). Koten Bungaku Taikei 19: Makura no Sōshi, Murasaki Shikibu Nikki. Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten. p. 455. ISBN 978-4-00-060019-4. Hasegawa, Masaharu; Yūichirō Imanishi (1989). Shin Koten Bungaku Taikei 24: Tosa Nikki, Kagerō Nikki, Murasaki Shikibu Nikki, Sarashina Nikki. Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten. p. 266. ISBN 978-4-00-240024-2. Ashkenazi, Michael; Jacob, Jeanne (26 October 2000). The Essence of Japanese Cuisine: An Essay on Food and Culture - Michael Ashkenazi, Jeanne Jacob. p. 55. ISBN 978-0812235661. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Bergin, Anthony; Haward, Marcus G. (1996). Japan's Tuna Fishing Industry: A Setting Sun Or New Dawn? - Anthony Bergin, Marcus G. Haward. ISBN 9781560722410. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Harlan, Jessica (30 August 2011). Ramen to the Rescue Cookbook: 120 Creative Recipes for Easy Meals Using Everyone's Favorite Pack of Noodles - Jessica Harlan. ISBN 9781612430041. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Lucas, Daxim L. (2019-09-06). "More Filipinos getting everyday meals from convenience stores". INQUIRER.net. Retrieved 2023-11-19. Barclay, Kate (8 February 2008). A Japanese Joint Venture in the Pacific: Foreign bodies in tinned tuna - Kate Barclay. ISBN 9780203930908. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Dal Dictionary on-line derives the etymology of pel'men' from pel'=ear and nan'=bread in Komi and Mansi (Vogul) languages. This may be why pelmeni are called uszka ("ears") in Poland. Osseo-Asare, Fran (2005). Food Culture in Sub-Saharan Africa - Fran Osseo-Asare. p. 30. ISBN 9780313324888. Retrieved 10 July 2013. Freedman, Paul; Freedman, Professor Paul (2007). Food: The History of Taste. p. 350. ISBN 9780520254763. Retrieved 11 July 2013. Offer, Avner (9 March 2006). The Challenge of Affluence: Self-Control and Well-Being in the United States and Britain Since 1950 - Avner Offer. p. 145. ISBN 9780198208532. Retrieved 10 July 2013. "Talking about waste prevention". Waste Watch UK. Archived from the original on 15 September 2009. Retrieved 14 July 2009. "Food packaging waste a concern". Reuters. 14 February 2008. Archived from the original on 1 March 2009. Retrieved 14 July 2009. "Wasteful food packaging is among the fastest-growing environmental concerns for shoppers worldwide with New Zealanders most willing to cut back, a poll showed on Thursday." Delahaye, François (2013). "Should we eat less salt?". Archives of Cardiovascular Diseases. 106 (5): 324–332. doi:10.1016/j.acvd.2013.01.003. PMID 23769406. Michael Moss (29 May 2010). "The hard sell on salt". The New York Times. Sweet, Lynn (11 May 2010). "Michelle Obama Unveils Anti-Childhood Obesity Action Plan". Politics Daily. Archived from the original on 19 August 2018. Retrieved 29 May 2010. "16 Food Companies Agree to Reduce Salt". CBS News. Associated Press. 26 April 2010. Archived from the original on 2010-10-29. Retrieved 29 May 2010. Jaldonick, Mary Clare (17 May 2010). "Food companies agree to remove 15 trillion calories from foods to reduce childhood obesity". Business News. Associated Press. Retrieved 29 May 2010. Morland, Kimberly; Wing, Steve; Diez Roux, Ana; Poole, Charles (January 2002). "Neighborhood characteristics associated with the location of food stores and food service places" (PDF). American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 22 (1): 23–29. doi:10.1016/s0749-3797(01)00403-2. hdl:2027.42/56186. ISSN 0749-3797. PMID 11777675. Morland, K.; Wing, S.; Diez Roux, A. (2002). "The contextual effect of the local food environment on residents' diets: the atherosclerosis risk in communities study". American Journal of Public Health. 92 (11): 1761–7. doi:10.2105/ajph.92.11.1761. PMC 1447325. PMID 12406805. Cortés, Dharma E.; Millán-Ferro, Andreina; Schneider, Karen; Vega, Rodolfo R.; Caballero, A. Enrique (March 2013). "Food Purchasing Selection Among Low-Income, Spanish-Speaking Latinos". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 44 (3): S267–S273. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2012.11.012. ISSN 0749-3797. PMID 23415192. Thompson, Sherwood (18 December 2014). "Food Justice: Social Injustice in Our Food Systems Contributes to Food Insecurity and Obesity". Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 331–334. ISBN 9781442216068. Bibliography Ensminger, Audrey H. (1994). Foods and Nutrition Encyclopedia: A-H. 1. CRC Press. Pages 463-476 ISBN 0849389801 Further reading Lawrence, Geoffrey; Lyons, Kristen; Wallington, Tabatha (2012). Food Security, Nutrition and Sustainability. Routledge. Chapter 8, pages (unlisted). ISBN 1136545654 Obenauf, Carl F. (2004). The Building of an Industry: The History of the Convenience Food Industry. C.F. Obenauf. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Convenience foods. Look up convenience food in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. vte Fast culture Consumerism Convenience food Convenience store Fast fashion Fast food Drive-through Food delivery Online food ordering Take-out Instant gratification Overconsumption Planned obsolescence Same-day delivery Throw-away society vte Meals Common meals Suhur Breakfast Second breakfast Elevenses Coffee break Brunch Lunch Tea Merienda Tiffin Dinner Supper Iftar Siu yeh Components and courses Apéritif and digestif Hors d'oeuvre Amuse-bouche Soup Entrée Roast Main course Salad Side dish Entremets Dessert Savoury Meal replacement Snack Table service Buffet smörgåsbord Conveyor belt sushi Dish Finger food Full course dinner Platter Rodízio Service à la française Service à la russe Silver service Small plates Table reservation Presentation Al fresco Dining room Eating utensils Food presentation Garnish Nyotaimori Pièce montée Serving size Table setting Tablecloth Tableware Dining Dress code Table manners Eating utensil etiquette Toast Waiting staff Regional styles Anju Antipasto Cicchetti Banchan / Korean table d'hôte Bandeja paisa Dastarkhān Dim sum / Yum cha Fika Izakaya / Sakana Kaiseki Meat and three Meze Okazuya Plate lunch Pu pu platter Rice and three Rijsttafel Sadhya Smörgåsbord Tapas Thali Tiffin Zakuski Packed Airline meal Bento Convenience food Dosirak Ekiben Emergency rations Fast food Field ration Instant breakfast Jūbako Ninja diet Packed lunch Space food Take-out TV dinner Menus and meal deals À la carte Blue-plate special Combination meal Free lunch Free refill Happy hour Kids' meal School meal Suspended meal Table d'hôte Tasting menu / Degustation Value meal Value menu Communal meals Banquet State banquet Barbecue Mangal Commercium Communal dining Dining in Iftar Picnic Potluck Seder Sittning Soup kitchen Supra Tableround Tea party Catering and food delivery Food delivery Online food ordering Virtual restaurant Places to eat Café Cafeteria Dining room Food truck Inn Kitchen Mess Picnic table Restaurant Soup kitchen Street food Tavern Traiteur Related Coffee culture Cook Cookbook Cooking Culinary arts Cuisine outline Drink Eating Food Lists of food and beverage topics Meal preparation Outline of food preparation Salumeria Tea culture Category Commons vte Fast food Types Convenience food Junk food Snack food Street food Take-out Drive-through Points of sale Fast food restaurant Food booth Food cart Food court Food truck Select dishes Bacon Breakfast sandwich Breakfast sausage Buffalo wings Cheeseburger Chicken fingers / Chicken nuggets Cookie French fries French toast Fried chicken Grilled cheese Gyro Gyūdon Hamburger Hot dog Hot pretzel Ice cream Kebab Macaroni and cheese Onion rings Pancakes Pasta Peanut butter and jelly sandwich Pizza Salad Sausage Spaghetti Taco Waffles Issues Criticism of fast food Fast food advertising Food desert Companies portal Category: Convenience foods Frederick J. Schlink (October 26, 1891 – January 15, 1995) was an American consumer rights activist. He co-wrote the book 100,000,000 Guinea Pigs with Arthur Kallet, and co-founded the watchdog group Consumers' Research.[1] Life and activism Schlink was born in Peoria, Illinois, and graduated from the University of Illinois in 1912. In 1914, he acquired the degree of Mechanical Engineer, and worked at the United States Bureau of Standards until 1919. After work in quality control for Firestone Tire and Rubber Company, and for the Bell Telephone Laboratories, he became an assistant secretary for the non-profit American Standards Association.[2][3] In 1927, Schlink was co-author, with Stuart Chase, of the bestseller, Your Money's Worth, a warning about sales pressure and misleading advertising. The book called attention to the "Consumers' Club", a small organization in White Plains, New York. Within two years, the club had members nationwide and was incorporated as Consumers' Research. Arthur Kallet, the secretary of the group, enlisted Schlink's aid as co-author of One Hundred Million Guinea Pigs in 1933.[4] (The title referred to what was roughly the population of the United States at the time.) The book caused a stir, noting that some well-advertised products (including mouthwash and hair dyes) were sometimes useless and even dangerous. In 1934, he published a pamphlet with his wife, Mary Catherine Phillips, Discovering Consumers.[5] His final book was Eat, Drink and be Wary in 1935.[6] Schlink himself lived for sixty years after the book's publication and died at the age of 103 in Phillipsburg, NJ.[3] Consumers' Research Schlink was instrumental in moving Consumers' Research to Washington, New Jersey and then the Bowerstown section of Washington Township, New Jersey. When employees demanded more wages, he refused. Three went on strike with outside union help, and were terminated. Forty more employees then struck as support for those terminated. Schlink had always been focused upon capitalistic advertising, and he saw this an "unholy alliance" with the strikers, and he used force to break the strike. This act was one that started the exodus of former CR employees to their own organization, the new Consumers Union, which began publishing its own magazine, Consumers Union Reports, in direct competition to Schlink's Consumers' Research Bulletin. This magazine soon surpassed the Bulletin in circulation, and, renamed Consumer Reports, became and remains the leading North American consumer magazine.[7] References Laurence B. Glickman, Buying power: a history of consumer activism in America. University of Chicago Press, 2009, (p. 195). ISBN 0-226-29865-5 Current Biography 1941, pp 756-58 "Frederick J. Schlink". SFGATE. 1995-01-21. Retrieved 2024-04-05. Id. at p757 Phillips, Mary Catherine (1934). Discovering Consumers. New York: John Day. Id. at 758 "ConsumerReports.org - Our history: 1930s". Archived from the original on 2006-06-27. External links Works by or about Frederick J. Schlink at Internet Archive "Mary Catherine Phillips – Consumers' Research". The Historical Marker Database. Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Germany Israel United States Netherlands Vatican Other IdRef Categories: 1891 births1995 deathsAmerican centenariansMen centenariansConsumer rights activistsUniversity of Illinois alumniWriters from Peoria, IllinoisPeople from Warren County, New Jersey

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In this compelling video, former CIA official John Stockwell delivers a thought-provoking analysis of the Reagan Revolution. With a critical eye, Stockwell delves into the profound restructuring of both the economy and foreign policy during Reagan's presidency. He dissects the methods through which Reagan achieved these changes, particularly scrutinizing Reaganomics. Stockwell boldly exposes the economic ramifications, arguing that while Reaganomics may have weakened the United States economically, it simultaneously facilitated an immense transfer of wealth from lower and middle-class citizens to the affluent. His assessment doesn't stop there; he also offers a critical evaluation of Reagan's stance on civil liberties and the interventionist nature of his foreign policy. Throughout the recording, Stockwell challenges the Reagan doctrine, advocating for alternative approaches. This July 1987 recording captures Stockwell's incisive critique and offers a compelling perspective on the repercussions of the Reagan era. Reaganomics (/reɪɡəˈnɒmɪks/; a portmanteau of Reagan and economics attributed to Paul Harvey),[1] or Reaganism, were the neoliberal[2][3][4] economic policies promoted by U.S. President Ronald Reagan during the 1980s. These policies are characterized as supply-side economics, trickle-down economics, or "voodoo economics" by opponents,[5] while Reagan and his advocates preferred to call it free-market economics. The pillars of Reagan's economic policy included increasing defense spending, balancing the federal budget and slowing the growth of government spending, reducing the federal income tax and capital gains tax, reducing government regulation, and tightening the money supply in order to reduce inflation.[6] The results of Reaganomics are still debated. Supporters point to the end of stagflation, stronger GDP growth, and an entrepreneurial revolution in the decades that followed.[7][8] Critics point to the widening income gap, what they described as an atmosphere of greed, reduced economic mobility, and the national debt tripling in eight years which ultimately reversed the post-World War II trend of a shrinking national debt as percentage of GDP.[9][10] Historical context Inflation and crude oil price, 1969–1989 (pre-Reagan years highlighted in yellow) Prior to the Reagan administration, the United States economy experienced a decade of high unemployment and persistently high inflation (known as stagflation). Attacks on Keynesian economic orthodoxy as well as empirical economic models such as the Phillips Curve grew. Political pressure favored stimulus resulting in an expansion of the money supply. President Richard Nixon's wage and price controls were phased out.[11] The federal oil reserves were created to ease any future short term shocks. President Jimmy Carter had begun phasing out price controls on petroleum while he created the Department of Energy. Much of the credit for the resolution of the stagflation is given to two causes: renewed focus on increasing productivity[12] and a three-year contraction of the money supply by the Federal Reserve Board under Paul Volcker.[13] In stating that his intention was to lower taxes, Reagan's approach was a departure from his immediate predecessors. Reagan enacted lower marginal tax rates as well as simplified income tax codes and continued deregulation. During Reagan's eight year presidency, the annual deficits averaged 4.0% of GDP, compared to a 2.2% average during the preceding eight years.[14] The real (inflation adjusted) average rate of growth in federal spending fell from 4% under Jimmy Carter to 2.5% under Ronald Reagan.[15][16] GDP per employed person increased at an average 1.5% rate during the Reagan administration, compared to an average 0.6% during the preceding eight years.[17] Private sector productivity growth, measured as real output per hour of all persons, increased at an average rate of 1.9% during Reagan's eight years, compared to an average 1.3% during the preceding eight years.[18] Federal net outlays as a percent of GDP averaged 21.4% under Reagan, compared to 19.1% during the preceding eight years.[19] During the Nixon and Ford Administrations, before Reagan's election, a combined supply and demand side policy was considered unconventional by the moderate wing of the Republican Party. While running against Reagan for the Presidential nomination in 1980, George H. W. Bush had derided Reaganomics as "voodoo economics".[20] Similarly, in 1976, Gerald Ford had severely criticized Reagan's proposal to turn back a large part of the Federal budget to the states. Justifications This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) In his 1980 campaign speeches, Reagan presented his economic proposals as a return to the free enterprise principles, free market economy that had been in favor before the Great Depression and FDR's New Deal policies. At the same time he attracted a following from the supply-side economics movement, which formed in opposition to Keynesian demand-stimulus economics. This movement produced some of the strongest supporters for Reagan's policies during his term in office. The contention of the proponents, that the tax rate cuts would more than cover any increases in federal debt, was influenced by a theoretical taxation model based on the elasticity of tax rates, known as the Laffer curve. Arthur Laffer's model predicts that excessive tax rates actually reduce potential tax revenues, by lowering the incentive to produce; the model also predicts that insufficient tax rates (rates below the optimum level for a given economy) lead directly to a reduction in tax revenues. Ronald Reagan also cited the 14th-century Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun as an influence on his supply-side economic policies, in 1981. Reagan paraphrased Ibn Khaldun, who said that "In the beginning of the dynasty, great tax revenues were gained from small assessments," and that "at the end of the dynasty, small tax revenues were gained from large assessments." Reagan said his goal is "trying to get down to the small assessments and the great revenues."[21] Policies Reagan lifted remaining domestic petroleum price and allocation controls on January 28, 1981,[22] and lowered the oil windfall profits tax in August 1981. He ended the oil windfall profits tax in 1988.[23] During the first year of Reagan's presidency, federal income tax rates were lowered significantly with the signing of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981,[24] which lowered the top marginal tax bracket from 70% to 50% and the lowest bracket from 14% to 11%. This act slashed estate taxes and trimmed taxes paid by business corporations by $150 billion over a five-year period. In 1982 Reagan agreed to a rollback of corporate tax cuts and a smaller rollback of individual income tax cuts. The 1982 tax increase undid a third of the initial tax cut. In 1983 Reagan instituted a payroll tax increase on Social Security and Medicare hospital insurance.[25] In 1984 another bill was introduced that closed tax loopholes. According to tax historian Joseph Thorndike, the bills of 1982 and 1984 "constituted the biggest tax increase ever enacted during peacetime".[26] With the Tax Reform Act of 1986, Reagan and Congress sought to simplify the tax system by eliminating many deductions, reducing the highest marginal rates, and reducing the number of tax brackets.[27][28][29][30] In 1983, Democrats Bill Bradley and Dick Gephardt had offered a proposal; in 1984 Reagan had the Treasury Department produce its own plan. The 1986 act aimed to be revenue-neutral: while it reduced the top marginal rate, it also cleaned up the tax base by removing certain tax write-offs, preferences, and exceptions, thus raising the effective tax on activities previously specially favored by the code. Ultimately, the combination of the decrease in deductions and decrease in rates raised revenue equal to about 4% of existing tax revenue.[31] President Ronald Reagan signs the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 at his California ranch. Federal revenue share of GDP fell from 19.6% in fiscal 1981 to 17.3% in 1984, before rising back to 18.4% by fiscal year 1989. Personal income tax revenues fell during this period relative to GDP, while payroll tax revenues rose relative to GDP.[32] Reagan's 1981 cut in the top regular tax rate on unearned income reduced the maximum capital gains rate to only 20% — its lowest level since the Hoover administration (1929 –1933).[33] The 1986 act set tax rates on capital gains at the same level as the rates on ordinary income like salaries and wages, with both topping out at 28%.[34] Reagan significantly increased public expenditures, primarily the Department of Defense, which rose (in constant 2000 dollars) from $267.1 billion in 1980 (4.9% of GDP and 22.7% of public expenditure) to $393.1 billion in 1988 (5.8% of GDP and 27.3% of public expenditure); most of those years military spending was about 6% of GDP, exceeding this number in 4 different years. All these numbers had not been seen since the end of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War in 1973.[35] In 1981, Reagan significantly reduced the maximum tax rate, which affected the highest income earners, and lowered the top marginal tax rate from 70% to 50%; in 1986 he further reduced the rate to 28%.[36] The federal deficit under Reagan peaked at 6% of GDP in 1983, falling to 3.2% of GDP in 1987[37] and to 3.1% of GDP in his final budget.[38] The inflation-adjusted rate of growth in federal spending fell from 4% under Jimmy Carter to 2.5% under Ronald Reagan. This was the slowest rate of growth in inflation adjusted spending since Eisenhower. However, federal deficit as percent of GDP was up throughout the Reagan presidency from 2.7% at the end of (and throughout) the Carter administration.[15][38][39] As a short-run strategy to reduce inflation and lower nominal interest rates, the U.S. borrowed both domestically and abroad to cover the Federal budget deficits, raising the national debt from $997 billion to $2.85 trillion.[40] This led to the U.S. moving from the world's largest international creditor to the world's largest debtor nation.[9] Reagan described the new debt as the "greatest disappointment" of his presidency.[41] According to William A. Niskanen, one of the architects of Reaganomics, "Reagan delivered on each of his four major policy objectives, although not to the extent that he and his supporters had hoped", and notes that the most substantial change was in the tax code, where the top marginal individual income tax rate fell from 70.1% to 28.4%, and there was a "major reversal in the tax treatment of business income", with effect of "reducing the tax bias among types of investment but increasing the average effective tax rate on new investment". Roger Porter, another architect of the program, acknowledges that the program was weakened by the many hands that changed the President's calculus, such as Congress.[6][42] Results This section possibly contains original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed. (March 2023) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Overview Annual percent change in real gross domestic product — 1972 through 1988 (Reagan years in red) Spending during the years Reagan budgeted (FY 1982–89) averaged 21.6% GDP, roughly tied with President Obama for the highest among any recent President. Each faced a severe recession early in their administration. In addition, the public debt rose from 26% GDP in 1980 to 41% GDP by 1988. In dollar terms, the public debt rose from $712 billion in 1980 to $2.052 trillion in 1988, a roughly three-fold increase.[32]: 143  The unemployment rate rose from 7% in 1980 to 11% in 1982, then declined to 5% in 1988. The inflation rate declined from 10% in 1980 to 4% in 1988.[6] Some economists have stated that Reagan's policies were an important part of bringing about the third longest peacetime economic expansion in U.S. history.[43][44] During the Reagan administration, real GDP growth averaged 3.5%, compared to 2.9% during the preceding eight years.[45] The annual average unemployment rate declined by 1.7 percentage points, from 7.2% in 1980 to 5.5% in 1988, after it had increased by 1.6 percentage points over the preceding eight years.[46][47] Nonfarm employment increased by 16.1 million during Reagan's presidency, compared to 15.4 million during the preceding eight years,[48] while manufacturing employment declined by 582,000 after rising 363,000 during the preceding eight years.[49] Reagan's administration is the only one not to have raised the minimum wage.[50] The inflation rate, 13.5% in 1980, fell to 4.1% in 1988, in part because the Federal Reserve increased interest rates (prime rate peaking at 20.5% in August 1981[51]).[52][53] The latter contributed to a recession from July 1981 to November 1982 during which unemployment rose to 9.7% and GDP fell by 1.9%. Additionally, income growth slowed for middle- and lower-class (2.4% to 1.8%) and rose for the upper-class (2.2% to 4.83%).[54] The misery index, defined as the inflation rate added to the unemployment rate, shrank from 19.33 when he began his administration to 9.72 when he left, the greatest improvement record for a President since Harry S. Truman left office.[55] In terms of American households, the percentage of total households making less than $10,000 a year (in real 2007 dollars) shrank from 8.8% in 1980 to 8.3% in 1988 while the percentage of households making over $75,000 went from 20.2% to 25.7% during that period, both signs of progress.[56] Employment Line charts showing Bureau of Labor Statistics and Federal Reserve Economic Data information on the monthly unemployment, inflation, and interest rates from January 1981 to January 1989 Monthly unemployment, inflation, and interest rates from January 1981 to January 1989, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics and Federal Reserve Economic Data The job growth (measured for non-farm payrolls) under the Reagan administration averaged 168,000 per month, versus 216,000 for Carter, 55,000 for H.W. Bush, and 239,000 for Clinton. Measuring the number of jobs created per month is limited for longer time periods as the population grows. To address this, we can measure annual job growth percentages, comparing the beginning and ending number of jobs during their time in office to determine an annual growth rate. Jobs grew by 2.0% annually under Reagan, versus 3.1% under Carter, 0.6% under H.W. Bush, and 2.4% under Clinton.[57] The unemployment rate averaged 7.5% under Reagan, compared to an average 6.6% during the preceding eight years. Declining steadily after December 1982, the rate was 5.4% the month Reagan left office.[58] The labor force participation rate increased by 2.6 percentage points during Reagan's eight years, compared to 3.9 percentage points during the preceding eight years.[59] Some commentators have asserted that over one million jobs were created in a single month — September 1983. Although official data support that figure,[60] it was caused by nearly 700,000 AT&T workers going on strike and being counted as job losses in August 1983, with a quick resolution of the strike leading workers to return in September, then being counted as job gains.[61] Growth rates Following the 1981 recession, the unemployment rate had averaged slightly higher (6.75% vs. 6.35%), productivity growth lower (1.38% vs. 1.92%), and private investment as a percentage of GDP slightly less (16.08% vs. 16.86%).[citation needed] In the 1980s, industrial productivity growth in the United States matched that of its trading partners after trailing them in the 1970s. By 1990, manufacturing's share of GNP exceeded the post-World War II low hit in 1982 and matched "the level of output achieved in the 1960s when American factories hummed at a feverish clip".[62] GDP growth Real GDP grew over one-third during Reagan's presidency, an over $2 trillion increase. The compound annual growth rate of GDP was 3.6% during Reagan's eight years, compared to 2.7% during the preceding eight years.[63] Real GDP per capita grew 2.6% under Reagan, compared to 1.9% average growth during the preceding eight years.[64] Real wages Under Reagan, real working-class wages continued the declining trend that began in 1973, albeit at a slower rate The average real hourly wage for production and nonsupervisory workers continued the decline that had begun in 1973, albeit at a slower rate, and remained below the pre-Reagan level in every Reagan year.[65] While inflation remained elevated during his presidency and likely contributed to the decline in wages over this period, Reagan's critics often argue that his neoliberal policies were responsible for this and also led to a stagnation of wages in the next few decades. Income and wealth In nominal terms, median household income grew at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.5% during the Reagan presidency, compared to 8.5% during the preceding five years (pre-1975 data are unavailable).[66] Real median family income grew by $4,492 during the Reagan period, compared to a $1,270 increase during the preceding eight years.[67] After declining from 1973 through 1980, real mean personal income rose $4,708 by 1988.[68] Nominal household net worth increased by a CAGR of 8.4%, compared to 9.3% during the preceding eight years.[69] Poverty level The percentage of the total population below the poverty level increased from 13.0% in 1980 to 15.2% in 1983, then declined back to 13.0% in 1988.[70] During Reagan's first term, critics noted homelessness as a visible problem in U.S. urban centers.[71] According to Don Mitchell, the increased cuts to spending on housing and social services under Reagan was a contributing factor to the homeless population nearly doubling in just three years, from 1984 to 1987.[72][73] In the closing weeks of his presidency, Reagan told David Brinkley that the homeless "make it their own choice for staying out there," noting his belief that there "are shelters in virtually every city, and shelters here, and those people still prefer out there on the grates or the lawn to going into one of those shelters". He also stated that "a large proportion" of them are "mentally impaired", which he believed to be a result of lawsuits by the ACLU (and similar organizations) against mental institutions.[74] Federal income tax and payroll tax levels Main article: History of taxation in the United States During the Reagan administration, fiscal year federal receipts grew from $599 billion to $991 billion (an increase of 65%) while fiscal year federal outlays grew from $678 billion to $1144 billion (an increase of 69%).[75][76] According to a 1996 report of the Joint Economic Committee of the United States Congress, during Reagan's two terms, and through 1993, the top 10% of taxpayers paid an increased share of income taxes (not including payroll taxes) to the Federal government, while the lowest 50% of taxpayers paid a reduced share of income tax revenue.[77] Personal income tax revenues declined from 9.4% GDP in 1981 to 8.3% GDP in 1989, while payroll tax revenues increased from 6.0% GDP to 6.7% GDP during the same period.[32] Tax receipts Both the Reagan Administration and CBO forecast that the Reagan tax cuts would reduce revenues relative to a policy baseline without them, by about $50 billion in 1982 and $210 billion in 1986.[78] Both CBO and the Reagan Administration forecast that individual and business income tax revenues would be lower if the Reagan tax cut proposals were implemented, relative to a policy baseline without those cuts, by about $50 billion in 1982 and $210 billion by 1986.[78] According to a 2003 Treasury study, the tax cuts in the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 resulted in a significant decline in revenue relative to a baseline without the cuts, approximately $111 billion (in 1992 dollars) on average during the first four years after implementation or nearly 3% GDP annually.[79][80] Other tax bills had neutral or, in the case of the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982, a (~+1% of GDP) increase in revenue as a share of GDP. The study did not examine the longer-term impact of Reagan tax policy, including sunset clauses and "the long-run, fully-phased-in effect of the tax bills".[80] The fact that tax receipts as a percentage of GDP fell following the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 shows a decrease in tax burden as share of GDP and a commensurate increase in the deficit, as spending did not fall relative to GDP. Total federal tax receipts increased in every Reagan year except 1982, at an annual average rate of 6.2% compared to 10.8% during the preceding eight years.[81] The effect of Reagan's 1981 tax cuts (reduced revenue relative to a baseline without the cuts) were at least partially offset by phased in Social Security payroll tax increases that had been enacted by President Jimmy Carter and the 95th Congress in 1977, and further increases by Reagan in 1983[82] and following years, also to counter the uses of tax shelters.[83] An accounting indicated nominal tax receipts increased from $599 billion in 1981 to $1.032 trillion in 1990, an increase of 72% in current dollars. In 2005 dollars, the tax receipts in 1990 were $1.5 trillion, an increase of 20% above inflation.[84] Debt and government expenditures Budget deficit in billions of dollars Reagan was inaugurated in January 1981, making the first fiscal year (FY) he budgeted 1982 and the final budget 1989. During Reagan's presidency, the federal debt held by the public nearly tripled in nominal terms, from $738 billion to $2.1 trillion.[85] This led to the U.S. moving from the world's largest international creditor to the world's largest debtor nation.[9] Reagan described the new debt as the "greatest disappointment" of his presidency.[41] The federal deficit as percentage of GDP rose from 2.5% of GDP in fiscal year 1981 to a peak of 5.7% of GDP in 1983, then fell to 2.7% GDP in 1989.[86] Total federal outlays averaged of 21.8% of GDP from 1981–88, versus the 1974–1980 average of 20.1% of GDP. This was the highest of any President from Carter through Obama.[87] Total federal revenues averaged 17.7% of GDP from 1981–88, versus the 1974–80 average of 17.6% of GDP.[88] Federal individual income tax revenues fell from 8.7% of GDP in 1980 to a trough of 7.5% of GDP in 1984, then rose to 7.8% of GDP in 1988.[89] Business and market performance Nominal after-tax corporate profits grew at a compound annual growth rate of 3.0% during Reagan's eight years, compared to 13.0% during the preceding eight years.[90] The S&P 500 Index increased 113.3% during the 2024 trading days under Reagan, compared to 10.4% during the preceding 2024 trading days.[91] The business sector share of GDP, measured as gross private domestic investment, declined by 0.7 percentage points under Reagan, after increasing 0.7 percentage points during the preceding eight years.[92] Size of federal government The federal government's share of GDP increased 0.2 percentage points under Reagan, while it decreased 1.5 percentage points during the preceding eight years.[93] The number of federal civilian employees increased 4.2% during Reagan's eight years, compared to 6.5% during the preceding eight years.[94] As a candidate, Reagan asserted he would shrink government by abolishing the Cabinet-level departments of energy and education. He abolished neither, but elevated veterans affairs from independent agency status to Cabinet-level department status.[95][96] Income distribution Further information: Income inequality in the United States Continuing a trend that began in the 1970s, income inequality grew and accelerated in the 1980s. The Economist wrote in 2006: "After the 1973 oil shocks, productivity growth suddenly slowed. A few years later, at the start of the 1980s, the gap between rich and poor began to widen."[97] According to the CBO: The top 1% of income earners' share of income before transfers and taxes rose from 9.0% in 1979 to a peak of 13.8% in 1986, before falling to 12.3% in 1989. The top 1% share of income earners' of income after transfers and taxes rose from 7.4% in 1979 to a peak of 12.8% in 1986, before falling to 11.0% in 1989. The bottom 90% had a lower share of the income in 1989 vs. 1979.[98] Analysis Job growth by U.S. President, measured as cumulative percentage change from month after inauguration to end of term. Reagan was second only to Clinton post-1980.[99] U.S. cumulative real (inflation-adjusted) GDP growth by President.[100] According to a 1996 study[101] by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, on 8 of the 10 key economic variables examined, the American economy performed better during the Reagan years than during the pre- and post-Reagan years. The study asserted that real median family income grew by $4,000 during the eight Reagan years and experienced a loss of almost $1,500 in the post-Reagan years. Interest rates, inflation, and unemployment fell faster under Reagan than they did immediately before or after his presidency. The only economic variable that was lower during period than in both the pre- and post-Reagan years was the savings rate, which fell rapidly in the 1980s. The productivity rate was higher in the pre-Reagan years but lower in the post-Reagan years.[101] The Cato study was dismissive of any positive effects of tightening, and subsequent loosening, of Federal Reserve monetary policy under "inflation hawk" Paul Volcker, whom President Carter had appointed in 1979 to halt the persistent inflation of the 1970s. Economic analyst Stephen Moore stated in the Cato analysis, "No act in the last quarter century had a more profound impact on the U.S. economy of the eighties and nineties than the Reagan tax cut of 1981." He argued that Reagan's tax cuts, combined with an emphasis on federal monetary policy, deregulation, and expansion of free trade created a sustained economic expansion, the greatest American sustained wave of prosperity ever. He also claims that the American economy grew by more than a third in size, producing a $15 trillion increase in American wealth. Consumer and investor confidence soared. Cutting federal income taxes, cutting the U.S. government spending budget, cutting programs, scaling down the government work force, maintaining low interest rates, and keeping a watchful inflation hedge on the monetary supply was Ronald Reagan's formula for a successful economic turnaround.[101] Milton Friedman stated, "Reaganomics had four simple principles: Lower marginal tax rates, less regulation, restrained government spending, noninflationary monetary policy. Though Reagan did not achieve all of his goals, he made good progress."[102] The Tax Reform Act of 1986 and its impact on the alternative minimum tax (AMT) reduced nominal rates on the wealthy and eliminated tax deductions, while raising tax rates on lower-income individuals.[102][103][104][105] The across the board tax system reduced marginal rates and further reduced bracket creep from inflation. The highest income earners (with incomes exceeding $1,000,000) received a tax break, restoring a flatter tax system.[106] In 2006, the IRS's National Taxpayer Advocate's report characterized the effective rise in the AMT for individuals as a problem with the tax code.[107] Through 2007, the revised AMT had brought in more tax revenue than the former tax code, which has made it difficult for Congress to reform.[106][108] Economist Paul Krugman argued the economic expansion during the Reagan administration was primarily the result of the business cycle and the monetary policy by Paul Volcker.[109] Krugman argues that there was nothing unusual about the economy under Reagan because unemployment was reducing from a high peak and that it is consistent with Keynesian economics for the economy to grow as employment increases if inflation remains low.[110] Krugman has also criticized Reaganomics from the standpoint of wealth and income inequality. He argues that the Reagan era tax cuts ended the post-World War II "Great Compression" of wealth held by the rich.[111] The CBO Historical Tables indicate that federal spending during Reagan's two terms (FY 1981–88) averaged 22.4% GDP, well above the 20.6% GDP average from 1971 to 2009. In addition, the public debt rose from 26.1% GDP in 1980 to 41.0% GDP by 1988. In dollar terms, the public debt rose from $712 billion in 1980 to $2,052 billion in 1988, a three-fold increase.[32] Krugman argued in June 2012 that Reagan's policies were consistent with Keynesian stimulus theories, pointing to the significant increase in per-capita spending under Reagan.[112] William Niskanen noted that during the Reagan years, privately held federal debt increased from 22% to 38% of GDP, despite a long peacetime expansion. Second, the savings and loan problem led to an additional debt of about $125 billion. Third, greater enforcement of U.S. trade laws increased the share of U.S. imports subjected to trade restrictions from 12% in 1980 to 23% in 1988.[6] Economists Raghuram Rajan and Luigi Zingales pointed out that many deregulation efforts had either taken place or had begun before Reagan (note the deregulation of airlines and trucking under Carter, and the beginning of deregulatory reform in railroads, telephones, natural gas, and banking). They stated, "The move toward markets preceded the leader [Reagan] who is seen as one of their saviors."[113] Economists Paul Joskow and Roger Noll made a similar contention.[114] Economist William A. Niskanen, a member of Reagan's Council of Economic Advisers wrote that deregulation had the "lowest priority" of the items on the Reagan agenda[6] given that Reagan "failed to sustain the momentum for deregulation initiated in the 1970s" and that he "added more trade barriers than any administration since Hoover." By contrast, economist Milton Friedman has pointed to the number of pages added to the Federal Register each year as evidence of Reagan's anti-regulation presidency (the Register records the rules and regulations that federal agencies issue per year). The number of pages added to the Register each year declined sharply at the start of the Ronald Reagan presidency breaking a steady and sharp increase since 1960. The increase in the number of pages added per year resumed an upward, though less steep, trend after Reagan left office. In contrast, the number of pages being added each year increased under Ford, Carter, George H. W. Bush, Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama.[115] The number of pages in Federal Register is however criticized as an extremely crude measure of regulatory activity, because it can be easily manipulated (e.g. font sizes have been changed to keep page count low).[116] The apparent contradiction between Niskanen's statements and Friedman's data may be resolved by seeing Niskanen as referring to statutory deregulation (laws passed by Congress) and Friedman to administrative deregulation (rules and regulations implemented by federal agencies). A 2016 study by the Congressional Research Service found that Reagan's average annual number of final federal regulatory rules published in the Federal Register was higher than during the Clinton, George W. Bush or Obama's administrations, even though the Reagan economy was considerably smaller than during those later presidents.[117] Another study by the QuantGov project of the libertarian Mercatus Center found that the Reagan administration added restrictive regulations — containing such terms as "shall," "prohibited" or "may not" — at a faster average annual rate than did Clinton, Bush or Obama.[118] Greg Mankiw, a conservative Republican economist who served as chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush, wrote in 2007: I used the phrase "charlatans and cranks" in the first edition of my principles textbook to describe some of the economic advisers to Ronald Reagan, who told him that broad-based income tax cuts would have such large supply-side effects that the tax cuts would raise tax revenue. I did not find such a claim credible, based on the available evidence. I never have, and I still don't ... My other work has remained consistent with this view. In a paper on dynamic scoring, written while I was working at the White House, Matthew Weinzierl and I estimated that a broad-based income tax cut (applying to both capital and labor income) would recoup only about a quarter of the lost revenue through supply-side growth effects. For a cut in capital income taxes, the feedback is larger — about 50 percent — but still well under 100 percent. A chapter on dynamic scoring in the 2004 Economic Report of the President says about the same thing.[119] Glenn Hubbard, who preceded Mankiw as Bush's CEA chair, also disputed the assertion that tax cuts increase tax revenues, writing in his 2003 Economic Report of the President: "Although the economy grows in response to tax reductions (because of higher consumption in the short run and improved incentives in the long run), it is unlikely to grow so much that lost tax revenue is completely recovered by the higher level of economic activity."[120] In 1986, Martin Feldstein — a self-described "traditional supply sider" who served as Reagan's chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1982 to 1984 — characterized the "new supply siders" who emerged circa 1980: What distinguished the new supply siders from the traditional supply siders as the 1980s began was not the policies they advocated but the claims that they made for those policies ... The "new" supply siders were much more extravagant in their claims. They projected rapid growth, dramatic increases in tax revenue, a sharp rise in saving, and a relatively painless reduction in inflation. The height of supply side hyperbole was the "Laffer curve" proposition that the tax cut would actually increase tax revenue because it would unleash an enormously depressed supply of effort. Another remarkable proposition was the claim that even if the tax cuts did lead to an increased budget deficit, that would not reduce the funds available for investment in plant and equipment because tax changes would raise the saving rate by enough to finance the increased deficit ... Nevertheless, I have no doubt that the loose talk of the supply side extremists gave fundamentally good policies a bad name and led to quantitative mistakes that not only contributed to subsequent budget deficits but that also made it more difficult to modify policy when those deficits became apparent.[121] See also icon1980s portaliconEconomics portaliconPolitics portalflagUnited States portal Abenomics Bidenomics Clintonomics Mellonomics Monetarism Mont Pelerin Society Economic liberalism Fiscal conservatism Neoliberalism Orbanomics Phillips curve Rogernomics Thatcherism Footnotes Holley, Joe (March 1, 2009). "Broadcaster Delivered 'The Rest of the Story'". The Washington Post. Retrieved March 1, 2009. Springer, Simon; Birch, Kean; MacLeavy, Julie, eds. (2016). The Handbook of Neoliberalism. Routledge. pp. 3, 65, 144. ISBN 978-1138844001. Gerstle, Gary (2022). The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era. Oxford University Press. pp. 121–128. ISBN 978-0197519646. Bartel, Fritz (2022). The Triumph of Broken Promises: The End of the Cold War and the Rise of Neoliberalism. Harvard University Press. pp. 18–19. ISBN 9780674976788. Domitrovic, Brian (December 2, 2018). "George H. W. Bush's Voodoo Rhetoric". Forbes. "Bush used the term in the 1980 Pennsylvania primary as Reagan endorsed New York Rep. Jack Kemp's proposal for a 30% cut in income-tax rates. Bush was clear about what was "voodoo" about the tax cut. It would result in an increase in the inflation rate of the same magnitude. A 30% tax cut would result in an additional 30 percentage points of inflation." Niskanen, William A. (1992). "Reaganomics". In David R. Henderson (ed.). Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (1st ed.). Library of Economics and Liberty. OCLC 317650570, 50016270, 163149563 "Reagan's Economic Legacy". Bloomberg Businessweek. June 21, 2004. Retrieved July 2, 2018. Dinesh D'Souza (1997). Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader. Touchstone. pp. 124–125. ISBN 0-684-84823-6. "Reagan Policies Gave Green Light to Red Ink". The Washington Post. June 9, 2004. Retrieved May 25, 2007. Paul Krugman (2007). The Conscience of a Liberal. W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-06069-0. Greenspan, Alan (2007). The Age of Turbulence. Penguin Press. Porter, Roger B. (1983). "Perspectives on Productivity: America's Productivity Challenge in the 1980s". Public Productivity Review. 7 (1): 68–81. doi:10.2307/3380361. ISSN 0361-6681. JSTOR 3380361. Cooper, James (2012). Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. doi:10.1057/9781137283665. ISBN 978-1-349-33847-4. "Federal Surplus or Deficit [-] as Percent of Gross Domestic Product". March 28, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "The Fortune Encyclopedia of Economics" edited by: David R. Henderson, http://lf-oll.s3.amazonaws.com/titles/1064/0145_Bk.pdf (p.290) "Table 1.3—Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or Deficits (-) in Current Dollars, Constant (FY 2009) Dollars, and as Percentages of GDP: 1940–2023". June 14, 2018. Retrieved June 14, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Real GDP per Employed Person in the United States (DISCONTINUED)". December 10, 2012. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Business Sector: Real Output Per Hour of All Persons". June 6, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Federal Net Outlays as Percent of GDP for United States". January 1929. Retrieved April 1, 2017. "Reagonomics or 'voodoo economics'?". BBC News. June 5, 2004. Retrieved January 4, 2012. McFadden, Robert D. (October 2, 1981). "Reagan Cites Islamic Scholar". The New York Times. "Executive Order 12287 – Decontrol of Crude Oil and Refined Petroleum Products". January 28, 1981. Joseph J. Thorndike (November 10, 2005). "Historical Perspective: The Windfall Profit Tax". Retrieved August 14, 2013. Mitchell, Daniel J. (July 19, 1996). "The Historical Lessons of Lower Tax Rates". The Heritage Foundation. Archived from the original on May 30, 2007. Retrieved May 22, 2007. Paul Krugman (June 8, 2004). "The Great Taxer". The New York Times. Retrieved August 30, 2011. "Taxes: What people forget about Reagan". Brownlee, Elliot; Graham, Hugh Davis (2003). The Reagan Presidency: Pragmatic Conservatism & Its Legacies. Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press. pp. 172–173. Steuerle, C. Eugene (1992). The Tax Decade: How Taxes Came to Dominate the Public Agenda. Washington D.C.: The Urban Institute Press. p. 122. ISBN 0-87766-523-0. "U.S. Federal Individual Income Tax Rates History, 1913–2011 (Nominal and Inflation-Adjusted Brackets)". Tax Foundation. September 9, 2011. Archived from the original on January 16, 2013. Retrieved August 12, 2012. "The Tragic Death of the Temporary Tax Cut". Time. October 1, 2011. Retrieved December 1, 2011. Feldstein, Martin (October 24, 2011). "The tax reform evidence from 1986". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved January 21, 2012. "CBO Historical Tables" (PDF). Retrieved January 4, 2012. "The Hidden Entitlements: Capital Gains". Citizens for Tax Justice. Archived from the original on April 18, 2012. Retrieved August 15, 2012. Kocieniewski, David (January 18, 2012). "Since 1980s, the Kindest of Tax Cuts for the Rich". The New York Times. Retrieved January 21, 2012. Historical tables, Budget of the United States Government Archived April 17, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, 2013, table 6.1. "Effective Federal Tax Rates: 1979–2001" (PDF). Bureau of Economic Analysis. July 10, 2007. "The Democratic Fisc". The Wall Street Journal. July 25, 2012. Retrieved March 22, 2011. "US Federal Deficit as Percentage of GDP by Year". www.multpl.com. "Presidential Spending". February 19, 2016. Retrieved June 25, 2018. "Historical Debt Outstanding". U.S. Treasury Department. Retrieved September 8, 2010. Cannon, Lou (2001) p. 128 Niskanen continues: "It is not clear whether this measure [reduce bias, increase effective tax rate on new investment] was a net improvement in the tax code." Paul Craig Roberts (August 31, 1992). "Debt, Lies, and Inflation". National Review. Archived from the original on April 24, 2011. Retrieved February 27, 2010. Gardner, Jennifer M. (1994). "The 1990–1991 Recession: How Bad was the Labor Market?" (PDF). Monthly Labor Review. U.S. Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor Statistics. 117 (6): 3–11. Retrieved April 6, 2011. "Gross Domestic Product". Bureau of Economic Analysis. July 27, 2012. Archived from the original (Microsoft Excel spreadsheet) on August 14, 2018. Retrieved August 15, 2012. "Civilian Unemployment Rate". U.S. Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor Statistics. August 3, 2012. Retrieved August 12, 2012. "Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey: Employment status of the civilian noninstitutional population, 1941 to date". U.S. Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved August 12, 2012. "All Employees: Total Nonfarm Payrolls". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "All Employees: Manufacturing". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "History of Federal Minimum Wage Rates Under the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1938–2009". United States Department of Labor: Wage and Hour Division (WHD). Retrieved December 27, 2009. "Bank Prime Loan Rate". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers: All Items". June 12, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "The Great Inflation | Federal Reserve History". www.federalreservehistory.org. "Tax Analysts -- Reaganomics -- A Report Card". www.taxhistory.org. Retrieved June 12, 2018. "US Misery Index - Index by President". www.miseryindex.us. Retrieved June 12, 2018. "Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2007" by the Census Bureau, https://www.census.gov/prod/2008pubs/p60-235.pdf (Table A-1 on p. 27) "All Employees: Total Nonfarm Payrolls". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Civilian Unemployment Rate". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 15, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Civilian Labor Force Participation Rate". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 15, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "All Employees, Total Nonfarm". January 1939. "The Truth About September 1983, the Month Ronald Reagan Supposedly Created 1.1 Million Jobs". Business Insider. "AMERICAN REVIVAL IN MANUFACTURING SEEN IN U.S. REPORT". The New York Times. February 5, 1991. Retrieved June 14, 2018. "Real Gross Domestic Product". May 30, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Real gross domestic product per capita". May 30, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Real compensation, 1979 to 2003: analysis from several data sources" (PDF). Bureau, US Census. "Historical Income Tables: Households". www.census.gov. Retrieved June 13, 2018. "Real Median Family Income in the United States". September 13, 2017. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Real Mean Personal Income in the United States". September 13, 2017. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Households and nonprofit organizations; net worth, Level". June 7, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Index of /programs-surveys/cps/tables/time-series/historical-poverty-people". www2.census.gov. Retrieved June 12, 2018. Peter Dreier (2004). "Reagan's Legacy: Homelessness in America". National Housing Institute. Archived from the original on October 27, 2004. Retrieved April 29, 2011. Kirk, Mimi (May 13, 2020). "How the Streets Got So Mean". Bloomberg. Retrieved July 14, 2023. Mitchell, Don (2020). Mean Streets: Homelessness, Public Space, and the Limits of Capital. University of Georgia Press. p. 62. ISBN 9-780-8203-5690-7. Steven V. Roberts (December 23, 1988). "Reagan on Homelessness: Many Choose to Live in the Streets". The New York Times. Retrieved January 4, 2012. "Federal Budget Receipts and Outlays". Presidency.ucsb.edu. Retrieved January 4, 2012. "Table 4.A1 – Old-Age and Survivors Insurance, selected years 1937–2007 (in millions of dollars)" (PDF). U.S. Social Security Administration. Retrieved August 12, 2012. Christopher Frenze (April 1996). "The Reagan Tax Cuts: Lessons for Tax Reform". U.S. Congress, Joint Economic Committee. Archived from the original on February 26, 2009. Retrieved March 22, 2011. "An Analysis of President Reagan's Budget Revisions for Fiscal Year 1982-See Table 4" (PDF). cbo.gov. March 25, 1981. Thorndike, Joseph J (June 14, 2004). "Historical Perspective: The Reagan Legacy". Taxhistory.org. Retrieved November 28, 2007. Treasury Department (September 1, 2006). "Revenue Effects of Major Tax Bills" (PDF). United States Department of the Treasury. Working Paper 81, Table 2. Retrieved November 28, 2007. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Federal government current tax receipts". January 1947. Agresti, James D. and Stephen F. Cardone (January 27, 2011).Social Security Facts. Retrieved March 22, 2011. "The Downmarketing Of Tax Shelters". Tax Policy Center. January 18, 2018. Retrieved January 18, 2018. "Table 1.3 – Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or Deficits (-) in Current Dollars, Constant (FY 2005) Dollars, and as Percentages of GDP: 1940–2015" (xls). Office of Management and Budget. Retrieved October 12, 2010. "Federal Debt Held by the Public". May 31, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Federal Surplus or Deficit as Percent of Gross Domestic Product, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis". January 1929. "CBO-Budget and Economic Outlook 2018-2028-Historical Data-Retrieved June 25, 2018". April 9, 2018. "The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2014 to 2024" (PDF). Congressional Budget Office. Retrieved August 9, 2022. "The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2014 to 2024". February 4, 2014. Retrieved June 12, 2018. "Corporate Profits After Tax (without IVA and CCAdj)". May 30, 2018. Retrieved June 13, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "^SPX - S&P 500 - U.S." Stooq. Retrieved August 19, 2022. "Shares of gross domestic product: Gross private domestic investment". April 27, 2018. Retrieved June 16, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "Shares of gross domestic product: Government consumption expenditures and gross investment: Federal". April 27, 2018. Retrieved June 14, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) "All Employees: Government: Federal". June 1, 2018. Retrieved June 14, 2018. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) AP (November 11, 1987). "Reagan Would Elevate V.A. to Cabinet Level". The New York Times. Retrieved June 14, 2018. Chapman, Steve (November 28, 1996). "Unplug the DOE!". Slate. Retrieved June 14, 2018. "The Economist-The rich, the poor and the growing gap between them-June 2006". The Economist. June 15, 2006. "CBO-The Distribution of Household Income, 2014-Refer to Supplemental Data for Exact Figures-March 19, 2018". March 19, 2018. "Federal Reserve Economic Data-All Employees Total Non-Farm-Retrieved July 29, 2018". January 1939. "FRED-Real GDP-Retrieved July 1, 2018". January 1947. (October 22, 1996) – Supply-Side Tax Cuts and the Truth about the Reagan Economic Record, by William A. Niskanen and Stephen Moore "The Real Free Lunch: Markets and Private Property" (PDF). Retrieved June 12, 2018. Yale, Burton. "Reaganomics and Conservatism's Future: Two Lectures in China". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved June 12, 2018. "U.S. Federal Individual Income Tax Rates History, 1913-2011 (Nominal and Inflation-Adjusted Brackets) | Tax Foundation". Archived from the original on August 5, 2012. Retrieved August 11, 2012. Ferrara, Peter (May 5, 2011).Reaganomics Vs. Obamanomics: Facts And Figures. Forbes Leiserson, Greg (2008). "The Individual Alternative Minimum Tax: Historical Data and Projections" (PDF). Brookings Institution & Urban Institute. Retrieved July 29, 2008. "National Taxpayer Advocate 2006 Annual Report to Congress – Executive Summary" (PDF). Internal Revenue Service. Retrieved July 29, 2008. Hulse, Carl; Lee, Suevon (2008). "Alternative Minimum Tax". The New York Times. Retrieved July 29, 2008. Roubini, Nouriel (1997). "Supply Side Economics: Do Tax Rate Cuts Increase Growth and Revenues and Reduce Budget Deficits ? Or Is It Voodoo Economics All Over Again?". Stern School of Business. Retrieved January 10, 2012. Krugman 2004: "The secret of the long climb after 1982 was the economic plunge that preceded it. By the end of 1982 the recession in U.S. economy was deeply depressed, with the worst unemployment rate since the Great Depression. So there was plenty of room to grow before the economy returned to anything like full employment." Krugman, Paul. The Conscience of a Liberal, 2007, W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-06069-1 p. 46-48, 145. Krugman, Paul (June 7, 2012). "Opinion - Reagan Was a Keynesian". The New York Times. Retrieved June 12, 2018. Saving Capitalism from the Capitalists p. 268. American Economic Policy in the 1980s, ed. Martin Feldstein, NBER 1994, pp. 371–72. Friedman, Milton (June 11, 2004). "Freedom's Friend". The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on September 27, 2006. Retrieved December 30, 2006. James Gattuso (September 28, 2004). "Reining in the Regulators: How Does President Bush Measure Up?". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved August 21, 2011. "Counting Regulations: An Overview of Rulemaking, Types of Federal Regulations, and Pages in the Federal Register" (PDF). FAS Project on Government Secrecy. September 3, 2019. Retrieved August 10, 2022. "Trump's Numbers - FactCheck.org". January 19, 2018. Retrieved June 12, 2018. "Greg Mankiw's Blog: On Charlatans and Cranks". Retrieved June 16, 2018. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on November 14, 2017. Retrieved June 16, 2018. Feldstein, Martin. "NBER Working Paper Series" (PDF). National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved August 9, 2022. References Bienkowski Wojciech, Brada Josef, Radlo Mariusz-Jan eds. (2006) Reaganomics Goes Global. What Can the EU, Russia and Transition Countries Learn from the USA?, Palgrave Macmillan. Boskin Michael J. (1987) Reagan and the US Economy. The Successes, Failures, and Unfinished Agenda, ICEG. Krugman, Paul (June 11, 2004). "An Economic Legend". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved March 25, 2010. Niskanen, William A. (1988) Reaganomics: An Insider's Account of the Policies and the People, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Marable Manning. (1981) Reaganism, Racism, and Reaction: Black Political Realignment in the 1980s, Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Bowser, Benjamin. (1985) Race Relations in the 1980s: The Case of the United States, Sage Publications Incorporated. Further reading Jonathan Chait, The Big Con: Crackpot Economics and the Fleecing of America, 2008, Mariner Books (Re-print edition), ISBN 0547085702 Brian Domitrovic, Econoclasts: The Rebels Who Sparked the Supply-Side Revolution and Restored American Prosperity (Culture of Enterprise Series), 2009, Intercollegiate Studies Institute, ISBN 193519125X Michael Lind, Up From Conservatism: Why the Right is Wrong for America, 1996, Free Press, ISBN 0684827611 Lawrence B. Lindsey, The Growth Experiment: How the New Tax Policy is Transforming the U.S. Economy, 1990, Basic Books, New York, ISBN 978-0465050703

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Russell Charles Means (November 10, 1939 – October 22, 2012) was an Oglala Lakota activist for the rights of Native Americans, libertarian political activist, actor, musician and writer. He became a prominent member of the American Indian Movement (AIM) after joining the organization in 1968 and helped organize notable events that attracted national and international media coverage. Means was active in international issues of indigenous peoples, including working with groups in Central and South America and with the United Nations for recognition of their rights. He was active in politics at his native Pine Ridge Indian Reservation and at the state and national level. Beginning an acting career in 1992, he appeared on numerous television series and in several films, including The Last of the Mohicans and Pocahontas and released his own music CD. Means published his autobiography Where White Men Fear to Tread in 1995. Early life Means was born on November 10, 1939, in Porcupine, South Dakota, on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation,[1] to Theodora Louise Feather and Walter "Hank" Means.[2] His mother was a Yankton Dakota from Greenwood, South Dakota and his father, an Oglala Lakota.[3] Russell had three biological brothers, Dace, and twins William and Theodore. He was given the name Waŋblí Ohítika by his mother, which means 'Brave Eagle' in the Lakota language.[2] In 1942, the Means family resettled in the San Francisco Bay Area, seeking to escape the poverty and problems of the reservation. His father worked at the shipyard in Vallejo.[4][5] Means grew up in the Bay Area, graduating in 1958 from San Leandro High School in San Leandro, California.[3] He attended four colleges but did not graduate from any of them.[6] In his 1995 autobiography, Means recounted a harsh childhood; his father was alcoholic and he himself fell into years of "truancy, crime and drugs" before finding purpose in the American Indian Movement in Minneapolis, Minnesota.[4] His father died in 1967 and, in his twenties, Means lived in several Indian reservations throughout the United States while searching for work. While at the Rosebud Indian Reservation in south-central South Dakota, he developed severe vertigo. Physicians at the reservation clinic believed that he had been brought in inebriated. After they refused to examine him for several days, Means was finally diagnosed with a concussion due to a presumed fight in a saloon. A visiting specialist later discovered that the reservation doctors had overlooked a common ear infection, which cost Means the hearing in one ear.[2] After recovering from the infection, Means worked for a year in the Office of Economic Opportunity, where he came to know several legal activists who were managing legal action on behalf of the Lakota people. After a dispute with his supervisor, Means left Rosebud for Cleveland, Ohio. In Cleveland, he worked with Native American community leaders against the backdrop of the American Civil Rights Movement.[2] Involvement with the American Indian Movement In 1968, Means joined the American Indian Movement (AIM), where he rose to become a prominent leader. In 1970, Means was appointed AIM's first national director, and the organization began a period of increasing protests and activism.[7] Activism See also: Wounded Knee Incident Means participated in the 1969 Alcatraz occupation. He had been there once before, to occupy it for 24 hours under the lead of his father, Walter "Hank" Means, and a few other Lakota men in March 1964.[2] (Means' father died in January 1967).[2] On Thanksgiving Day 1970, Means and other AIM activists staged their first protest in Boston: they seized the Mayflower II, a replica ship of the Mayflower, to protest the Puritans' and United States' mistreatment of Native Americans.[7] In 1971 Means was one of the leaders of AIM's takeover of Mount Rushmore, a federal monument. Rushmore is within the Black Hills, an area sacred to the Lakota tribe.[2] In November 1972, he participated in AIM's occupation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) headquarters in Washington, D.C., to protest abuses. Many records were taken or destroyed, and more than $2 million in damage was done to the building.[2] In 1973, Dennis Banks and Carter Camp led AIM's occupation of Wounded Knee, which became the group's best-known action.[7] Means appeared as a spokesman and prominent leader. The armed standoff of more than 300 Lakota and AIM activists with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and state law enforcement lasted for 71 days. Frank Clearwater, a visiting Cherokee activist from North Carolina, and Lawrence "Buddy" Lamont, an Oglala Lakota activist from Pine Ridge Reservation, were killed in April. African-American activist Ray Robinson disappeared and is assumed to be buried in the hills. Native American politics In 1974, Means resigned from AIM to run for the presidency of his native Oglala Sioux Tribe (OST) against the incumbent Richard Wilson. The official vote count showed Wilson winning by more than 200 votes. Residents complained of intimidation by Wilson's private militia. The report of a government investigation confirmed problems in the election, but in a related court challenge to the results of the election, a federal court upheld the results. In the late 1970s, Means turned to an international forum on issues of rights for indigenous peoples. He worked with Jimmie Durham, who established the offices of the International Indian Treaty Council to work with the United Nations in 1977. At the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, he assisted in the organization of community institutions, such as the KILI radio station and the Porcupine Health Clinic in Porcupine, South Dakota. Means also traveled to Germany traveled behind the Iron Curtain to meet with East German AIM supporters and he travelled to Switzerland to take part in the Geneva human rights conference.[8] Means and Ojibwe Dennis Banks were by the mid-1970s the best known Native Americans since Lakota war leaders Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, who led the attack that defeated the forces of General Custer at The Battle of Little Big Horn, also known as The Battle of the Greasy Grass.[9] Splits in AIM In the 1980s, AIM divided into several competing factions, in part over differences among members regarding support for the indigenous peoples in Nicaragua. Means supported the Miskito group MISURASATA (later known as YATAMA), which was allied with the Contras. He traveled to Nicaragua in 1985 and 1986 on fact-finding tours. He came to believe that the Miskito as a people were being targeted for elimination.[10] Some AIM members supported the Sandinistas of the national government, although they had forced removal of thousands of Miskito from their traditional territory. On January 8, 1988, Means held a press conference to announce his retirement from AIM, saying it had achieved its goals.[11] That January, the "AIM Grand Governing Council", headed by the Bellecourt brothers, released a press release noting this was the sixth resignation by Means since 1974, and asking the press to "never again report either that he is a founder of the American Indian Movement, or [that] he is a leader of the American Indian Movement". The "AIM Grand Governing Council" noted there were many open issues and legislation regarding Native Americans for which they were continuing to work.[12] In 1993, the organization divided officially into two main factions: "AIM Grand Governing Council", based in Minnesota, which copyrighted the name "American Indian movement"; and American Indian Movement Confederation of Autonomous Chapters, based in Colorado and allied with Means and Ward Churchill. Anna Mae Aquash Main article: Anna Mae Aquash On November 3, 1999, Means and Robert Pictou-Branscombe, a maternal cousin of Aquash from Canada, held a press conference in Denver at the Federal Building to discuss the slow progress of the government's investigation into Aquash's murder. It had been under investigation both by the Denver police, as Aquash had been kidnapped from there, and by the FBI, as she had been taken across state lines and killed on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Both Branscombe and Means accused Vernon Bellecourt, a high-ranking leader of AIM, of having ordered her execution. Means said that Clyde Bellecourt, a founder of AIM, had ensured that it was carried out at the Pine Ridge Reservation. Means said that an AIM tribunal had banned the Bellecourt brothers but tried to keep the reason for the dissension internal to protect AIM.[13] The Associated Press (AP) reporter Robert Weller noted that this was the first time that an AIM leader active at the time of Aquash's death had publicly implicated AIM in her murder. There had long been rumors.[14] Means and Branscombe accused three indigenous people: Arlo Looking Cloud, Theda Nelson Clarke and John Graham, of having been directly involved in the kidnapping and murder of Aquash.[13] The two men were indicted in 2003 and convicted in separate trials in 2004 and 2010, respectively. By then in a nursing home, Clarke was not indicted. As of 2004, Means' website stated that he was a board member of the Colorado AIM chapter, which is affiliated with the AIM Confederation of Autonomous Chapters.[15] Other political involvement Russell Means speaks against the War on Terror at a DC Anti-War Network's anti-war protest on November 11, 2001. Since the late 1970s, Means often supported libertarian political causes, in contrast with several other AIM leaders. In 1983 he agreed to become running mate to Larry Flynt in his unsuccessful run for U.S. President.[10] In 1987, Means ran for nomination of President of the United States under the Libertarian Party, and attracted considerable support within the party, finishing 2nd (31.4%) at the 1987 Libertarian National Convention.[16] He lost the nomination to Congressman Ron Paul.[17] In 2001, Means began an independent candidacy for Governor of New Mexico. His campaign failed to satisfy procedural requirements and he was not selected for the ballot. In the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections, Means supported independent Ralph Nader. Nearly thirty years after his first candidacy, Means ran for president of the Oglala Sioux in 2004 with the help of Twila Lebeaux, losing to Cecilia Fire Thunder, the first woman elected president of the tribe. She also defeated the incumbent John Yellow Bird Steele.[18] Since the late 20th century, there has been a debate in the United States over the appropriate term for the indigenous peoples of North America. Some want to be called Native American; others prefer American Indian. Means said that he preferred "American Indian", arguing that it derives not from explorers' confusion of the people with those of India, but from the Italian expression in Dio, meaning "in God".[19][20] In addition, Means noted that since treaties and other legal documents in relation to the United States government use "Indian", continuing use of the term could help today's American Indian people forestall any attempts by others to use legal loopholes in the struggle over land and treaty rights. In 2007, Means and 80 other protesters were arrested in Denver during a parade for Columbus Day which they stated was a "celebration of genocide".[10] Following the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007, a group of American Indian activists presented a letter to the U.S. State Department, indicating they were withdrawing from all treaties with the U.S. Government on December 20. Means announced the withdrawal by a small group of Lakota people.[21] That same month, they began contacting foreign governments to solicit support for energy projects on the territory. Means and a delegation of activists declared the Republic of Lakotah a sovereign nation, with property rights over thousands of square miles in South Dakota, North Dakota, Nebraska, Wyoming and Montana.[22][23] Means said that his group does not "represent collaborators, the Vichy Indians and those tribal governments set up by the United States of America".[24] On January 8, 2008, tribal leaders in the northern Great Plains, Rodney Bordeaux of the 25,000-member Rosebud Sioux Tribe, and Joseph Brings Plenty of the 8,500-member Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe, said that Means and the group of his fellow activists would not speak for their members or for any elected Lakota tribal government. While acknowledging that Means has accurately portrayed the federal government's broken promises to and treaties with America's indigenous peoples, they opposed his plan to renounce treaties with the United States and proclaim independence. They said the issue instead was to enforce existing treaties.[25] Means was critical of Obama receiving the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize, and also when Al Gore and Henry Kissinger received their Nobel Peace Prizes. He also criticized the U.S. interventionist foreign policy, the War in Afghanistan, and referred to Obama's presidency as "Bush's third term."[26] In January 2012, Means announced his endorsement of Republican Ron Paul in his bid for president.[27] Other activities Acting From 1992 to 2012, Means appeared as an actor in numerous films and television movies, first as the chief Chingachgook in The Last of the Mohicans. He appeared as Arrowhead in the made-for-TV movie The Pathfinder (1996), his second appearance in a movie adapted from a novel by James Fenimore Cooper. He appeared in Natural Born Killers (1994), as Jim Thorpe in Windrunner (1994),[28] as Sitting Bull in Buffalo Girls (1995), and had a cameo in the miniseries Into the West (2005). He was a voice actor in Disney's third highest-selling feature film Pocahontas (1995) and its sequel Pocahontas II: Journey to a New World (1998), playing the title character's father, Chief Powhatan. Means was a guest actor in the 1997 Duckman episode "Role With It", in which Duckman takes his family on an educational trip to a "genuine Indian reservation" – which turns out to be a casino.[29] Means appeared as Billy Twofeathers in Thomas & the Magic Railroad (2000). Means starred in Pathfinder, a 2007 movie about Vikings battling Native Americans in the New World. Means co-starred in Rez Bomb from director Steven Lewis Simpson, the first feature he acted in on his native Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. He appeared alongside Tamara Feldman, Trent Ford, and Chris Robinson. Means was also a prominent contributor to Steven Lewis Simpson's feature documentary about Pine Ridge Indian Reservations, A Thunder-Being Nation. In 2004, Means made a guest appearance on the HBO program Curb Your Enthusiasm. Means played Wandering Bear, an American Indian with skills in landscaping and herbal medicine. Writing In 1995, Means published an autobiography, Where White Men Fear to Tread, written with Marvin J. Wolf. He recounted his own family's problems: his alcoholic father, and his own "fall into truancy, crime and drugs" before he discovered the American Indian Movement. The book drew criticism from a number of reviewers.[4][30][31][32][33] While Patricia Holt, book editor for the San Francisco Chronicle wrote of the book, "It's American history – warts, wounds and all."[4] In another review, writer Mari Wadsworth of the Tucson Weekly wrote: "Critical readers do well to remain skeptical of any individual, however charismatic, who claims to be the voice of authority and authenticity for any population, let alone one as diverse as the native tribes of the Americas. But whatever conclusions one makes of Means' actions and intentions, his unremitting presence and undaunted outspokenness opened a dialogue that changed the course of American history."[33] Music, art, and media Russell Means recorded a CD entitled Electric Warrior with Sound of America Records, in 1993.[34] Songs include "Une Gente Indio", "Hey You, Hey Indian", "Wounded Knee Set Us Free", and "Indian Cars Go Far". This was followed in 2007 with his The Radical album, which included the controversial song "Waco: The White Man's Wounded Knee". In 2013, he was recognized by the Native American Music Awards with a Hall of Fame award.[35] Means was an avid painter, with showings at various galleries around the country and the world.[citation needed] The American pop artist Andy Warhol painted 18 individual portraits of Russell Means in his 1976 American Indian Series. The Dayton Art Institute holds one of the Warhol portraits in its collection.[36] Means appeared as a character in the adventure video game Under a Killing Moon,[37] by Access Software, in 1994. Means is the focus of the 2014 documentary Conspiracy To Be Free by director Colter Johnson.[38] In 2016 the artist Magneto Dayo and The Lakota Medicine Men did a tribute song dedicated to Russell Means and Richard Oakes called "The Journey" on the album Royalty of the UnderWorld. In 1999, Russell taped six community television half-hour programs in Santa Monica, under the title of "The Russell Means Show" produced by Helene E. Hagan (Adelphia Coimmnications). As Host for the series, he interviewed guests Sacheen Littlefeather, Greg Sarris, Kateri Walker and Redbone. The last two programs were Commentaries on Colonialism and Consumerism. The series has been archived at the Oglala Lakota College Library. In addition, Helene E. Hagan has authored two books about Russell Means : "Russell Means: The European Ancestry of a Militant Indian" (Xliibris, 2018) and "Wakinyan Zi Tiosppaye: The Case of Yellow Thunder Camp" (XLibris, 2022). Personal life Means was married five times; the first four marriages ended in divorce. He was married to his fifth wife, Pearl Means, until his death.[10] His wife Pearl died ten years later in May 2022, at the age of 62.[39][40] He had a total of ten children: seven biological children and three adopted children, who were "adopted in the Lakota way",[41] including Tatanka Means who is also an actor. As "a grandfather with twenty-two grandchildren", Russell Means divided his time "between Chinle, Navajo Nation, Arizona, and Porcupine, South Dakota."[2] Illness and death In August 2011, Means was diagnosed with esophageal cancer.[42][43] His doctors told him his condition was inoperable.[10] He told the Associated Press that he was rejecting "mainstream medical treatments in favor of traditional American Indian remedies and alternative treatments away from his home on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation".[44] In late September, Means reported that through tomotherapy, the tumor had diminished greatly.[45] Later, he said that his tumor was "95% gone."[46] On December 5 of that year, Means stated that he "beat cancer", and that he had beat "the death penalty."[47] The following year, however, his health continued to decline and he died on October 22, 2012, at age 72.[10] A family statement said, "Our dad and husband now walks among our ancestors."[48] ABC News said Means "spent a lifetime as a modern American Indian warrior ... , railed against broken treaties, fought for the return of stolen land and even took up arms against the federal government ... , called national attention to the plight of impoverished tribes and often lamented the waning of Indian culture."[49] Among the tributes was one writer's belief that "his face should have been on Mt. Rushmore."[50] The New York Times said Means "became as well-known a Native American as Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse."[51] Means was cremated and his ashes were sprinkled throughout the Black Hills. Legal issues On December 29, 1997, Means, then 58, was arrested for assault and battery of his 56-year-old father-in-law Leon Grant, a member of the Diné (Navajo) Nation. AIM Grand Governing Council issued a press release to reiterate its separation from Means.[31] Filmography Film The Last of the Mohicans (1992) – Chingachgook Windrunner (1994) – Wa Tho Huck / Jim Thorpe / Country Ghost Wagons East (1994) – Chief Natural Born Killers (1994) – Old Indian PahaSapa... The Struggle for the Black Hills (1994) – Himself Buffalo Girls (1995, TV Mini-Series) – Sitting Bull Pocahontas (1995) – Chief Powhatan (voice) The Pathfinder (1996, TV Movie) – Arrowhead The Song of Hiawatha (1997) – Mudjekeewis Pocahontas II: Journey to a New World (1998) – Chief Powhatan Black Cat Run (1998, TV Movie) – Ten Reed A League of Old Men (1998) – Imber[52] Wind River (2000) – Washakie Thomas and the Magic Railroad (2000) – Billy Twofeathers Cowboy Up (2001) – Joe 29 Palms (2002) – The Chief Black Cloud (2004) – Bud The Last Shot (2004) – Himself Pathfinder (2007) – Pathfinder Unearthed (2007) – Grandpa Intervention (2007) Rez Bomb (2008) – Dodds Reel Injun (2009, Documentary) – Himself Tiger Eyes (2012) – Willie Ortiz Days and Nights (2013) – Big Jim (final film role) Television Walker, Texas Ranger – Episode: "Plague" – Luther Iron Shirt (1996) The West – documentary TV series – Episodes: "The People" and "Fight No More Forever" (Voice) (1996) Touched by an Angel – Episode : "Written in Dust" – Edison (1996) Remember WENN – Episode: "And How!" – Joseph Greyhawk (1997) Duckman – Episode: "Role With It" – Thomas (1997) Liberty's Kids – Episodes: "The New Frontier" and "Bostonians" (2002) The Profiler – Episode: "The Sorcerer's Apprentice" – Uncle Joe (1997) Nash Bridges – Episodes: "Downtime" and "Lady Killer" – Dexter Birdsong (1998) Black Cat Run (TV movie) – Ten Reed (1998)[53] Family Law – Episode: "Americans" - James Saginaw (2001) Curb Your Enthusiasm - Season 4 – Episode 8 – Wandering Bear (2004) Into the West – TV Mini-Series – 3 episodes – Older Running Fox (2005) American Experience – TV Series documentary – Episode: "We Shall Remain: Part V – Wounded Knee" – Himself (2009) Banshee (TV series) – Benjamin Longshadow (4 episodes) (2013) Other Appearances The Making of 'Pocahontas': A Legend Comes to Life – TV Movie documentary - Himself (Voice of 'Chief Powhatan') (1995) Images of Indians: How Hollywood Stereotyped the Native American – TV Movie documentary – Himself (2003) Looks Twice – Short – (2005) Wounded Heart: Pine Ridge and the Sioux – Video documentary – Himself / narrator (2006) Turok - Son of Stone Video (2008) Questions for Crazy Horse – Documentary – Himself (2010) The Sasquatch and The Girl – Short (2010) References Sirvaitis, Karen (September 1, 2001). South Dakota. Lerner Publications. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-8225-4070-0. Russell Means (November 15, 1996). Where White Men Fear to Tread: The Autobiography of Russell Means. Macmillan. pp. 17–. ISBN 978-0-312-14761-7. Retrieved November 1, 2012. Stark, Jessica (November 14, 2007). "Colonialism perfected on the American Indian: Activist Russell Means to offer insight, experience". Rice University: press release. Retrieved November 20, 2007. Holt, Patricia (November 5, 1995). "A Rebel's Justice: American Indian Movement leader Russell Means tells his own story of rage and healing". San Francisco Chronicle. Archived from the original on January 20, 2003. "A World Apart : Indian Activists Dennis Banks and Russell Means Are Back Together--but Hardly United--in a Forgotten Slice of America Called Wounded Knee". Los Angeles Times. June 15, 1986. Retrieved December 20, 2019. McFadden, Robert (October 22, 2012). "Russell Means, Who Revived Warrior Image of American Indian, Dies at 72". New York Times. Retrieved October 22, 2012. "Alcatraz is Not an Island: Indian Activism". PBS. 2002. Retrieved March 17, 2009. "Kindred by Choice | H. Glenn Penny". University of North Carolina Press. pp. 191, 193. Retrieved March 9, 2024. McFadden, Robert D. (October 30, 2017). "Dennis Banks, American Indian Civil Rights Leader, Dies at 80". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved March 9, 2024. McLellan, Dennis (October 23, 2012). "Russell Means dies at 72; American Indian rights activist, actor". Los Angeles Times. Tribune Company. Archived from the original on October 23, 2012. Retrieved October 24, 2012. "Indian activist Russell Means says he's retiring from AIM", AP, Attachment 3, Articles on Means, AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT GRAND GOVERNING COUNCIL AIM on Russell Means, Attachment 2. Retrieved June 17, 2011 "Russ Means holds press conference on Annie Mae's murder 11-3-99: Accuses Vernon and Clyde Bellecourt of ordering her Execution", News From Indian Country, November 3, 1999. Retrieved July 16, 2011 Robert Weller, "AQUASH MURDER CASE: AIM leaders point fingers at each other" Archived January 25, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, AP, at News From Indian Country, November 4, 1999. Retrieved July 17, 2011 Colorado AIM, Official Website "Freedom is for Everyone": Seattle Story Archived August 28, 2008, at the Wayback Machine; Mike Acree, Convention Reflections Archived December 26, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Golden Gate Libertarian Newsletter Archived December 26, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, July 2000. Caldwell, Christopher (July 22, 2007). "The Antiwar, Anti-Abortion, Anti-Drug-Enforcement-Administration, Anti-Medicare Candidacy of Dr. Ron Paul". The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved July 21, 2007. Sam Hurst, "Cecilia Fire Thunder a 'person of character'", Rapid City Journal, December 18, 2005. Retrieved June 5, 2011 Means, Russell. "Speech: For America to Live, Europe Must Die". "In dio" is found under the speeches tab. "I detest writing". Black Hills International Survival Gathering. First Nations Issues of Consequence. July 1980. Retrieved March 17, 2009. "Columbus called the tribal people he met 'Indio' from the Italian in dio, meaning 'in God.'" "Descendants of Sitting Bull, Crazy Horse break away from U.S.", AFP: Agence France-Presse, December 21, 2007. Retrieved June 17, 2011 Bill Harlan, "Lakota group secedes from U.S.", Rapid City Journal, December 20, 2007Archived August 23, 2009, at the Wayback Machine Jones, Ebony (December 30, 2007). "Lakota Indians want to break free from the U.S." UrbanSwirl.com-Lifestyles of Color. Archived from the original on October 12, 2014. Retrieved October 12, 2014. Faith Bremner, "Lakota group pushes for new nation" Archived January 11, 2008, at the Library of Congress Web Archives, Argus Leader, Washington Bureau, December 20, 2007 Gale Courey Toensing, "Withdrawal from U.S. treaties enjoys little support from tribal leaders", Indian Country Today, January 4, 2008 Russell Means Comments on Obama's Nobel Peace Prize, archived from the original on December 21, 2021, retrieved July 28, 2021 "Russell Means Endorses Ron Paul" on YouTube, January 26, 2012 "WindRunner". June 1, 1994 – via IMDb. Minovitz, Ethan (October 23, 2012). "Russell Means, 72, Was Pocahontas Actor, Activist". Big Cartoon News. Archived from the original on March 7, 2012. Retrieved October 23, 2012. Brent Staples, "Review: Russell Means, Where White Men Fear to Tread, New York Times Book Review, 15 October 1995 Malcolm Brenner, "AIM seeks distance from Russell Means", The Gallup Independent, January 8, 1998 Malcolm Brenner, "Where White Men Fear to Tread", Attachment 9, Collection of articles on Means, reproduced at AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT GRAND GOVERNING COUNCIL. Retrieved June 17, 2011 Mari Wadsworth, "Russell Means Business: From Indian Activist to Hollywood celeb", Tucson Weekly, December 15, 1997 "SOAR - Sound of America Record Distributors - specializes in Native American music". July 16, 2011. Archived from the original on July 16, 2011. "NATIVE AMERICAN MUSIC AWARDS". nativeamericanmusicawards.com. "AMERICAN INDIAN SERIES (RUSSELL MEANS), 1976". The Dayton Art Institute. Archived from the original on January 18, 2009. Retrieved March 13, 2008. "Tex Murphy - Under A Killing Moon". Microsoft. Archived from the original on July 27, 2013. "Russell Means, the Movie: Watch 20 Minutes of 'Conspiracy to Be Free'". Indian Country Today Media Network.com. Retrieved October 13, 2015. "Pearl Daniel-Means dies at 62". June 2022. "Diné Activist, Filmmaker and Author Pearl Daniel-Means Dies at 62". May 31, 2022. (Sherry Means, March 4, 2014, based on probate papers of October 19, 2014) "Russell Means: I'll come back as lightning". UPI.com. August 18, 2011. Retrieved October 12, 2011. McFadden, Robert D. (October 22, 2012). "Russell Means, Who Clashed With Law as He Fought for Indians, Is Dead at 72". New York Times. Lammers, Dirk (October 22, 2012). "Tribal spokeswoman says former American Indian Movement activist Russell Means dies at 72". The Washington Post. Tribune Company. Associated Press. Archived from the original on August 10, 2016. Rickert, Levi (September 23, 2011). "Russell Means Updates His Condition: Tumor Diminished Significantly". Native News Network. Archived from the original on December 10, 2011. Retrieved October 12, 2011. Russell Means (June 27, 2012). Infowars Nightly News. World News. Event occurs at 9:45. Retrieved October 22, 2012. "Former AIM activist Russell Means says he's cancer-free". St. Paul Pioneer Press. Associated Press. December 14, 2011. Coffman, Keith (October 22, 2012). "American Indian activist Russell Means dead at 72". Reuters. Retrieved October 22, 2012. "Longtime Indian Activist Russell Means Dies at 72". ABC News. October 22, 2012. Retrieved October 22, 2012. Hayden, Tom (October 23, 2012). "Remembering Russell Means". The Nation. Retrieved October 23, 2012. Peralta, Eyder (October 22, 2012). "Russell Means, Indian Activist And Actor, Dies". NPR. Retrieved October 22, 2012. "A League of Old Men" – via IMDb. "Black Cat Run". September 18, 1998 – via IMDb. 3 adopted in the Lakota way External links Wikinews has related news: Lakota activists declare secession from US Wikinews has related news: Lakota Freedom Delegation says spokesman Russell Means 'hijacked' organization Wikinews has related news: 'No treaty withdrawal', says Lakota elder Russell Means at IMDb “Russell Means, the Existential Indian,” Interview by Linda Brookover vte International Indigenous and minority rights vte (← 1984) 1988 United States presidential election (1992 →) Republican Party Convention Primaries results Candidates Nominee: George H. W. Bush campaign VP nominee: Dan Quayle Other candidates: Bob Dole Pete du Pont Ben Fernandez Alexander Haig Jack Kemp Paul Laxalt Isabell Masters Pat Robertson Donald Rumsfeld Harold Stassen Democratic Party Convention Primaries results Candidates Nominee: Michael Dukakis campaign VP nominee: Lloyd Bentsen Other candidates: Douglas Applegate Bruce Babbitt Joe Biden campaign positions David Duke Dick Gephardt Al Gore campaign Gary Hart Jesse Jackson campaign Lyndon LaRouche campaign positions Andy Martin Patricia Schroeder Paul Simon James Traficant Third-party and independent candidates Libertarian Party Convention Nominee: Ron Paul campaign positions VP nominee: Andre Marrou Other candidates: Jim Lewis Russell Means New Alliance Party Nominee: Lenora Fulani Populist Party Nominee: David Duke Prohibition Party Nominee: Earl Dodge VP nominee: George Ormsby Socialist Equality Party Nominee: Edward Winn Socialist Party Nominee: Willa Kenoyer VP nominee: Ron Ehrenreich Socialist Workers Party Nominee: James Warren VP nominee: Kathleen Mickells Workers World Party Nominee: Larry Holmes VP nominee: Gloria La Riva Independents and others Jack Herer Lyndon LaRouche Herbert G. Lewin William A. Marra Eugene McCarthy Other 1988 elections: House Senate Gubernatorial vte American Indian Movement Background Native Americans in the United States Indian termination policy Rainbow Coalition Red Power movement Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) Events The Longest Walk Mount Rushmore Occupation Occupation of Alcatraz Trail of Broken Treaties Bureau of Indian Affairs building takeover Wounded Knee Occupation Incident at Oglala Statue of Christopher Columbus toppling Related Bringing the Circle Together Little Earth National Council on Indian Opportunity Native American Day Red Power movement Republic of Lakotah Activist groups American Indian Movement of Colorado International Indian Treaty Council Mohawk Warrior Society National Amerindianist American Redman's Party Activists Aaron Carapella Anna Mae Aquash Beatrice Long Visitor Holy Dance Carter Camp Clyde Bellecourt Dennis Banks Dick Wilson Edgar Bear Runner Floyd Westerman Janet McCloud Jimmie Durham John Trudell Leonard Peltier Lorelei DeCora Means Mary Brave Bird Minnie Two Shoes Pura Fé Russell Means Philip Yenyo Robert Robideau Ray Robinson Robert Roche Richard Two Elk Rita Long Visitor Holy Dance Sacheen Littlefeather Sundance Raymond Yellow Thunder Tom B.K. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Anthony Ulasewicz (December 14, 1918 in New York, United States – December 17, 1997 in Glens Falls, New York) was a figure in the Watergate scandal, delivering hundreds of thousands of dollars in "hush money" to Watergate defendants G. Gordon Liddy and E. Howard Hunt. He also investigated the lives of notable Democrats like Senator Edward M. Kennedy.[1] He was of Polish descent.[2] He is buried in St. Agnes Cemetery, Menands, New York. Frederick Cheney "Fred" LaRue, Sr. (October 11, 1928 – July 24, 2004), was an aide in the administration of U.S. President Richard Nixon. He served a short prison sentence for his role in the Watergate break-in and the subsequent Watergate scandal and cover-up. Oddly, LaRue had no rank, title, salary, or even listing in the White House directory.[1] LaRue was present at an early meeting with his friend, United States Attorney General John N. Mitchell, at which the Watergate burglary was planned. Afterwards, LaRue assisted the cover-up, supervising the shredding of documents and the destruction of financial records.[2] Biography LaRue was a son of Isaac Parsons and Ruth (Quickenstedt) LaRue. His father later went to prison for violating banking laws, and, upon his release, made a fortune in the oil business. Fred LaRue sold one of their Mississippi oil fields for a reported $30 million in 1967. Accidentally shoots his father dead In 1957, LaRue accidentally shot and killed his father while hunting with friends in Canada.[3][4] Business interests in pre-1959 Havana casinos and Las Vegas With his newfound wealth, LaRue invested in many failed business ventures including casinos in Havana, Cuba, prior to the communist revolution, and in Las Vegas, Nevada. He also used his wealth to become a political financier and served as a member of the Republican National Committee from 1963 until 1968. Associated with Senators Goldwater, Eastland and Thurmond He was a heavy financial contributor to Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign in 1964. He was also a longtime friend of the Mississippi Democratic U.S. Senator James Eastland.[5] After Goldwater lost the election, LaRue began getting involved with Nixon's career. LaRue was one of the principal planners of Nixon's so-called "Southern strategy" for winning the election. He coordinated with the campaign office of Strom Thurmond, the veteran U.S. Senator from South Carolina. Nixon supporter, advisor to Attorney General John Mitchell LaRue also recommended the use of a "special ballad-type song in the current 'country-and-western music style, by which nationally famous artists will sing the message via the radio and TV." The song was called "Bring Our Country Back" and included "alternate" lyrics with the couplet: "Dick Nixon is a decent man/Who can bring our country back." LaRue proposed broadcasting the song by local radio and television programs throughout the South. However, he had difficulty finding artists to perform the song; most that he contacted[who?] either sympathized with George Wallace, the former governor of Alabama, or did not want to help Nixon. Eventually, LaRue managed to convince Roy Acuff and Tex Ritter, who were unsuccessful Republican candidates themselves for governor and U.S. senator, respectively, in the state of Tennessee, to perform versions of the song. LaRue coordinated with Eastland to obtain the confirmation of Nixon's judicial nominees. He has been described[by whom?] as a special assistant in an "advisory capacity" to then Attorney General Mitchell. On March 30, 1972, LaRue attended a meeting in Key Biscayne, Florida, with Mitchell and Jeb Magruder. Mitchell, having announced his resignation as attorney general on February 15, assumed his new duties as head of the Committee to Re-elect the President, effective on March 1. The March 30 meeting has been the subject of great dispute among its three participants. According to Magruder, the three men approved the so-called Operation Gemstone and other aspects of a "dirty tricks" campaign against the Democratic Party. LaRue and Mitchell, to their deaths, always denied this vehemently. In 2003, Magruder stated, for the first time, that it was at this meeting that President Nixon, speaking to Mitchell by telephone, voiced specific approval for the Watergate burglary. Mitchell and Nixon had both been dead for years, and Fred LaRue denied Magruder's claim publicly.[citation needed] 'Bagman' for Watergate burglary pay-off LaRue was known as the "bagman" because he delivered more than $300,000 in cash ("hush money") to the conspirators and their attorneys to keep participants of the Watergate burglary quiet.[1] LaRue was the first Administration official to plead guilty to crimes related to his involvement with the Watergate burglary and the cover-up. Jailed for obstruction of justice He pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice on June 27, 1973 and served four and a half months in custody at the Maxwell Air Force Base near Montgomery, Alabama. LaRue's fellow Watergate-convicts John Mitchell and Charles Colson also served their prison time at Maxwell AFB. Life after prison LaRue refused to testify against Nixon or any other Watergate figure. One of Nixon's first public appearances after his resignation as president came three years later in 1977 at a "Salute to the Military" in Biloxi, directed by LaRue.[citation needed] LaRue died in Biloxi, Mississippi, and was cremated.[6] He was survived by his wife, Joyce Burleson LaRue, and six children. References Patricia Sullivan, "Watergate 'Bagman' Fred LaRue, 75, Dies", Washington Post, July 29, 2004. Caro, Robert (2002). The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Master of the Senate. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 102–103, p. 867. ISBN 0-394-52836-0. Martin, Douglas (29 July 2004). "Fred LaRue, Watergate Figure, Dies at 75". The New York Times. "Texan Killed at Kerrobert". Star-Phoenix. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. October 18, 1957. p. 6. Retrieved September 8, 2021. Caro, Robert: Master of the Senate, p. 102–103 and p. 867. "Frederick Cheney LaRue, Sr". Findagrave.com. Retrieved August 16, 2017. Portals: Biography flag Texas flag Mississippi icon Politics icon Business and Economics Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata Categories: 1928 births2004 deathsAmerican people convicted of obstruction of justicePeople from Athens, TexasMembers of the Committee for the Re-Election of the PresidentTexas RepublicansMississippi RepublicansPeople from Biloxi, MississippiPeople convicted in the Watergate scandal

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Madalyn Murray O'Hair (née Mays; April 13, 1919 – September 29, 1995) was an American activist and Holocaust denier supporting atheism and separation of church and state. In 1963, she founded American Atheists and served as its president until 1986, after which her son Jon Garth Murray succeeded her. She created the first issues of American Atheist Magazine and identified as a "militant feminist". O'Hair is best known for the Murray v. Curlett lawsuit, which challenged the policy of mandatory prayers and Bible reading in Baltimore public schools, in which she named her first son William J. Murray as plaintiff. Consolidated with Abington School District v. Schempp (1963), it was heard by the United States Supreme Court, which ruled that officially sanctioned mandatory Bible-reading in American public schools was unconstitutional. The Supreme Court had prohibited officially sponsored prayer in schools in Engel v. Vitale (1962) on similar grounds. After she founded the American Atheists and won Murray v. Curlett, she achieved attention to the extent that in 1964, Life magazine referred to her as "the most hated woman in America".[2][3] Through American Atheists, O'Hair filed numerous other suits on issues of separation of church and state. In 1995, O'Hair, her son Garth, and her granddaughter Robin disappeared from Austin, Texas. Initial speculation suggested the trio had absconded with hundreds of thousands of dollars from American Atheists coffers; in fact, the trio had been murdered by their former associates, and the bodies were not found until 2001. Early and personal life Madalyn Mays was born in the Beechview neighborhood of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, on April 13, 1919, the daughter of Lena Christina (née Scholle) and John Irwin Mays.[4] She had an older brother, John Irwin Jr. (known as "Irv").[5] Their father was of Scots-Irish ethnicity and their mother was of German ancestry. At the age of four, Madalyn was baptized into her father's Presbyterian church; her mother was a Lutheran.[6] The family moved to Ohio, and in 1936, Mays graduated from Rossford High School in Rossford.[7] In 1941, Mays married John Henry Roths, a steelworker. They separated when they both enlisted for World War II service, he in the United States Marine Corps, and she in the Women's Army Corps. In April 1945, while posted to a cryptography position in Italy, she began a relationship with officer William J. Murray Jr., a married Roman Catholic. He refused to divorce his wife. Mays divorced Roths and adopted the name Madalyn Murray. She gave birth to her son with officer Murray after returning to Ohio, and named the boy William J. Murray III (nicknamed "Bill").[6] In 1949, Murray completed a bachelor's degree from Ashland University.[8] She earned a law degree from the South Texas College of Law, but did not pass the bar exam.[9] She moved with her son William to Baltimore, Maryland. On November 16, 1954, she gave birth to her second son, Jon Garth Murray, fathered by her boyfriend Michael Fiorillo.[10] According to her son William, a Baptist minister, Madalyn was a socialist who unabashedly supported the Soviet Union. William claimed that when he was still a child, Madalyn began hosting Socialist Labor Party meetings and asked him to attend so he could, as quoted from Madalyn, "learn the 'truth' about capitalism."[11] William also claimed that Madalyn twice sought to defect to the Soviet Union, applying first in 1959 through the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D.C., and again at the Soviet Embassy in Paris, travelling there for the express purpose in 1960; on both occasions, the Soviets denied her entry.[12][13][14] On their return from Paris, Murray and sons went to live with her mother, father, and brother, Irv, at their house in the Loch Raven, Baltimore neighborhood.[15] Soon after, Madalyn accompanied William to their neighbourhood school, Woodbourne Junior High, to re-enroll William for freshman classes. Madalyn was unhappy to see students, after the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance, engaging in prayer. She instructed William to keep a log of all religious exercises and references to religion for the next two weeks, saying, "Well, if they'll keep us from going to Russia where there is some freedom, we'll just have to change America."[16] After the two weeks, and after her request that William be allowed to leave class during prayer times was denied by school authorities, she pulled him out of school[17] and proceeded to file a lawsuit against the Baltimore Public School System, naming William as plaintiff. She said that its practices of mandatory prayer and required reading of the Bible were unconstitutional. The US Supreme Court upheld her position by a ruling in 1963. Because of hostility in Baltimore against her family related to this case, Murray left Maryland with her sons in 1963 and moved to Honolulu, Hawaii.[18] She had allegedly assaulted five Baltimore City Police Department officers who tried to retrieve her son William's girlfriend Susan from her house; she was a minor and had run away from home. Susan gave birth to William's daughter, whom she named Robin. Murray later adopted Robin.[19] In 1965, Murray married U.S. Marine Richard O'Hair, and changed her surname. He had belonged to a Communist group in Detroit during the 1940s. During investigations of the 1950s, he gave more than 100 names of other members to the FBI. Later, he was investigated for falsely claiming to be an FBI agent.[20] Their relationship has been described as "textbook codependents".[21] Although the couple separated, they were legally married until his death in 1978.[6] In 1980, she publicly rejected her estranged son William when he announced that he had converted to Christianity. He later became a Baptist minister.[21] Activism and politics See also: Abington School District v. Schempp In 1960, Murray filed a lawsuit against the Baltimore City Public School System (Murray v. Curlett), naming her son William as plaintiff. She challenged the city school system's practice of requiring students to participate in Bible readings at the city's public schools. She said her son's refusal to participate had resulted in bullying by classmates and that administrators condoned this behavior.[8] After consolidation with Abington School District v. Schempp, the lawsuit was heard by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1963. The Court voted 8–1 in Schempp's favor, saying that mandatory public Bible readings by students were unconstitutional. Prayer in schools other than Bible-readings had been ruled as unconstitutional the year before by the Court in Engel v. Vitale (1962). O'Hair filed a number of other lawsuits: one was against the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) because of the Apollo 8 Genesis reading.[22] The case was rejected by the U.S. Supreme Court for lack of jurisdiction.[23] The challenge had limited effect. O'Hair endorsed Jimmy Carter in the 1976 presidential election because of Carter's opposition to mandatory school prayer, his support for sex education in public schools, and his stance on ecological matters.[24] In a 1989 interview, O'Hair said "I told my kids I just want three words on my tombstone, if I have one. I'll probably be cremated. One is "woman." I'm very comfortable in that role. I've loved being a woman, I've loved being a mother, I've loved being a grandmother. I want three words: Woman, Atheist, Anarchist. That's me."[5] Feminism During an interview with Playboy in 1965, O'Hair described herself as a "militant feminist" and expressed her dissatisfaction with women's inequality in America, stating during the interview: The American male continues to use her sexually for one thing: a means to the end of his own ejaculation. It doesn't seem to occur to him that she might be a worthwhile end in herself, or to see to it that she has a proper sexual release. And, to him, sex appeal is directly proportional to the immensity of a woman's tits. I'm not saying that all American men are this way, but nine out of ten are breast-fixated, wham-bam-thank-you-ma'am cretins who just don't give a damn about anyone's gratification but their own. If you're talking about intellectual and social equality for women, we're not much better off. We're just beginning to break the ice. America is still very much a male-dominated society. Most American men feel threatened sexually unless they're taller than the female, more intellectual, better educated, better paid and higher placed statuswise in the business world. They've got to be the authority, the final word. They say they're looking for a girl just like the girl who married dear old dad, but what they really want, and usually get, is an empty-headed little chick who's very young and very physical — and very submissive. Well, I just can't see either a man or a woman in a dependency position, because from this sort of relationship flows a feeling of superiority on one side and inferiority on the other, and that's a form of slow poison. As I see it, men wouldn't want somebody inferior to them unless they felt inadequate themselves. They're intimidated by a mature woman.[25] She also expressed her discontent with the women's liberation movement.[26] Holocaust Denial In the article "The Shoah: hope springs eternal" in the August 1989 issue of the American Atheist magazine, O'Hair downplayed the Holocaust:[27] Although it is not generally reported, Auschwitz was simply, first, and foremost, a slave labor camp — and the labor provided was much needed by Farben, Krupp, et al. for the war effort. In the same article, she claimed that "investigative and scholarly studies undertaken during the last fifty years", such as a book by Paul Rassinier, established that the total number of Jewish victims was between 1 and 1.5 million, adding, "[t]his is a far cry from an alleged 6,000,000", then elaborating on this point: Over and over again in the analysis of the situation, one compelling fact becomes clear. The Germans had nowhere near the train capacity to haul 6,000,000 people to concentration camp points. Had the Germans attempted to house, clothe, and feed 6,000,000 Jews plus millions of others, the activity would have paralyzed their military operations. She concluded: The good news for the Jews of the world is that they did not lose as many of "the clan" as they had thought they lost. Central Europe was, substantially, cleared of Jews, but that was primarily through emigration. The high death rate, from starvation, in the camps during the last months of the war was due largely to the "Allied extermination policies." Perhaps that is why the United States continues to send Israel $6 billion a year as a gift; guilt has its obligation. American Atheists Main article: American Atheists After settling in Austin, Texas, O'Hair founded American Atheists in 1963. It identifies as "a nationwide movement which defends the civil rights of non-believers, works for the separation of church and state and addresses issues of First Amendment public policy". She served as the group's first chief executive officer and president until 1986. She was the public voice and face of atheism in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. Although her son Garth Murray succeeded her officially as president, she retained most of the power and decision making. In a 1965 interview with Playboy Magazine, she described religion as "a crutch" and an "irrational reliance on superstitions and supernatural nonsense".[8] In the same Playboy interview, O'Hair described numerous alleged incidents of harassment, intimidation, and death threats against her and her family. She read several letters she claimed to have received, including one that read (referring to the conversion of Paul the Apostle on the road to Damascus), "May Jesus, who you so vigorously deny, change you into a Paul." O'Hair told the interviewer, "Isn't that lovely? Christine Jorgensen had to go to Sweden for an operation, but me they'll fix with faith — painlessly and for nothing."[8] She said that she left Baltimore because of persecution from residents. She had received mail containing photos smeared with feces, her son Garth's pet kitten was killed, and her home was stoned. She said she thought such events were a catalyst for her father's fatal heart attack.[8] She filed several lawsuits challenging governmental practices, based on upholding and defining the constitutional separation of church and state. Among these was one against the city of Baltimore's policy of classifying the Catholic Church as a tax-exempt organization in terms of property.[8] O'Hair founded an atheist radio program, in which she criticized religion and theism. She hosted a television show, American Atheist Forum, which was carried on more than 140 cable television systems.[3][28] Arrested for disorderly conduct in Austin in 1977,[9] O'Hair continued to be a polarizing figure into the 1980s. She served as "chief speechwriter" for Larry Flynt's 1984 presidential campaign. She was regularly invited to appear on TV talk shows as a guest.[3] Her second son Garth Murray officially succeeded her as president of the American Atheists, but she was said to retain most of the power. Some chapters seceded from the main group at the time. But as of 2007, American Atheists continued as an active organization with a growing membership.[3] Her son William J. Murray became a Christian in 1980 and later a Baptist minister, publishing a memoir of his spiritual journey in 1982. Murray O'Hair commented, "One could call this a postnatal abortion on the part of a mother, I guess; I repudiate him entirely and completely for now and all times ... he is beyond human forgiveness."[29][21] In 1988, O'Hair produced several issues of Truth Seeker under her masthead as part of an attempt to take over the publication, but the courts ruled against her ownership.[30] In the 1990s, American Atheists staff consisted of O'Hair, her son Jon Garth Murray, Robin Murray O'Hair, and a handful of support personnel. William J. Murray was estranged from his mother, brother, and daughter. They had not met nor spoken for many years. The trio lived in O'Hair's large home, worked in the same office, and took shared vacations.[3] Court cases O'Hair filed numerous lawsuits in which she argued the separation of church and state had been breached. Murray v. Curlett (1963) Challenged Bible reading and prayer recitation in Maryland public schools. Murray v. United States (1964) To force the Federal Communications Commission to extend the Fairness Doctrine so that atheists could have equal time with religion on radio and television. Murray v. Nixon (1970) Challenged weekly religious services in the White House. O'Hair v. Paine (1971) Challenged open readings from the Bible by U.S. astronauts (who are Federal employees) during their spaceflights, spurred by a reading from the book of Genesis by the crew of Apollo 8. O'Hair v. Cooke (1977) Challenged the opening prayer at city council meetings in Austin, Texas. O'Hair v. Blumenthal (1978) Challenged the inclusion of the phrase "In God We Trust" on U.S. currency. O'Hair v. Hill (1978) To have removed from the Texas constitution a provision requiring a belief in God of persons holding offices of public trust. O'Hair v. Andrus (1979) Challenged the use of National Park facilities for the Pope to hold a Roman Catholic mass on the Mall in Washington, D.C. O'Hair v. Clements (1980) To have removed the nativity scene displayed in the rotunda of the capitol building in Austin, Texas. Carter, et al. v Broadlawns Medical Center, et al. (1984-1987)[31][32] Challenged the full-time employment of an unordained chaplain at a tax-funded county hospital, Broadlawns Medical Centre in Des Moines, Iowa. Kidnapping and murder On August 27, 1995, O'Hair, her son Jon Garth Murray, and her granddaughter Robin Murray O'Hair disappeared from their home and office.[3] A typewritten note was attached to the locked office door, saying "The Murray O'Hair family has been called out of town on an emergency basis. We do not know how long we will be gone at the time of the writing of this memo." When police entered O'Hair's home, it looked as if they had left suddenly.[19] The trio said in phone calls that they were on "business" in San Antonio, Texas.[3] Garth Murray ordered US$600,000 worth of gold coins from a San Antonio jeweler, but took delivery of only $500,000 worth of coins.[33] Until September 27, American Atheists employees received several mobile calls from Robin and Jon, but neither explained why they had left or when they would return; employees reported that their voices sounded strained and disturbed.[3] After September 28, no further communication came from any of the three. American Atheists was facing serious financial problems because of the withdrawal of funds, and membership dwindled in the face of an apparent scandal. There was speculation that the trio had disappeared in order to conceal its assets or avoid being contacted by creditors.[13] Investigation and arrests During the case, The Austin Chronicle reporter Robert Bryce criticized the relative lack of action by the Austin Police Department, even when they were contacted by O'Hair's estranged son William J. Murray. He noted that the investigation was being led by agents of the Internal Revenue Service (with whom American Atheists had a long-running dispute over taxes owed), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (due to the possibility of the O'Hairs having absconded with organizational funds), and the Dallas County Sheriff's Office (where Fry's headless, limbless corpse was found in October 1995, but had been unidentifiable until February 1999).[34] Bryce, William Murray, ABC Nightline reporter Valeri Williams and San Antonio Express-News reporter John MacCormack, amongst others, felt that little official effort went into the investigation because the authorities preferred to believe that the theft and disappearance was simply an internal American Atheists matter.[19][35] In 1999, nearly four years after the August 1995 disappearances, continued prodding and investigative leads from the various reporters[35] finally led the official investigation to focus on David Roland Waters, a felon with a violent history who had started working for American Atheists in 1993. In May 1995, Waters had pleaded guilty to stealing $54,000 from the organization in 1994.[36] When Waters received a lenient sentence, O'Hair published an article in the American Atheists newsletter in which she exposed the theft of the money – along with his previous crimes.[19] O'Hair claimed that, at the age of 17, Waters had killed another teenager and had been sentenced to eight years in prison.[19][36] When the authorities finally pursued the Waters connection in 1999, Waters' former girlfriend, Patty Steffens, confirmed that Waters had vowed violent revenge after reading O'Hair's article.[35] Federal agents for the FBI and the IRS, along with the police, concluded that Waters and his accomplices (Gary Paul Karr and Danny Fry)[37]) had kidnapped all three Murray/O'Hair family members, forced them to withdraw the missing funds, gone on several shopping sprees with their money and credit cards, and killed and dismembered all three.[37] A few days after O'Hair and her son and granddaughter were killed, Waters and Karr killed Fry. His body was found on a riverbed in rural Dallas County in October 1995, but his head and hands were missing; as a result, his remains were not identified for three and a half years,[34] when reporter MacCormack's own investigation led him to suggest that the body might be Fry's.[35] A search warrant was executed on the apartment of Waters and his girlfriend. The search revealed ammunition of various calibers; Waters, a convicted felon, was not allowed this material and he was arrested, while the contents of his apartment were seized. At the same time, Gary Karr was contacted in Walled Lake, Michigan, and interviewed. Having served the last 30 years in prison for kidnapping a judge's daughter, Karr would not talk. He had his rights read to him and he asked for permission to listen to the information which was being discussed. Karr then decided to talk and implicated Waters in the deaths of Murray and the other two O'Hairs. Karr signed an affidavit and drew a map so that the police could find the bodies. Karr was arrested and taken to jail for possession of two firearms. He was held in Detroit, awaiting trial. The weapon charge was dismissed, and Karr was transferred to the custody of the United States Marshals in Austin because he needed to be tried for the deaths of the O'Hairs. In June 2000, nearly a full five years after the murders, a three-week trial found Karr guilty of conspiracy to commit extortion, traveling interstate in order to commit violent acts, money laundering, and interstate transportation of stolen property: all charges related to the O'Hair case.[37] He was acquitted of conspiring to kidnap the O'Hairs, because the authorities had failed to locate any bodies.[37] In August 2000, Karr was sentenced to two life terms in prison by U.S. District Judge Sam Sparks.[38] Waters was arrested and prosecuted; in a January 2001 plea agreement solely on the charge of conspiracy, he agreed to lead authorities to the site where the dismembered bodies of the O'Hairs had been burned and buried. He was sentenced to serve 20 years in federal prison, which he had requested, because he did not want to serve time for his earlier theft conviction in Texas state prison. He did not go on trial for the kidnapping and murder of the three members of the O'Hair family.[39] He was also ordered to pay back a total of $543,665 to American Atheists and the estates of Madalyn Murray O'Hair, Jon Garth Murray, and Robin Murray O'Hair. It is unlikely that any part of these debts were ever paid, because Waters was not able to earn any money while he was in prison. Waters died of lung cancer on January 27, 2003, at the Federal Medical Center in Butner, North Carolina.[19] When Waters, under the plea agreement, led federal agents to the O'Hair's burial site on a Texas ranch,[19][33] they discovered that the legs of all three of the victims had been cut off with a saw. The remains had suffered such extensive mutilation and decomposition that officials had to identify them through dental records, DNA testing and, in Madalyn O'Hair's case, by matching the serial number on a prosthetic hip to records from Brackenridge Hospital in Austin.[40] The head and hands of Danny Fry were also found at the site.[37] Eventually, Bill Murray (as the closest surviving relative) was granted custody of the remains and buried them at an undisclosed location and (in accordance with his Baptist beliefs) did not pray for the dead; however, some of those who were with him did pray for remaining family members and law enforcement officials who had worked on the case.[41] In 1995, Waters and his girlfriend had put the gold coins, which he and his accomplices had extorted from the O'Hairs, in an unsecured storage locker which had been rented by the girlfriend. It only had a cheap padlock.[19] Waters had taken some of the coins and for a few days, he partied with Gary Karr and his former wife. When he returned to the locker, he discovered that the remaining gold coins (American Gold Eagles, Maple Leaf coins, and Krugerrands) had all been stolen. A group of thieves from San Antonio who were operating in that area had gained keys to the type of lock which had been used by Waters' girlfriend. In the course of their activities, the thieves had come across the locker, used a key to open it, and found the suitcase full of gold coins. They returned to San Antonio, and with the help of friends, they exchanged the gold coins for cash. The thieves and friends went to Las Vegas for a weekend. All but one coin, which had been given as a pendant gift to an aunt, were spent by these thieves. That last coin was recovered by the FBI after a Memorial Day 1999 public appeal.[19] Legacy Murray's 1960 lawsuit against the Baltimore City School System was later consolidated with a similar one from Pennsylvania, when these reached the US Supreme Court on appeal. The Court ruled in 1963 (in Abington School District v. Schempp) that school-sponsored Bible reading in public schools in the United States was unconstitutional. This decision gradually resulted in the end of religious activities sponsored by public schools.[42] Non-religious students had been expected to participate in such activities, and state-level policies varied.[43] In 2012, a memorial brick for Murray, her son Jon, and her granddaughter Robin was placed at Lou Neff Point in Zilker Park in Austin, Texas.[44] The side of the American Atheists granite bench and plinth at the Bradford County Courthouse, Florida, showing a quote by O'Hair In 2013, the first atheist monument to be erected on American government property was unveiled at the Bradford County Courthouse in Florida, where other residents had installed a monument to religious ideals (in this case, a replica of the Ten Commandments). It is a 1,500-pound granite bench and plinth inscribed with quotes by O'Hair, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin. The American Atheists said at the time that they planned to build 50 more monuments.[45][46] O'Hair was incorporated into a popular urban legend stemming from an erroneous characterization of RM-2493, a proposal made to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in 1974. The purpose of the proposal was to prevent organizations from making religious broadcasts on stations licensed for educational use. False rumors spread that O'Hair was a proponent of RM-2493, and that its intent was to ban the broadcast of religious services, and the reading of the Bible over the airwaves. The FCC's denial of RM-2493 in 1975, and O'Hair's later disappearance and murder, did little to stem the spread of the legend, which still claimed years later that O'Hair was pushing an active FCC proposal. Subsequent iterations of the rumor included allegations that O'Hair was campaigning to remove Christmas programs and songs from public schools and "office buildings". Other variations mentioned specific religious leaders who were supposedly being targeted for removal from the airwaves, or stated that the television series Touched by an Angel was threatened with cancellation because of the proposal. Evangelical Christian leader James Dobson became falsely associated with the legend as well, purportedly leading opposition to the FCC petition. As of 2015, the FCC was still receiving dozens of correspondences relating to O'Hair every month.[47][48] Popular culture The December 2002 episode "Without a Prayer", of the series Forensic Files, deals with the disappearance and deaths of O'Hair, her son and her granddaughter.[35] The October 2004 episode "Eosphoros", of the series Law & Order: Criminal Intent, is loosely based on O'Hair's murder.[49] A 2017 Netflix movie, The Most Hated Woman in America, is a loose dramatization of O'Hair's life. It focuses on the abductions and killings of O'Hair and two family members in 1995.[50] Books by or about Murray O'Hair O'Hair, Madalyn Murray (1988). All about Atheists (American Atheist Radio Series). American Atheist Press. ISBN 978-0910309448. O'Hair, Madalyn Murray (1978). Atheist Primer: Did You Know All the Gods Came from the Same Place?. American Atheist Press. ISBN 978-0911826104. Dracos, Ted (2010). UnGodly: The Passions, Torments, and Murder of Atheist Madalyn Murray O'Hair. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1439119969. Murray, William J. (1982). My Life without God. T. Nelson. ISBN 0840752563. Murray, Jon Garth (1986). All the Questions You Ever Wanted to Ask American Atheists With All the Answers. ISBN 978-0910309035. O'Hair, Madalyn Murray (1972). What on Earth Is an Atheist!. American Atheist Press. ISBN 978-1578849185. O'Hair, Madalyn Murray (1991). Why I Am an Atheist: Including a History of Materialism. American Atheist Press. ISBN 978-0910309981. See also Charles E. Stevens American Atheist Library and Archives List of kidnappings List of solved missing person cases References "United States Social Security Death Index: Madalyn M Ohair". FamilySearch.org. Archived from the original on March 3, 2016. Retrieved June 18, 2013. Goeringer, Conrad F. (2006). "About American Atheists". atheists.org. American Atheists. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Van Biema, David (February 10, 1997). "Where's Madalyn?". Time. Archived from the original on March 14, 2008. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Reitwiesner, William Addams. "Ancestry of Madalyn Murray O'Hair". Archived from the original on August 11, 2016. Retrieved December 1, 2007. "Woman, Atheist, Anarchist". Freedom Writer. March 1989. Archived from the original (reprint) on October 12, 2007. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Le Beau, Bryan F. (2003). The Atheist: Madalyn Murray O'Hair. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-5171-8. "Rossford HS Yearbook "Maroon and Gray" 1936". Ohio Memory. p. 20. Retrieved May 17, 2015. Murray, Madalyn; Tregaskis, Richard (October 1965). "Madalyn Murray". Playboy. Archived from the original (reprint) on April 14, 2008. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Bryce, Robert (November 20, 1998). "Madalyn Murray O'Hair timeline". The Austin Chronicle. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Zindler, Frank (2008). "Madalyn Murray O'Hair". In Joshi, S. T. (ed.). Icons of Unbelief: Atheists, Agnostics, and Secularists. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. p. 323. ISBN 978-0313347597. Murray. My Life without God. pp. 21–22. Vitteriti, Joseph (2009). Religion from the Public School to the Public Square. Princeton University Press. p. 102. Lee Epstein, Thomas G. Walker (2017), Constitutional Law for a Changing America: A Short Course. CQ Press, ISBN 1-5443-0895-7 Murray, William J. (1982). My Life without God. Thomas Nelson. pp. 32, 41. Wright, Lawrence (May 16, 1995). Saints and Sinners: Walker Railey, Jimmy Swaggart, Madalyn Murray O'Hair, Anton LaVey, Will Campbell, Matthew Fox. London: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-679-76163-1. Murray, William J. My Life without God. pp. 47–49. Murray. My Life without God. p. 51. Ted Thackery. Justice Be Damned. Associated Professional Services, 1965. Manning, Lona (September 29, 2003). "The Murder of Madalyn Murray O'Hair: America's Most Hated Woman". Crime Magazine. Archived from the original on October 12, 2007. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Bates, Stephen (October 7, 2003). "The murdered atheist versus the FBI". Slate Magazine. Retrieved May 21, 2021. Dracos, Ted (2003). "The Family Dysfunctional". Ungodly: The Passions, Torments, and Murder of Atheist Madalyn Murray O'Hair. New York: Free Press. p. 138. ISBN 9781439119969. Chaikin, Andrew (1994). A Man On The Moon: The Voyages of the Apollo Astronauts. Viking. pp. 623. ISBN 978-0-670-81446-6. "O'Hair v. Paine, 397 U.S. 531". Findlaw. 1970. Retrieved February 13, 2008. "Atheist leader endorses Carter for President", Minden Press-Herald, Minden, Louisiana, October 26, 1976, p. 3 "Madalyn Murray O'Hair Playboy Interview - Antitheist Atheist". Archived from the original on November 10, 2016. Retrieved November 18, 2016. Archived at Ghostarchive and the Wayback Machine: "Madalyn Murray O'Hair 1970 Short Film Part 6". YouTube. Retrieved November 18, 2016. "American Atheist Magazine Aug 1989 | Establishment Clause | Religion And Belief". Scribd. Bryce, Robert (May 3, 1996). "The Case of the Missing Atheists". The Austin Chronicle. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Alan Wolfe (April 12, 2004). "Among the Non-Believers". The New Republic. "US District Court SD California: Jackson vs. Truth Seeker Inc". google.com. Retrieved September 8, 2015. "Carter v. Broadlawns Medical Centre, 672 F. Supp. 1149 – CourtListener.com". CourtListener. Retrieved November 23, 2017. "Carter v. Broadlawns Medical Center, 667 F. Supp. 1269 (S.D. Iowa 1987)". Justia Law. Retrieved November 23, 2017. MacCormack, John (July 29, 1999). "Lucky Break". Dallas Observer. Archived from the original on December 27, 2014. Retrieved December 1, 2007. Bryce, Robert (February 5, 1999). "Naked City: Written on the Body?". The Austin Chronicle. Retrieved July 31, 2023. "Without a Prayer". Forensic Files. Season 7. Episode 10. Medstar Television. December 14, 2002. Court TV. "There was no investigation by the Austin Police Department. It was a total joke." Bryce, Robert (June 4, 1999). "Preying on Atheists". The Austin Chronicle. Retrieved June 25, 2014. Milloy, Ross E. (March 16, 2001). "Bodies Identified as Those of Missing Atheist and Kin". The New York Times. Archived from the original on September 13, 2010. Retrieved October 14, 2012. "Times Daily - Google News Archive Search". news.google.com. The San Antonio Express-News, Jan. 30, 2001 and March 31, 2001. MacCormack, John (February 1, 2001). "Dead Giveaway". Dallas Observer. Archived from the original on January 13, 2008. Retrieved December 1, 2007. http://holtz.org/Library/Social%20Science/History/Atomic%20Age/The%20Murder%20of%20Madalyn%20Murray%20O'Hair%20America's%20Most%20Hated%20Woman%20by%20Lona%20Manning.htm "People & Ideas: Madalyn Murray O'Hair". God In America. PBS. Retrieved January 22, 2016. Cohen, Jean L.; Laborde, Cecile (eds.). Religion, Secularism, and Constitutional Democracy. Columbia University Press. p. 230. Atheist, Friendly. "A Memorial Brick for the O'Hairs". "First atheist monument on government property unveiled". The Independent Florida Alligator. Retrieved February 27, 2015. "Atheists unveil monument in Florida and promise to build 50 more". Archived from the original on July 6, 2014. Retrieved February 27, 2015. Mikkelson, Barbara (June 2, 2009). "Petition to Ban Religious Broadcasting". snopes.com. Retrieved November 17, 2009. "I've received an e-mail about prayers and signatures needed to stop Petition 2493. Is it true?". Focus on the Family. October 31, 2011. Archived from the original on August 19, 2017. Retrieved July 21, 2015. "Eosphoros". Law & Order: Criminal Intent. Season 4. Episode 5. Wolf Films, NBC Universal Television Studio. October 24, 2004. NBC. Fallon, Kevin (March 21, 2017). "'The Most Hated Woman in America': Melissa Leo on the Murder of Atheist Madalyn Murray O'Hair". The Daily Beast. Retrieved March 25, 2017. Further reading Cimino, Richard; Christopher Smith (2007). "Secular humanism and atheism beyond progressive secularism". Sociology of Religion. 68 (4): 407–424. doi:10.1093/socrel/68.4.407. JSTOR 20453183. FBI. Madalyn Murray O'Hair, Part 1 of 2. United States. Federal Bureau of Investigation. 2013. ISBN 978-1288559565. Le Beau, Bryan F. (2003). The Atheist: Madalyn Murray O'Hair. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0814752852. LeDrew, Stephen. The evolution of atheism: The politics of a modern movement (Oxford University Press, 2015). Meagher, Richard J. Atheists in American politics: Social movement organizing from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries (Lexington Books, 2018). Murray, William Joseph (1992) [1982]. My Life Without God (re-issue). WND Books. ISBN 978-1936488346. (memoir by her first son after he became a Christian) Rappoport, Jon (1998). Madalyn Murray O'Hair: Most Hated Woman in America. Truth Seeker. ISBN 978-0939040049. Sasse, Benjamin Eric. "The anti-Madalyn majority: Secular left, religious right, and the rise of Reagan's America" (PhD dissertation,  Yale University ProQuest Dissertations Publishing,  2004. 3125302) How political and religious enemies focused their attack on Madalyn Murray O'Hair. Sasse became a Republican Senator. External links Wikiquote has quotations related to Madalyn Murray O'Hair. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Madalyn Murray O'Hair. 1968 debate between Baptist minister Walter Martin and O'Hair – MP3 file FBI Records: The Vault - Madalyn Murray O'Hair at fbi.gov Biography of O'Hair at Rotten.com Madalyn Murray O'Hair at IMDb Madalyn Murray O'Hair vs. Religious Broadcasting at urbanlegends.about.com Archived April 12, 2014, at the Wayback Machine Meeting Satan Herself: An evening with Madalyn Murray O'Hair: 14 September 1977 The Murder of Madalyn Murray O'Hair: America's Most Hated Woman Crime Magazine Appearances on C-SPAN Interview with Madalyn Murray O'Hair at Texas Archive of the Moving Image Preceded by None President of American Atheists 1963–1986 (de jure) 1986–1995 (de facto) (passed title to Jon Garth Murray in 1986, but remained de facto President until both their murders) Succeeded by Jon Garth Murray Portals: Philosophy Biography Feminism Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Germany Israel United States Netherlands Other SNAC IdRef Categories: 1919 births1990s missing person cases1995 deaths1995 murders in the United States20th-century American women writers20th-century American non-fiction writers20th-century atheists20th-century American essayistsAmerican abortion-rights activistsAmerican atheism activistsAmerican Atheist Magazine editorsAmerican writers on atheismAmerican feminist writersAmerican Holocaust deniersAmerican magazine publishers (people)American people of German descentAmerican people of Scottish descentAmerican political writersAmerican socialist feministsAmerican socialistsAmerican women criticsAmerican women essayistsAshland University alumniAmerican critics of creationismAmerican critics of ChristianityDeaths by strangulation in the United StatesFemale murder victimsFormerly missing peopleAmerican free speech activistsKidnapped American peopleMissing person cases in TexasPeople murdered in TexasSouth Texas College of Law alumniWomen foundersWomen's Army Corps soldiersWriters about religion and scienceWriters from Austin, TexasWriters from BaltimoreWriters from PittsburghWriters from Toledo, OhioAnarcha-feminists

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Salvadoran Civil War (Spanish: guerra civil de El Salvador) was a twelve-year period of civil war in El Salvador that was fought between the government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or "umbrella organization" of left-wing groups backed by the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro as well as the Soviet Union.[17] A coup on 15 October 1979 followed by government killings of anti-coup protesters is widely seen as the start of civil war.[18] The war did not formally end until after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when, on 16 January 1992 the Chapultepec Peace Accords were signed in Mexico City.[19] The United Nations (UN) reports that the war killed more than 75,000 people between 1979 and 1992, along with approximately 8,000 disappeared persons. Human rights violations, particularly the kidnapping, torture, and murder of suspected FMLN sympathizers by state security forces and paramilitary death squads – were pervasive.[20][21][22] The Salvadoran government was considered an ally of the U.S. in the context of the Cold War.[23] During the Carter and Reagan administrations, the US provided 1 to 2 million dollars per day in economic aid to the Salvadoran government.[24] The US also provided significant training and equipment to the military. By May 1983, it was reported that US military officers were working within the Salvadoran High Command and making important strategic and tactical decisions.[25] The United States government believed its extensive assistance to El Salvador's government was justified on the grounds that the insurgents were backed by the Soviet Union.[26] Counterinsurgency tactics implemented by the Salvadoran government often targeted civilian noncombatants. Overall, the United Nations estimated that FMLN guerrillas were responsible for 5 percent of atrocities committed during the civil war, while 85 percent were committed by the Salvadoran security forces.[27] Accountability for these civil war-era atrocities has been hindered by a 1993 amnesty law. In 2016, however, the Supreme Court of Justice of El Salvador ruled in case Incostitucionalidad 44-2013/145-2013[28] that the law was unconstitutional and that the Salvadoran government could prosecute suspected war criminals.[29] Background El Salvador has historically been characterised by extreme socioeconomic inequality.[30] In the late 19th century, coffee became a major cash crop for El Salvador, bringing in about 95 percent of the country's income. This income was restricted to only 2 percent of the population, however, exacerbating a divide between a small but powerful land-owning elite and an impoverished majority.[31] This divide grew through the 1920s and was compounded by a drop in coffee prices following the stock-market crash of 1929.[32][33] In 1932, the Central American Socialist Party was formed and led an uprising of peasants and indigenous people against the government. The FMLN was named after Farabundo Martí, one of the leaders of the uprising.[34] The rebellion was brutally suppressed in La Matanza, during which approximately 30,000 civilians were murdered by the armed forces.[35] La Matanza – 'the slaughter' in Spanish, as it came to be known – allowed military dictatorships to monopolize political power in El Salvador while protecting the economic dominance of the landed elite.[35] Opposition to this arrangement among middle-class, working-class, and poor Salvadorans grew throughout the 20th century.[35] On 14 July 1969, an armed conflict erupted between El Salvador and Honduras over immigration disputes caused by Honduran land reform laws. The conflict (known as the Football War) lasted only four days but had major long-term effects for Salvadoran society. Trade was disrupted between El Salvador and Honduras, causing tremendous economic damage to both nations. An estimated 300,000 Salvadorans were displaced due to battle, many of whom were exiled from Honduras; in many cases, the Salvadoran government could not meet their needs. The Football War also strengthened the power of the military in El Salvador, leading to heightened corruption. In the years following the war, the government expanded its purchases of arms from sources such as Israel, Brazil, West Germany and the United States.[36] The 1972 Salvadoran presidential election was marred by massive electoral fraud, which favored the military-backed National Conciliation Party (PCN), whose candidate Arturo Armando Molina was a colonel in the Salvadoran Army. Opposition to the Molina government was strong on both the right and the left. Also in 1972, the Marxist–Leninist Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Farabundo Martí (FPL) – established in 1970 as an offshoot of the Communist Party of El Salvador – began conducting small-scale guerrilla operations in El Salvador. Other organizations such as the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) also began to develop. The growth of left-wing insurgency in El Salvador occurred against a backdrop of rising food prices and decreased agricultural output exacerbated by the 1973 oil crisis. This worsened the existing socioeconomic inequality in the country, leading to increased unrest. In response, President Molina enacted a series of land reform measures, calling for large landholdings to be redistributed among the peasant population. The reforms failed, thanks to opposition from the landed elite, reinforcing the widespread discontent with the government.[37] Gen. Carlos Humberto Romero, military president of El Salvador (1977–1979). His presidency was characterized by increased civil unrest and government repression. On 20 February 1977, the PCN defeated the National Opposing Union (UNO) in the presidential elections. As was the case in 1972, the results of the 1977 election were fraudulent and favored a military candidate, General Carlos Humberto Romero. State-sponsored paramilitary forces – such as the infamous Organización Democrática Nacionalista (ORDEN) – reportedly strong-armed peasants into voting for the military candidate by threatening them with machetes.[38] The period between the election and the formal inauguration of President Romero on 1 July 1977 was characterized by massive protests from the popular movement, which were met by state repression. On 28 February 1977, a crowd of political demonstrators gathered in downtown San Salvador to protest the electoral fraud. Security forces arrived on the scene and opened fire, resulting in a massacre as they indiscriminately killed demonstrators and bystanders alike. Estimates of the number of civilians killed range between 200[39] and 1,500.[40]: 109–110  President Molina blamed the protests on "foreign Communists" and immediately exiled a number of top UNO party members from the country.[41] Repression continued after the inauguration of President Romero, with his new government declaring a state-of-siege and suspending civil liberties. In the countryside, the agrarian elite organized and funded paramilitary death squads, such as the infamous Regalado's Armed Forces (FAR) led by Hector Regalado. While the death squads were initially autonomous from the Salvadoran military and composed of civilians (the FAR, for example, had developed out of a Boy Scout troop), they were soon taken over by El Salvador's military intelligence service, National Security Agency of El Salvador (ANSESAL), led by Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, and became a crucial part of the state's repressive apparatus, murdering thousands of union leaders, activists, students and teachers suspected of sympathizing with the left.[42] The Socorro Jurídico Cristiano (Christian Legal Assistance) – a legal aid office within the archbishop's office and El Salvador's leading human rights group at the time – documented the killings of 687 civilians by government forces in 1978. In 1979 the number of documented killings increased to 1,796.[43][40]: 1–2, 222  The repression prompted many in the Catholic Church to denounce the government, which responded by repressing the clergy.[44] Historian M. A. Serpas[citation needed] posits displacement and dispossession rates with respect to land as a major structural factor leading ultimately to civil war. El Salvador is an agrarian society, with coffee fueling its economy, where "77 percent of the arable land belonged to .01 percent of the population. Nearly 35 percent of the civilians in El Salvador were disfranchised from land ownership either through historical injustices, war or economic downturns in the commodities market. During this time frame, the country also experienced a growing population amidst major disruption in agrarian commerce and trade."[citation needed] A threat to land change meant a challenge to a state where "marriages intertwined, making the wealthiest coffee processors and exporters (more so than the growers) also those with the highest ties in the military. — M. A. Serpas Coup d'état, repression and insurrection: 1979–1981 Military coup October 1979 With tensions mounting and the country on the verge of an insurrection, the civil-military Revolutionary Government Junta (JRG) deposed Romero in a coup on 15 October 1979. The United States feared that El Salvador, like Nicaragua and Cuba before it, could fall to communist revolution.[45] Thus, Jimmy Carter's administration supported the new military government with vigor, hoping to promote stability in the country.[46] While Carter provided some support to the government, the subsequent Reagan administration significantly increased U.S. spending in El Salvador.[47] By 1984 Ronald Reagan's government would spend nearly $1 billion on economic aid for the Salvadoran government.[48] The JRG enacted a land reform program that restricted landholdings to a 100-hectare maximum, nationalised the banking, coffee and sugar industries, scheduled elections for February 1982, and disbanded the paramilitary private death squad Organización Democrática Nacionalista (ORDEN) on 6 November 1979.[49] The land reform program was received with hostility from El Salvador's military and economic elites, however, which sought to sabotage the process as soon as it began. Upon learning of the government's intent to distribute land to the peasants and organize cooperatives, wealthy Salvadoran landowners began killing their own livestock and moving valuable farming equipment across the border into Guatemala, where many Salvadoran elites owned additional land. In addition, most co-op leaders in the countryside were assassinated or "disappeared" soon after being elected and becoming visible to the authorities.[50] The Socorro Jurídico documented a jump in documented government killings from 234 in February 1980 to 487 the following month.[1]: 270  Under pressure from the military, all three civilian members of the junta resigned on 3 January 1980, along with 10 of the 11 cabinet ministers. On 22 January 1980, the Salvadoran National Guard attacked a massive peaceful demonstration, killing up to 50 people and wounding hundreds more.[49] On 6 February, US ambassador Frank Devine informed the State Department that the extreme right was arming itself and preparing for a confrontation in which it clearly expected to ally itself with the military.[51][52] Aims of the junta's violent repression "The immediate goal of the Salvadoran army and security forces—and of the United States in 1980, was to prevent a takeover by the leftist-led guerrillas and their allied political organizations. At this point in the Salvadoran conflict the latter were much more important than the former. The military resources of the rebels were extremely limited and their greatest strength, by far, lay not in force of arms but in their 'mass organizations' made up of labor unions, student and peasant organizations that could be mobilized by the thousands in El Salvador's major cities and could shut down the country through strikes."[53] Critics of US military aid charged that "it would legitimate what has become dictatorial violence and that political power in El Salvador lay with old-line military leaders in government positions who practice a policy of 'reform with repression.'" A prominent Catholic spokesman insisted that "any military aid you send to El Salvador ends up in the hands of the military and paramilitary rightist groups who are themselves at the root of the problems of the country."[54] "In one case that has received little attention", Human Rights Watch noted, "US Embassy officials apparently collaborated with the death squad abduction of two law students in January 1980. National Guard troops arrested two youths, Francisco Ventura and José Humberto Mejía, following an anti-government demonstration. The National Guard received permission to bring the youths onto Embassy grounds. Shortly thereafter, a private car drove into the Embassy parking lot. Men in civilian dress put the students in the trunk of their car and drove away. Ventura and Mejía were never seen again."[55] Motivation for the resistance Death squad victims in San Salvador, (c. 1981) As the government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through death squads but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of support whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate.[56] But the violence was not limited to activists but also anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government.[57] A marginalized group that metamorphosed into a guerilla force that would end up confronting these government forces manifested itself in campesinos or peasants. Many of these insurgents joined collective action campaigns for material gain; in the Salvadoran Civil War, however, many peasants cited reasons other than material benefits in their decision to join the fight.[58] Piety was a popular reason for joining the insurrection because they saw their participation as a way of not only advancing a personal cause but a communal sentiment of divine justice.[59] Even prior to the civil war, numerous insurgents took part in other campaigns that tackled social changes much more directly, not only the lack of political representation but also the lack of economic and social opportunities not afforded to their communities.[60] While the FMLN can be characterized as an insurrectionist group, other scholars have classified it as an "armed group institution." Understanding the differentiation is crucial. Armed group institutions use tactics to reinforce their mission or ideology. Ultimately influencing the behavior and group norms of their combatants. In this regard, the FMLN had a more effective approach than El Salvador's army in politically educating their members about their mission. Individuals who aligned themselves with the FMLN were driven by a profound sense of passion and purpose. They demonstrated a willingness to risk their lives for the greater good of their nation. The FMLN strategy focused on community organization, establishing connections within the church and labor unions. In contrast, El Salvador's army had inadequate training, and many of its combatants reported joining out of job insecurity or under intimidation from the government.These disparities were notably reflected in their respective combat methods. Further, the Salvadoran military caused more civilian casualties than the FMLN.[61] In addition, the insurgents in the civil war viewed their support of the insurrection as a demonstration of their opposition to the powerful elite's unfair treatment of peasant communities that they experienced on an everyday basis, so there was a class element associated with these insurgencies.[62] They reveled in their fight against injustice and in their belief that they were writing their own story, an emotion that Elisabeth Wood titled "pleasure of agency".[63] The peasants' organization thus centered on using their struggle to unite against their oppressors, not only towards the government but the elites as well, a struggle that soon evolved into a political machine that came to be associated with the FMLN. In the early months of 1980, Salvadoran guerilla groups, workers, communists, and socialists, unified to form the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN).[34] The FMLN immediately announced plans for an insurrection against the government, which began on 10 January 1981, with the FMLN's first major attack. The attack established FMLN control of most of Morazán and Chalatenango departments for the war's duration. Attacks were also launched on military targets throughout the country, leaving hundreds of people dead. FMLN insurgents ranged from children to the elderly, both male and female, and most were trained in FMLN camps in the mountains and jungles of El Salvador to learn military techniques. Much later, in November 1989, the FMLN launched a large offensive that caught Salvadoran military off guard and succeeded in taking control of large sections of the country and entering the capital, San Salvador. In San Salvador, the FMLN quickly took control of many of the poor neighborhoods as the military bombed their positions—including residential neighborhoods to drive out the FMLN. This large FMLN offensive was unsuccessful in overthrowing the government but did convince the government that the FMLN could not be defeated using force of arms and that a negotiated settlement would be necessary.[64] Assassination of Archbishop Romero Archbishop Óscar Romero In February 1980, Archbishop Óscar Romero published an open letter to US President Jimmy Carter in which he pleaded with him to suspend the United States' ongoing program of military aid to the Salvadoran regime. He advised Carter that "Political power is in the hands of the armed forces. They know only how to repress the people and defend the interests of the Salvadoran oligarchy." Romero warned that US support would only "sharpen the injustice and repression against the organizations of the people which repeatedly have been struggling to gain respect for their fundamental human rights".[65] On 24 March 1980, the Archbishop was assassinated while celebrating Mass, the day after he called upon Salvadoran soldiers and security force members to not follow their orders to kill Salvadoran civilians. President Carter stated this was a "shocking and unconscionable act".[66] At his funeral a week later, government-sponsored snipers in the National Palace and on the periphery of the Gerardo Barrios Plaza were responsible for the shooting of 42 mourners.[67] On 7 May 1980, former army major, Roberto D'Aubuisson, was arrested with a group of civilians and soldiers at a farm. The raiders found documents connecting him and the civilians as organizers and financiers of the death squad who killed Archbishop Romero, and of plotting a coup d'état against the JRG. Their arrest provoked right-wing terrorist threats and institutional pressures forcing the JRG to release D'Aubuisson. In 1993, a U.N. investigation confirmed that D'Aubuisson ordered the assassination.[68] A week after the arrest of D'Aubuisson, the National Guard and the newly reorganized paramilitary ORDEN, with the cooperation of the Military of Honduras, carried out a large massacre at the Sumpul River on 14 May 1980, in which an estimated 600 civilians were killed, mostly women and children. Escaping villagers were prevented from crossing the river by the Honduran armed forces, "and then killed by Salvadoran troops who fired on them in cold blood".[69] Over the course of 1980, the Salvadoran Army and three main security forces (National Guard, National Police and Treasury Police) were estimated to have killed 11,895 people, mostly peasants, trade unionists, teachers, students, journalists, human rights advocates, priests, and other prominent demographics among the popular movement.[43] Human rights organizations judged the Salvadoran government to have among the worst human rights records in the hemisphere.[70] Murder and rape of US nuns On 2 December 1980, members of the Salvadoran National Guard were suspected to have raped and murdered four American, Catholic church women (three religious women, or nuns, and a laywoman). Maryknoll missionary sisters Maura Clarke and Ita Ford, Ursuline sister Dorothy Kazel, and laywoman Jean Donovan were on a Catholic relief mission providing food, shelter, transport, medical care, and burial to death squad victims. In 1980 alone, at least 20 religious workers and priests were murdered in El Salvador. Throughout the war, the murders of church figures increased. For example, the Jesuit University of Central America stated that two bishops, sixteen priests, three nuns, one seminarian, and at least twenty-seven lay workers were murdered. By killing Church figures, "the military leadership showed just how far its position had hardened in daring to eliminate those it viewed as opponents. They saw the Church as an enemy that went against the military and their rule."[71] U.S. military aid was briefly cut off in response to the murders but was renewed within six weeks. The outgoing Carter administration increased military aid to the Salvadoran armed forces to $10 million, which included $5 million in rifles, ammunition, grenades and helicopters.[72] In justifying these arms shipments, the administration claimed that the regime had taken "positive steps" to investigate the murder of four American nuns, but this was disputed by US Ambassador, Robert E. White, who said that he could find no evidence the junta was "conducting a serious investigation".[72] White was dismissed from the foreign service by the Reagan administration after he had refused to participate in a coverup of the Salvadoran military's responsibility for the murders at the behest of Secretary of State Alexander Haig.[73] Repression stepped up Other countries allied with the United States also intervened in El Salvador. The military government in Chile provided substantial training and tactical advice to the Salvadoran Armed Forces, such that the Salvadoran high command bestowed upon General Augusto Pinochet the prestigious Order of José Matías Delgado in May 1981 for his government's avid support. The Argentine military dictatorship also supported the Salvadoran armed forces as part of Operation Charly. During the same month, the JRG strengthened the state of siege, imposed by President Romero in May 1979, by declaring martial law and adopting a new set of curfew regulations.[74] Between 12 January and 19 February 1981, 168 persons were killed by the security forces for violating curfew.[75] "Draining the Sea" Further information: Scorched earth In its effort to defeat the insurgency, the Salvadoran Armed Forces carried out a "scorched earth" strategy, and adopted tactics similar to those being employed in neighboring Guatemala by its security forces. These tactics were inspired and adapted from U.S. counterinsurgency strategies used during the Vietnam War.[76] An integral part of the Salvadoran Army's counterinsurgency strategy entailed "draining the sea" or "drying up the ocean", that is, eliminating the insurgency by eradicating its support base in the countryside. The primary target was the civilian population – displacing or killing them in order to remove any possible base of support for the rebels. The concept of "draining the sea" had its basis in a doctrine by Mao Zedong that emphasized that "The guerrilla must move amongst the people as a fish swims in the sea."[77] Aryeh Neier, the executive director of Americas Watch, wrote in a 1984 review about the scorched earth approach: "This may be an effective strategy for winning the war. It is, however, a strategy that involves the use of terror tactics—bombings, strafings, shellings and, occasionally, massacres of civilians."[78] Beginning in 1984, the Salvadoran Air Force was able to locate guerrilla strongholds reportedly using intelligence from U.S. Air Force planes flying over the country.[79][80] Scorched earth offensives of 1981 On 15 March 1981, the Salvadoran Army began a "sweep" operation in Cabañas Department in northern El Salvador near the Honduran border. The sweep was accompanied by the use of scorched earth tactics by the Salvadoran Army and indiscriminate killings of anyone captured by the army. Those displaced by the "sweep" who were not killed outright fled the advance of the Salvadoran Army; hiding in caves and under trees to evade capture and probable summary execution. On 18 March, three days after the sweep in Cabañas began, 4–8,000 survivors of the sweep (mostly women and children) attempted to cross the Rio Lempa into Honduras to flee violence. There, they were caught between Salvadoran and Honduran troops. The Salvadoran Air Force, subsequently bombed and strafed the fleeing civilians with machine gun fire, killing hundreds. Among the dead were at least 189 persons who were unaccounted for and registered as "disappeared" during the operation.[81] A second offensive was launched, also in Cabañas Department, on 11 November 1981 in which 1,200 troops were mobilized, including members of the Atlácatl Battalion. Atlácatl was a rapid response counter-insurgency battalion organized at the U.S. Army School of the Americas in Panama in 1980. Atlácatl soldiers were trained and equipped by the U.S. military,[82][83] and were described as "the pride of the United States military team in San Salvador. Trained in antiguerrilla operations, the battalion was intended to turn a losing war around."[84] The November 1981 operation was commanded by Lt. Col. Sigifredo Ochoa, a former Treasury Police chief with a reputation for brutality. Ochoa was close associate of Major Roberto D'Aubuisson and was alleged to have been involved in the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. D'Aubuisson and Ochoa were both members of La Tandona, the class of 1966 at the Captain General Gerardo Barrios Military School.[85] From the start, the invasion of Cabanas was described as a "cleansing" operation by official sources.[86] Hundreds of civilians were massacred by the army as Col. Ochoa's troops moved through the villages. Col. Ochoa claimed that hundreds of guerrillas had been killed but was able to show journalists only fifteen captured weapons, half of them virtual antiques, suggesting that most of those killed in the sweep were unarmed.[87] El Mozote massacre The memorial at the El Mozote. This operation was followed by additional "sweeps" through Morazán Department, spearheaded by the Atlácatl Battalion. On 11 December 1981, one month after the "sweep" through Cabañas, the Battalion occupied the village of El Mozote and massacred at least 733 and possibly up to 1,000 unarmed civilians, including women and 146 children, in what became known as the El Mozote Massacre.[88][89] The Atlácatl soldiers accused the adults of collaborating with the guerrillas. The field commander said they were under orders to kill everyone, including the children, who he asserted would just grow up to become guerrillas if they let them live. "We were going to make an example of these people," he said.[90] The US steadfastly denied the existence of the El Mozote massacre, dismissing reports of it as leftist "propaganda", until secret US cables were declassified in the 1990s.[91] The US government and its allies in US media smeared reporters of American newspapers who reported on the atrocity and, more generally, undertook a campaign of whitewashing the human rights record of the Salvadoran military and the US role in arming, training and guiding it. The smears, according to journalists like Michael Massing writing in the Columbia Journalism Review and Anthony Lewis, made other American journalists tone down their reporting on the crimes of the Salvadoran regime and the US role in supporting the regime.[84][92][93][82][83][94] As details became more widely known, the event became recognized as one of the worst atrocities of the conflict. In its report covering 1981, Amnesty International identified "regular security and military units as responsible for widespread torture, mutilation and killings of noncombatant civilians from all sectors of Salvadoran society." The report also stated that the killing of civilians by state security forces became increasingly systematic with the implementation of more methodical killing strategies, which allegedly included use of a meat packing plant to dispose of human remains.[95] Between 20 and 25 August 1981, eighty-three decapitations were reported. The murders were later revealed to have been carried out by a death squad using a guillotine.[96] The repression in rural areas resulted in the displacement of large portions of the rural populace, and many peasants fled. Of those who fled or were displaced, some 20,000 resided in makeshift refugee centers on the Honduran border in conditions of poverty, starvation and disease.[97] The army and death squads forced many of them to flee to the United States, but most were denied asylum.[98] A US congressional delegation that, on 17–18 January 1981, visited the refugee camps in El Salvador on a fact finding mission, submitted a report to Congress that found: "[T]he Salvadoran method of 'drying up the ocean' is to eliminate entire villages from the map, to isolate the guerrillas, and deny them any rural base off which they can feed."[99] In total, Socorro Jurídico registered 13,353 individual cases of summary execution by government forces over the course of 1981. Nonetheless, the true figure for the number of persons killed by the Army and security services could be substantially higher, due to the fact that extrajudicial killings generally went unreported in the countryside and many of the victims' families remained silent in fear of reprisal. An Americas Watch report described that the Socorro Jurídico figures "tended to be conservative because its standards of confirmation are strict"; killings of persons were registered individually and required proof of being "not combat related".[100] Socorro Jurídico later revised its count of government killings for 1981 up to 16,000 with the induction of new cases.[101][102] Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa was chosen to replace Colonial Jaime Flores and became military commander of the whole eastern zone of El Salvador. He was a rare thing: "pure, one-hundred-percent soldier, a natural leader, a born military man."[103] Monterrosa did not want wholesale bloodshed, but he wanted to win the war at any costs. He tried to be more relatable and less arrogant to the local population in the way he presented his military. When he first executed massacres he didn't think much of it because it was part of his military training and because it was tactically approved by the High Command, but he didn't consider whether it would become a political problem. He was accused of responsibility for what happened at El Mozote, though he denied it. Monterrosa later began to date a Salvadoran woman who worked in the press corps, for an American television network. Monterrosa's girlfriend let her co-worker know that something had gone wrong at El Mozote, though she did not go into detail. But people knew that he had lost radio contact with his men and that it was unfortunate and something that later brought regrettable consequences. Although he says he lost contact with his men, the guerrillas did not believe it and said it was well known to everyone that he had ordered the massacre. In an interview with James LeMoyne, however, he stated that he did in fact order his men to "clean out" El Mozote.[104] Interim government and continued violence: 1982–1984 Peace offer and rejection José Napoleón Duarte at a Christian Democratic Party press conference during the Salvadoran war (1982) In 1982, the FMLN began calling for a peace settlement that would establish a "government of broad participation". The Reagan administration said the FMLN wanted to create a Communist dictatorship.[105] Elections were interrupted with right-wing paramilitary attacks and FMLN-suggested boycotts. El Salvador's National Federation of Lawyers, which represented all of the country's bar associations, refused to participate in drafting the 1982 electoral law. The lawyers said that the elections couldn't possibly be free and fair during a state of siege that suspended all basic rights and freedoms. FMLN steps up campaign Attacks against military and economic targets by the FMLN began to escalate. The FMLN attacked the Ilopango Air Force Base in San Salvador, destroying six of the Air Force's 14 Bell UH-1 Iroquois helicopters, five of its 18 Dassault Ouragan aircraft and three C-47s.[106] Between February and April, a total of 439 acts of sabotage were reported.[107] The number of acts of sabotage involving explosives or arson rose to 782 between January and September.[108] The United States Embassy estimated the damage to the economic infrastructure at US$98 million.[109] FMLN also carried out large-scale operations in the capital city and temporarily occupied urban centres in the country's interior. According to some reports, the number of rebels ranged between 4,000 and 5,000; other sources put the number at between 6,000 and 9,000.[110] Interim government Pursuant to measures implemented by the JRG junta on 18 October 1979, elections for an interim government were held on 29 April 1982. The Legislative Assembly voted on three candidates nominated by the armed forces; Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja was elected by 36 votes to 17, ahead of the Party of National Conciliation and the hard right Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) candidates. Roberto D'Aubuisson accused Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño of imposing on the Assembly "his personal decision to put Álvaro Alfredo Magaña Borja in the presidency" in spite of a "categorical no" from the ARENA deputies. Magana was sworn into office on 2 May. Decree No. 6 of the National Assembly suspended phase III of the implementation of the agrarian reform, and was itself later amended. The Apaneca Pact was signed on 3 August 1982, establishing a Government of National Unity, whose objectives were peace, democratization, human rights, economic recovery, security and a strengthened international position. An attempt was made to form a transitional government that would establish a democratic system. Lack of agreement among the forces that made up the government and the pressures of the armed conflict prevented any substantive[clarification needed] changes from being made during Magaña's presidency.[111] More atrocities by the government The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reported that, on 24 May 1982, a clandestine cemetery containing the corpses of 150 disappeared persons was discovered near Puerta del Diablo, Panchimalco, approximately twelve kilometers from San Salvador.[112] On 10 June 1982, almost 4,000 Salvadoran troops carried out a "cleanup" operation in the rebel-controlled Chalatenango province. Over 600 civilians were reportedly massacred during the Army sweep. The Salvadoran field commander acknowledged that an unknown number of civilian rebel sympathizers or "masas" were killed, while declaring the operation a success.[113] Nineteen days later, the Army massacred 27 unarmed civilians during house raids in a San Salvador neighborhood. The women were raped and murdered. Everyone was dragged from their homes into the street and then executed. "The operation was a success," said the Salvadoran Defense Ministry communique. "This action was a result of training and professionalization of our officers and soldiers."[114] During 1982 and 1983, government forces killed approximately 8,000 civilians a year.[40]: 3  Although the figure is substantially less than the figures reported by human rights groups in 1980 and 1981, targeted executions as well as indiscriminate killings nonetheless remained an integral policy of the army and internal security forces, part of what Professor William Stanley described as a "strategy of mass murder" designed to terrorize the civilian population as well as opponents of the government.[40]: 225  General Adolfo Blandón, the Salvadoran armed forces chief of staff during much of the 1980s, has stated, "Before 1983, we never took prisoners of war."[115] Government murder of human rights and labor union leaders In March 1983, Marianella García Villas, president of the non-governmental Human Rights Commission of El Salvador, was captured by army troops on the Guazapa volcano, and later tortured to death. Garcia Villas had been on Guazapa collecting evidence about the possible army use of white phosphorus munitions. In April 1983, Melida Anaya Montes, a leader of the Popular Forces for Liberation (FPL) "Farabundo Martí", a communist party-affiliated militia, was murdered in Managua, Nicaragua. Salvador Cayetano Carpio, her superior in the FPL, was allegedly implicated in her murder. He committed suicide in Managua shortly after Anaya Montes' murder. Their deaths influenced the course within the FMLN of the FPL's Prolonged Popular War strategy.[citation needed] On 7 February 1984, nine labor union leaders, including all seven top officials of one major labor federation, were arrested by the Salvadoran National Police and sent to be tried by a military court. The arrests were part of Duarte's moves to crack down on labor unions after more than 80 trade unionists were detained in a raid by the National Police. The police confiscated the union's files and took videotape mugshots of each union member. During a 15-day interrogation, the nine labor leaders were beaten during late-night questioning and were told to confess to being guerrillas. They were then forced to sign a written confession while blindfolded. They were never charged with being guerrillas but the official police statement said they were accused of planning to "present demands to management for higher wages and benefits and promoting strikes, which destabilize the economy." A U.S. official said the embassy had "followed the arrests closely and was satisfied that the correct procedures were followed."[116] Duarte presidency: 1984–1989 Fixed elections and lack of accountability Mesa Grande refugee camp in Honduras 1987 President Ronald Reagan with José Napoleón Duarte. In 1984 elections, Christian Democrat José Napoleón Duarte won the presidency (with 54 percent of the votes) against Army Major Roberto d'Aubuisson of the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA). The elections were held under military rule amidst high levels of repression and violence, however, and candidates to the left of Duarte's brand of Christian Democrats were excluded from participating.[117] Fearful of a d'Aubuisson presidency for public relations purposes, the CIA financed Duarte's campaign with some two million dollars.[118] $10 million were put into the election as a whole, by the CIA, for electoral technology, administration and international observers.[119] After Duarte's victory, human rights abuses at the hands of the army and security forces continued, but declined due to modifications made to the security structures. The policies of the Duarte government attempted to make the country's three security forces more accountable to the government by placing them under the direct supervision of a Vice Minister of Defense, but all three forces continued to be commanded individually by regular army officers, which, given the command structure within the government, served to effectively nullify any of the accountability provisions.[120][121] The Duarte government also failed to decommission personnel within the security structures that had been involved in gross human rights abuses, instead simply dispersing them to posts in other regions of the country.[122] Days of Tranquillity U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador Thomas Pickering and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. Following a proposal from Nils Thedin to UNICEF, "Days of tranquillity" were brokered between Government and rebel forces, under the direction of UNICEF Executive Director James Grant. For three days in 1985, all hostilities ceased to allow for mass-immunisation of any child against polio, measles, diphtheria, tetanus and whooping cough. The program was successful. More than half of El Salvador's 400,000 children were immunised from 2,000 immunisation centres by 20,000 health workers, and the program was repeated in subsequent years until the conclusion of the war. Similar programs have since been instituted in Uganda, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Sudan.[123][124] Army massacres continue While reforms were being made to the security forces, the army continued to massacre unarmed civilians in the country side. An Americas Watch report noted that the Atlácatl Battalion killed 80 unarmed civilians in Cabanas in July 1984, and carried out another massacre one month later, killing 50 displaced people in the Chalatenango province.[125] The women were raped and then everyone was systematically executed.[126] ERP combatant Perquín 1990 Through 1984 and 1985, the Salvadoran Armed Forces enacted a series of "civic-action" programs in Chalatenango province, consisting of the establishment of "citizen defense committees" to guard plantations and businesses against attacks by insurgents and the establishment of a number of free-fire zones. These measures were implemented under former Cabanas commander, Lieutenant Colonel Sigifredo Ochoa Perez, who had previously been exiled to the US Army War College for mutiny.[127] By January 1985 Ochoa's forces had established 12 free-fire zones in Chalatenango in which any inhabitants unidentified by the army were deemed to be insurgents. Ochoa stated in an interview that areas within the free fire zone were susceptible to indiscriminate bombings by the Salvadoran Air Force. Ochoa's forces were implicated in a massacre of about 40 civilians in an Army sweep through one of the free fire zones in August 1985. Ochoa refused to permit the Red Cross to enter these areas to deliver humanitarian aid to the victims.[128] Ochoa's forces reportedly uprooted some 1,400 civilian rebel supporters with mortar fire between September and November 1984.[129] In its annual review of 1987, Amnesty International reported that "some of the most serious violations of human rights are found in Central America", particularly Guatemala and El Salvador, where "kidnappings and assassinations serve as systematic mechanisms of the government against opposition from the left".[130] On 26 October 1987, unknown gunmen shot and killed Herbert Ernesto Anaya, Director of El Salvador's nongovernmental Human Rights Commission. Anaya was in his car in his driveway with his wife and children at the time. Some human rights groups linked the increase of death squad-style killings and disappearances to the reactivation of the popular organizations, which had been decimated by mass state terror in the early 1980s.[131] Col. Renee Emilio Ponce, the Army operations chief, asserted that the guerrillas were "returning to their first phase of clandestine organization" in the city, "and mobilization of the masses".[132] Peace talks During the Central American Peace Accords negotiations in 1987, the FMLN demanded that all death squads be disbanded and the members be held accountable. In October 1987, the Salvadoran Assembly approved an amnesty for civil-war-related crimes. The Amnesty law required the release of all prisoners suspected of being guerrillas and guerrilla sympathizers. Pursuant to these laws, 400 political prisoners were released. Insurgents were given a period of fifteen days to turn themselves over to the security forces in exchange for amnesty.[133] Despite amnesty being granted to guerillas and political prisoners, amnesty was also granted to members of the army, security forces and paramilitary who were involved in human rights abuses.[134] Army death squads continue In October 1988, Amnesty International reported that death squads had abducted, tortured, and killed, hundreds of suspected dissidents in the preceding eighteen months. Most of the victims were trade unionists and members of cooperatives, human rights workers, members of the judiciary involved in efforts to establish criminal responsibility for human rights violations, returned refugees and displaced persons, and released political prisoners.[135] The squads comprised intelligence sections of the Armed Forces and the security services. They customarily wore plain clothes and made use of trucks or vans with tinted windows and without license plates. They were "chillingly efficient", said the report. Victims were sometimes shot from passing cars, in the daytime and in front of eyewitnesses. At other times, victims were kidnapped from their homes or on the streets and their bodies found dumped far from the scene. Others were forcefully "disappeared." Victims were "customarily found mutilated, decapitated, dismembered, strangled or showing marks of torture or rape." The death squad style was "to operate in secret but to leave mutilated bodies of victims as a means of terrifying the population."[135] FMLN offensive of 1989 and retaliation President Alfredo Cristiani, September 1989 Outraged by the results of the 1988 fixed elections and the military's use of terror tactics and voter intimidation, the FMLN launched a major offensive known as the "final offensive of 1989" with the aim of unseating the government of President Alfredo Cristiani on 11 November 1989. This offensive brought the epicenter of fighting into the wealthy suburbs of San Salvador for essentially the first time in the history of the conflict, as the FMLN began a campaign of selective assassinations against political and military officials, civil officials, and upper-class private citizens.[136] The government retaliated with a renewed campaign of repression, primarily against activists in the democratic sector.[136] The non-governmental Salvadoran Human Rights Commission (CDHES) counted 2,868 killings by the armed forces between May 1989 and May 1990.[137] In addition, the CDHES stated that government paramilitary organizations illegally detained 1,916 persons and disappeared 250 during the same period.[138] On 13 February, the Atlácatl Battalion attacked a guerrilla field hospital and killed at least 10 people, including five patients, a physician and a nurse. Two of the female victims showed signs that they had been raped before they were executed. US message Nearly two weeks earlier, US Vice President Dan Quayle on a visit to San Salvador told army leaders that human rights abuses committed by the military had to stop. Sources associated with the military said afterword that Quayle's warning was dismissed as propaganda for American consumption aimed at the US Congress and public.[139] At the same time, critics argued US military advisors were possibly sending a different message to the Salvadoran military: "Do what you need to do to stop the commies, just don't get caught".[140] A former US intelligence officer suggested the death squads needed to leave less visual evidence, that they should stop dumping bodies on the side of the road because "they have an ocean and they ought to use it".[141] The School of the Americas, founded by the United States, trained many members of the Salvadoran military, including Roberto D'Aubuisson, organizer of death squads, and military officers linked to the murder of Jesuit priests.[142] In a 29 November 1989 press conference, Secretary of State James A. Baker III said he believed President Cristiani was in control of the army and defended the government's crackdown on opponents as "absolutely appropriate".[143] The US Trade Representative told Human Rights Watch that the government's repression of trade unionists was justified on the grounds that they were guerrilla supporters.[144][145] Government terrorism in San Salvador In San Salvador on 1 October 1989, eight people were killed and 35 others were injured when a death squad bombed the headquarters of the leftist labor confederation, the National Trade Union Federation of Salvadoran Workers (UNTS).[146] Earlier the same day, another bomb exploded outside the headquarters of a victims' advocacy group, the Committee of Mothers and Family Members of Political Prisoners, Disappeared and Assassinated of El Salvador, injuring four others.[147] Death squads take on the church As early as the 1980s, the University of Central America fell under attack from the army and death squads. On 16 November 1989, five days after the beginning of the FMLN offensive, uniformed soldiers of the Atlácatl Battalion entered the campus of the University of Central America in the middle of the night and executed six Jesuit priests—Ignacio Ellacuría, Segundo Montes, Ignacio Martín-Baró, Joaquín López y López, Juan Ramón Moreno, and Amando López—and their housekeepers (a mother and daughter, Elba Ramos and Celia Marisela Ramos). The priests were dragged from their beds on the campus, machine gunned to death and their corpses mutilated. The mother and daughter were found shot to death in the bed they shared.[148] The Atlácatl Battalion was reportedly under the tutelage of U.S. special forces just 48 hours before the killings.[149] One day later, six men and one youth were slaughtered by government soldiers in the capital, San Salvador. According to relatives and neighbors who witnessed the killings, the six men were lined up against a masonry wall and shot to death. The seventh youth who happened to be walking by at the time was also executed.[150] The Salvadoran government then began a campaign to dismantle a liberal Catholic church network that the army said were "front organizations" supporting the guerrillas. Church offices were raided and workers were arrested and expelled. Targets included priests, lay workers and foreign employees of humanitarian agencies, providing social services to the poor: food programs, healthcare, relief for the displaced.[151] One church volunteer, who was a U.S. citizen, said she was blindfolded, tortured and interrogated in Treasury Police headquarters in San Salvador while a U.S. vice consul "having coffee with the colonel in charge" did nothing to intervene.[152] Pressures to end stalemate Protest against the Salvadoran Civil War Chicago 1989 The murder of the six Jesuit priests and the November 1989 "final offensive" by the FMLN in San Salvador, however, were key turning points that increased international pressure and domestic pressure from war-weary constituents that alternatives to the military stalemate needed to be found. International support for the FMLN was declining with the end of the Cold War just as international support for the Salvadoran armed forces was weakening as the Reagan administration gave way to the less ideological Bush administration, and the end of the Cold War lessened the anti-Communist concerns about a potential domino effect in Central America.[153] By the late 1980s, 75 percent of the population lived in poverty.[30] The living standards of most Salvadorans declined by 30 percent since 1983. Unemployment or underemployment increased to 50 percent.[154] Most people, moreover, still didn't have access to clean water or healthcare. The armed forces were feared, inflation rose almost 40 percent, capital flight reached an estimated $1 billion, and the economic elite avoided paying taxes.[155] Despite nearly $3 billion in American economic assistance, per capita income declined by one third.[30] American aid was distributed to urban businesses although the impoverished majority received almost none of it.[155] The concentration of wealth was even higher than before the U.S.-administered land reform program. The agrarian law generated windfall profits for the economic elite and buried the cooperatives in debts that left them incapable of competing in the capital markets. The oligarchs often took back the land from bankrupt peasants who couldn't obtain the credit necessary to pay for seeds and fertilizer.[156] Although, "few of the poor would dream of seeking legal redress against a landlord because virtually no judge would favor a poor man."[155] By 1989, 1 percent of the landowners owned 41 percent of the tillable land, while 60 percent of the rural population owned 0 percent.[30] Death squads and peace accords: 1990–1992 ERP combatants Perquín 1990 The Chapultepec Peace Accords. After 10 years of war, more than one million people had been displaced out of a population of 5,389,000. 40 percent of the homes of newly displaced people were completely destroyed and another 25 percent were in need of major repairs.[157] Death squad activities further escalated in 1990, despite a UN Agreement on Human Rights signed 26 July by the Cristiani government and the FMLN.[158] In June 1990, U.S. President George Bush announced an "Enterprise for the Americas Initiative" to improve the investment climate by creating "a hemisphere-wide free trade zone."[159] President Bush authorized the release of $42.5 million in military aid to the Salvadoran armed forces on 16 January 1991.[160] In late January, the Usulután offices of the Democratic Convergence, a coalition of left-of-center parties, were attacked with grenades. On 21 February, a candidate for the Democratic National Unity (UDN) party and his pregnant wife were assassinated after ignoring death squad threats to leave the country or die. On the last day of the campaign, another UDN candidate was shot in her eye when Arena party gunmen opened fire on campaign activists putting up posters. Despite fraudulent elections orchestrated by Arena through voter intimidation, sabotage of polling stations by the Arena-dominated Central Elections Council and the disappearing of tens of thousands of names from the voting lists, the official U.S. observation team declared them "free and fair."[161] Death squad killings and disappearances remained steady throughout 1991 as well as torture, false imprisonment, and attacks on civilians by the Army and security forces. Opposition politicians, members of church and grassroots organizations representing peasants, women and repatriated refugees suffered constant death threats, arrests, surveillance and break-ins all year. The FMLN killed two wounded U.S. military advisers and carried out indiscriminate attacks, kidnappings and assassinations of civilians.[citation needed] The war intensified in mid-1991, as both the army and the FMLN attempted to gain the advantage in the United Nations-brokered peace talks prior to a cease-fire. Indiscriminate attacks and executions by the armed forces increased as a result.[162] Eventually, by April 1991, negotiations resumed, resulting in a truce that successfully concluded in January 1992, bringing about the war's end.[citation needed] On 16 January 1992, the Chapultepec Peace Accords were signed in Chapultepec Castle, Mexico City, to bring peace to El Salvador.[163] The Armed Forces were regulated, a civilian police force was established, the FMLN metamorphosed from a guerrilla army to a political party, and an amnesty law was legislated in 1993.[164] Aftermath A monument carved in black marble that contains on the names of thousands of victims of the civil war. The peace process set up under the Chapultepec Accords was monitored by the United Nations from 1991 until June 1997 when it closed its special monitoring mission in El Salvador. In 1996, U.S. authorities acknowledged for the first time that U.S. military personnel had died in combat during the civil war. Officially, American advisers were prohibited from participating in combat operations, but they carried weapons, and accompanied Salvadoran army soldiers in the field and were subsequently targeted by rebels. 21 Americans were killed in action during the civil war and more than 5,000 served.[2] During the 2004 elections, White House Special Assistant Otto Reich gave a phone-in press conference at ARENA party headquarters. He reportedly said he was worried about the impact an FMLN win could have on the country's "economic, commercial, and migratory relations with the United States." In February 2004, Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega told voters to "consider what kind of a relationship they want a new administration to have with us." He met with all the candidates except Schafik Handal, the FMLN candidate. This prompted 28 US Congress members to send a letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell saying Mr. Noriega "crossed a boundary" and that his remarks were perceived as "interference in Salvadoran electoral affairs." A week later, two US congressmen blasted Reich's comments as inflammatory.[165] Truth Commission Main article: Truth Commission for El Salvador At war's end, the Commission on the Truth for El Salvador registered more than 22,000 complaints of political violence in El Salvador, dating between January 1980 and July 1991, 60 percent about summary killing, 25 percent about kidnapping, and 20 percent about torture. These complaints attributed almost 85 percent of the violence to the Salvadoran Army and security forces alone. The Salvadoran Armed Forces, which were massively supported by the United States (4.6 billion dollars in 2009),[166] were accused in 60 percent of the complaints, the security forces (i.e. the National Guard, Treasury Police and the National Police) in 25 percent, military escorts and civil defense units in 20 percent of complaints, the death squads in approximately 10 percent, and the FMLN in 5 percent.[166] The Truth Commission could collect only a significant sample of the full number of potential complaints, having had only three months to collect it.[167] The report concluded that more than 70,000 people were killed, many in the course of gross violation of their human rights. More than 25 per cent of the populace was displaced as refugees before the U.N. peace treaty in 1992.[168][169] The statistics presented in the Truth Commission's report are consistent with both previous and retrospective assessments by the international community and human rights monitors, which documented that the majority of the violence and repression in El Salvador was attributable to government agencies, primarily the National Guard and the Salvadoran Army.[170][171][172] A 1984 Amnesty International report stated that many of the 40,000 people killed in the preceding five years had been murdered by government forces, who openly dumped their mutilated corpses in an apparent effort to terrorize the population.[173][174] The government mostly killed peasants, but many other opponents suspected of sympathy with the guerrillas—clergy (men and women), church lay workers, political activists, journalists, labor unionists (leaders, rank-and-file), medical workers, liberal students and teachers, and human-rights monitors were also killed.[175] The killings were carried out by the security forces, the Army, the National Guard, and the Treasury Police;[1]: 308 [176] but it was the paramilitary death squads that gave the Government plausible deniability of, and accountability for the killings. Typically, a death squad dressed in civilian clothes and traveled in anonymous vehicles (dark windows, blank license plates). The deaths squads tactics included publishing future-victim death lists, delivering coffins to said future victims, and sending the target-person an invitation to his/her own funeral.[177][178] Cynthia Arnson, a Latin American-affairs writer for Human Rights Watch, says: the objective of death-squad-terror seemed not only to eliminate opponents, but also, through torture and the gruesome disfigurement of bodies, to terrorize the population.[179] In the mid-1980s, state terror against civilians became open with indiscriminate bombing from military airplanes, planted mines, and the harassment of national and international medical personnel. Author George Lopez writes that "although death rates attributable to the death squads have declined in El Salvador since 1983, non-combatant victims of the civil war have increased dramatically".[180] Though the violations of the FMLN accounted for five percent or less of those documented by the Truth Commission, the FMLN continuously violated the human rights of many Salvadorans and other individuals identified as right-wing supporters, military targets, pro-government politicians, intellectuals, public officials, and judges. These violations included kidnapping, bombings, rape, and killing.[167] Military reform In accordance with the peace agreements, the constitution was amended to prohibit the military from playing an internal security role except under extraordinary circumstances. During the period of fulfilling of the peace agreements, the Minister of Defense was General Humberto Corado Figueroa. Demobilization of Salvadoran military forces generally proceeded on schedule throughout the process. The Treasury Police and National Guard were abolished, and military intelligence functions were transferred to civilian control. By 1993—nine months ahead of schedule—the military had cut personnel from a wartime high of 63,000 to the level of 32,000 required by the peace accords. By 1999, ESAF's strength stood at less than 15,000, including uniformed and non-uniformed personnel, consisting of personnel in the army, navy, and air force. A purge of military officers accused of human rights abuses and corruption was completed in 1993 in compliance with the Ad Hoc Committee's recommendations.[citation needed] National Civil Police The new civilian police force, created to replace the discredited public security forces, deployed its first officers in March 1993, and was present throughout the country by the end of 1994. In 1999, the PNC had over 18,000 officers. The PNC faced many challenges in building a completely new police force. With common crime rising dramatically since the end of the war, over 500 PNC officers had been killed in the line of duty by late 1998. PNC officers also have arrested a number of their own in connection with various high-profile crimes, and a "purification" process to weed out unfit personnel from throughout the force was undertaken in late 2000.[181] Human Rights Commission of El Salvador On 26 October 1987, Herbert Ernesto Anaya, head of the Human Rights Commission of El Salvador (CDHES), was assassinated. His killing provoked four days' of political protest—during which his remains were displayed before the U.S. embassy and then before the Salvadoran armed forces headquarters. The National Union of Salvadoran Workers said: "Those who bear sole responsibility for this crime are José Napoleón Duarte, the U.S. embassy...and the high command of the armed forces". In its report the Commission on the Truth for El Salvador, established as part of the El Salvador peace agreement, stated that it could not establish for sure whether the death squads, the Salvadoran Army or the FMLN was responsible for Anaya's death. Moreover, the FMLN and the Revolutionary Democratic Front (FDR) also protested Mr. Anaya's assassination by suspending negotiations with the Duarte government on 29 October 1987. The same day, Reni Roldán resigned from the Commission of National Reconciliation, saying: "The murder of Anaya, the disappearance of university labor leader Salvador Ubau, and other events do not seem to be isolated incidents. They are all part of an institutionalized pattern of conduct". Mr. Anaya's assassination evoked international indignation: the West German government, the West German Social Democratic Party, and the French government asked President Duarte to clarify the circumstances of the crime. United Nations Secretary Gen

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Carpet bombing, also known as saturation bombing, is a large area bombardment done in a progressive manner to inflict damage in every part of a selected area of land.[1][2][3][4] The phrase evokes the image of explosions completely covering an area, in the same way that a carpet covers a floor. Carpet bombing is usually achieved by dropping many unguided bombs. Carpet bombing of cities, towns, villages, or other areas containing a concentration of protected civilians has been considered a war crime since 1977,[5] through Article 51 of Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions.[6][7][8] The term obliteration bombing is sometimes used to describe especially intensified bombing with the intention of destroying a city or a large part of the city. The term area bombing refers to indiscriminate bombing of an area and also encompasses cases of carpet bombing, including obliteration bombing. It was used in that sense especially during World War II and the Korean War.[9] Early history One of the first attempts at carpet bombing was at the Battle of El Mazuco during the Spanish Civil War in 1937,[10][11] against widely-dispersed infantry on rocky slopes, and the attacking Condor Legion learned that carpet bombing was not very effective in such terrain. In March 1938, the Bombing of Barcelona saw Italian and German airstrikes killing up to 1,300 people and wounding 2,000. It is considered the first carpet bombing of a city,[12][failed verification] and set precedent for several such bombings in World War II. The Japanese bombing of China's wartime capital Chongqing from 18 February 1938 to 23 August 1943 caused 23,600 deaths and over 30,000 wounded.[citation needed] During World War II Pre-war expectation In the inter-war years, a growing expectation developed that, on the outbreak of war, cities would be rapidly destroyed by bombing raids. The use of poison gas was expected and a high level of devastation was anticipated from high explosive bombs. This originated, in part, from the views of military experts such as Douhet, and was taken up by politicians and journalists, with, for example, Stanley Baldwin coining the phrase "‘The bomber will always get through’. The targeting of the civilian population would, some theories suggested, cause a breakdown in morale that would lead to civil unrest that would compel a government to surrender. The combatant powers could, according to Baldwin, be in a competition to break the morale of the other side's civilian population first.[13] There were two results from this. Firstly, civil defence programs were set up, with gas masks being issued, plans for air raid shelters were set up and organisations to manage civilians before a raid and deal with damage and casualties after one were put in place. Secondly, agreements were sought to make the targeting of civilians illegal under international law. At the time that Douhet and others were publishing their ideas, no air force had planned their capabilities with the intent of making a "knockout blow" against civilian targets.[13] The Hague Rules of Air Warfare were developed in 1922/23 to prevent deliberately attacking civilians, yet it was not ratified by any country.[14] At the start of World War II, the Royal Air Force had an initial instruction to abide by the Hague Rules for as long as the enemy did. This restraint was followed by both Britain and Germany until 11 May 1940, when, with Winston Churchill now in the role of Prime Minister and the war in France going badly, the RAF attacked industrial and transport infrastructure targets in Mönchengladbach. This raid caused civilian casualties.[15] Bombing by Germany In the European Theatre, the first city to suffer heavily from aerial bombardment was Warsaw, on 25 September 1939.[16] Continuing this trend in warfare, the Rotterdam Blitz was an aerial bombardment of Rotterdam by 90 bombers of the German Air Force on 14 May 1940, during the German invasion of the Netherlands. The objective was to support the German assault on the city, break Dutch resistance, and force the Dutch to surrender. Despite a ceasefire, the bombing destroyed almost the entire historic city centre, killing nearly nine hundred civilians and leaving 30,000 people homeless. The destructive success of the bombing led the Oberkommando der Luftwaffe (OKL) to threaten to destroy the city of Utrecht if the Dutch Government did not surrender. The Dutch capitulated early the next morning.[17] As the war progressed, the Battle of Britain developed from a fight for air supremacy into the strategic and aerial bombing of London, Coventry and other British cities. Bombing by the Western Allies At the beginning of war, RAF Bomber Command lacked both the navigation systems for finding a target and the numbers of bombers that were needed to make attacks of any scale in Germany. As heavy bombers were brought into service and technology and tactics were improved, the selection of targets was changed. The intention of avoiding civilian casualties as collateral damage disappeared. Instead, the civilian population which worked in war-related industries – and their housing – became the target. Some of this change came from a wish to retaliate for the German attack on Coventry.[a] It was also based on what was learnt from being the target in the Blitz. It had been found that factory buildings were more resistant to critical damage than the homes of their workers. Absenteeism of the workforce rose significantly if their housing was uninhabitable, so affecting industrial production. Whilst morale was still discussed, the meaning of the word changed from its pre-war usage. Now a reduction in morale was intended to reduce industrial production that supported the war effort.[19] The Eighth Air Force of the USAAF arrived in Britain over the summer of 1942. Despite Roosevelt's pleas to Hitler to avoid bombing civilians prior to the US joining the war, he was a supporter of bombing Germany. Both Churchill and Roosevelt were in the position that Stalin was pressing for the Western Allies to open a new front in Europe – something which they were not ready to do. Therefore a bombing campaign was all they could offer to support the Soviet Union. This came together with the firebombing of Hamburg, which caused substantial damage to the city, especially the housing of industrial workers. Attacks of this sort (though not with such major effect) continued throughout the war, with Dresden being one of the final targets.[20] Carpet bombing was also used as close air support (as "flying artillery") for ground operations. The massive bombing was concentrated in a narrow and shallow area of the front (a few kilometers by a few hundred meters deep), closely coordinated with the advance of friendly troops. The first successful use of the technique was on 6 May 1943, at the end of the Tunisia Campaign. Carried out under Sir Arthur Tedder, it was hailed by the press as Tedder's bomb-carpet (or Tedder's carpet). The bombing was concentrated in a four by three-mile area, preparing the way for the First Army.[21] This tactic was later used in many cases in the Normandy Campaign; for example, in the Battle for Caen.[22] Pacific War In the Pacific War, carpet bombing was used extensively against Japanese cities such as Tokyo.[23][24] On the night of 9–10 March 1945, 334 B-29 Superfortress heavy bombers were directed to attack the most heavily populated civilian sectors of Tokyo.[25] In just one night, over 100,000 people burned to death from a heavy bombardment of incendiary bombs,[25] comparable to the wartime number of U.S. casualties in the entire Pacific theater.[25] Another 100,000 to one million Japanese were left homeless.[26] These attacks were followed by similar ones against Kobe, Osaka, and Nagoya, as well as other sectors of Tokyo, where over 9,373 tons[25] of incendiary bombs were dropped on civilian and military targets. By the time of the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, light and medium bombers were being directed to bomb targets of convenience, as most urban areas had already been destroyed. In the 9-month long bombing campaign, over 300,000 Japanese civilians died and 400,000 were wounded.[27] USS Essex TBF-1 Avenger dropping a bomb over the Pasig River in Manila targeting the dockyard, November 14, 1944 During the final months of the war in the Philippines, the United States military used carpet bombing against the Japanese forces in Manila and Baguio, reducing much of the cities to rubble.[28][29] Manila became the second-most-destroyed city of World War II.[30][31] Vietnam War During the Vietnam War, with the escalating situation in Southeast Asia, twenty-eight B-52Fs were fitted with external racks for twenty-four 750-pound (340 kg) bombs under project South Bay in June 1964; an additional forty-six aircraft received similar modifications under project Sun Bath.[32] In March 1965, the United States commenced Operation Rolling Thunder. The first combat mission, Operation Arc Light, was flown by B-52Fs on 18 June 1965, when 30 bombers of the 9th and 441st Bombardment Squadrons struck a communist stronghold near the Bến Cát District in South Vietnam. The first wave of bombers arrived too early at a designated rendezvous point, and while maneuvering to maintain station, two B-52s collided, which resulted in the loss of both bombers and eight crewmen. The remaining bombers, minus one more that turned back for mechanical problems, continued toward the target.[33] Twenty-seven Stratofortresses dropped on a one-mile by two-mile target box from between 19,000 and 22,000 feet (5,800 and 6,700 m), a little more than 50% of the bombs falling within the target zone.[34] The force returned to Andersen AFB except for one bomber with electrical problems that recovered to Clark AFB, the mission having lasted 13 hours. Post-strike assessment by teams of South Vietnamese troops with American advisors found evidence that the VC had departed the area before the raid, and it was suspected that infiltration of the south's forces may have tipped off the north because of the ARVN troops involved in the post-strike inspection.[35] Against a blue sky with white clouds, a B-52F releases bombs over Vietnam. B-52F releasing its payload of bombs over Vietnam The B-52s were restricted to bombing suspected Communist bases in relatively uninhabited sections, because their potency approached that of a tactical nuclear weapon. A formation of six B-52s, dropping their bombs from 30,000 feet (9,100 m), could "take out"... almost everything within a "box" approximately five-eighths mile (1.0 km) wide by two miles (3.2 km) long. Whenever Arc Light struck ... in the vicinity of Saigon, the city woke from the tremor.. Neil Sheehan, war correspondent, writing before the mass attacks to heavily populated cities including North Vietnam's capital.[36] Beginning in late 1965, a number of B-52Ds underwent Big Belly modifications to increase bomb capacity for carpet bombings.[37] While the external payload remained at twenty-four 500-pound (227 kg) or 750-pound (340 kg) bombs, the internal capacity increased from twenty-seven to eighty-four 500-pound bombs or from twenty-seven to forty-two 750-pound bombs.[38] The modification created enough capacity for a total of 60,000 pounds (27,215 kg) in one hundred and eight bombs. Thus modified, B-52Ds could carry 22,000 pounds (9,980 kg) more than B-52Fs.[39] Designed to replace B-52Fs, modified B-52Ds entered combat in April 1966 flying from Andersen Air Force Base, Guam. Each bombing mission lasted 10 to 12 hours with an aerial refueling by KC-135 Stratotankers.[40] In spring 1967, the aircraft began flying from U Tapao Airfield in Thailand giving the aircraft the advantage of not requiring in-flight refueling.[38] The zenith of B-52 attacks in Vietnam was Operation Linebacker II (sometimes referred to as the Christmas Bombing) which consisted of waves of B-52s (mostly D models, but some Gs without jamming equipment and with a smaller bomb load). Over 12 days, B-52s flew 729 sorties[41] and dropped 15,237 tons of bombs on Hanoi, Haiphong, and other targets.[42] Originally 42 B-52s were committed to the war; however, numbers were frequently twice this figure.[43] See also Aerial bombardment and international law Aerial bombing of cities Area bombardment Bombing of Warsaw in World War II Churchill's advocacy of chemical strike against German cities Civilian casualties of strategic bombing Giulio Douhet, an early theorist of bombing Roerich Pact Strategic bombing Tactical bombing Terror bombing Notes The war cabinet agreed, in November 1940, the indiscriminate bombing of a German city as retaliation for the German raid on Coventry.[18] References "carpet-bombing". Memidex/WordNet Dictionary. Archived from the original on 28 January 2013. Retrieved 25 July 2011. Keane, Michael (2005). Dictionary of modern strategy and tactics. Annapolis (MD): Naval Institute Press. pp. 30–31. ISBN 1-59114-429-9. Dickson, Paul (2004). War slang : American fighting words and phrases since the Civil War (2. ed.). Washington, DC: Brassey's. pp. 139, 209, 303–304. ISBN 1-57488-710-6. Gooderson, Ian (1997). Air power at the battlefront: Allied Close Air Support in Europe, 1943–45 (1st ed.). London: F. Cass. p. 129. ISBN 0-7146-4680-6. "Crimes of War – Carpet or Area Bombing". Archived from the original on 2 December 2015. Retrieved 8 December 2015. "Carpet bombing". Britannica.com. Retrieved 21 June 2019. "Treaties, States parties, and Commentaries - Additional Protocol (I) to the Geneva Conventions, 1977 - 51 - Protection of the civilian population". International Committee of the Red Cross. 8 June 1977. Retrieved 21 June 2019. "Treaties, States parties, and Commentaries - Additional Protocol (I) to the Geneva Conventions, 1977 - 51 - Protection of the civilian population - Commentary of 1987". Paragraph 5. International Committee of the Red Cross. Retrieved 21 June 2019. Primoratz, Igor, ed. (2010). Terror from the sky : the bombing of German cities in World War II (1. publ. ed.). New York: Berghahn Books. pp. 45–53. ISBN 978-1-84545-687-0. Juan Antonio de Blas, "El Mazuco (La defensa imposible)" (pp369–383), in La guerra civil en Asturias, Ediciones Júcar, Gijón 1986. "El Mazuco (The Impossible Defense)". www.speleogroup.org. Translated by Mike Cowlishaw. Retrieved 21 June 2019. Thomas, Hugh (2003). The Spanish Civil War (4th ed.). London: Penguin. ISBN 9780141011615. OCLC 53806663. Overy 2013, p. 19-37. Overy 2013, p. 29. Overy 2013, p. 239, 243. Bevan, Robert (2016). The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War. Reaktion Books. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-78023-608-7. Hooton 2007, p. 52. Overy 2013, p. 262. Overy 2013, p. 255-259, 264. Overy 2013, p. 255-259, 282, 391. Richards, Denis (1975). "XII Torch and Tunisia". Volume II: The Fight Avails (Pbk. ed.). London: H.M.S.O. pp. 270–271. ISBN 0-11-771593-X. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help) Levine, Alan J. (1992). The strategic bombing of Germany : 1940–1945 (1. publ. ed.). Westport, Conn. u.a.: Praeger. pp. 141–142. ISBN 0-275-94319-4. "Tokyo remembers 1945 bombing raid". BBC News. 10 March 2005. Retrieved 1 April 2010. Colhoun, Jack. "Strategic Bombing". Institute for Energy and Environmental Research. Retrieved 21 June 2019. Nie, Jing-Bao (17 August 2010). Japan's Wartime Medical Atrocities: Comparative Inquiries in Science, History, and Ethics. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-58377-0. Selden, Mark (2007). "A Forgotten Holocaust: US Bombing Strategy, the Destruction of Japanese Cities & the American Way of War from World War II to Iraq". The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. 5. "The Strategic Bombing Survey estimated that 87,793 people died in the raid, 40,918 were injured, and 1,008,005 people lost their homes. Robert Rhodes, estimating the dead at more than 100,000 men, women and children, suggested that probably a million more were injured and another million were left homeless." Selden, Mark (2007). "A Forgotten Holocaust: US Bombing Strategy, the Destruction of Japanese Cities & the American Way of War from World War II to Iraq". The Asia-Pacific Journal Japan Focus. 5. "Overall, by one calculation, the US firebombing campaign destroyed 180 square miles of 67 cities, killed more than 300,000 people and injured an additional 400,000, figures that exclude the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki." Guy, Mary E.; Mastracci, Sharon H.; Yang, Seung-Bum (3 September 2019). The Palgrave Handbook of Global Perspectives on Emotional Labor in Public Service. Springer Nature. p. 345. ISBN 978-3-030-24823-9. Retrieved 22 August 2023. Shaw, Angel Velasco; Francia, Luis H. (December 2002). Vestiges of War: The Philippine-American War and the Aftermath of an Imperial Dream 1899-1999. NYU Press. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-8147-9791-4. Boldorf, Marcel; Okazaki, Tetsuji (24 March 2015). Economies under Occupation: The hegemony of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in World War II. Routledge. pp. 194. ISBN 978-1-317-50650-8. Retrieved 28 March 2022. Synott, John P. (22 November 2017). Teacher Unions, Social Movements and the Politics of Education in Asia: South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-73424-0. Retrieved 28 March 2022. Lake International Air Power Review Summer 2003, p. 103. Anderson, William. "Guam Jets Bomb S. Viet." Archived 17 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine Chicago Tribune, 18 June 1965. Hobson 2001, pp. 22–23. Schlight 1988, p. 52. Condor 1994, p. 37. Lake & Styling 2004, p. 30. Dick & Patterson 2006, p. 161. Knaack 1988, p. 256. Donald 1997, pp. 161–162. Dick & Patterson 2006, p. 187. Condor 1994, p. 38; Budiansky 2004, p. 394. Lake & Styling 2004, p. 32. Bibliography Budiansky, Stephen (2004). Air Power: The Men, Machines, and Ideas that Revolutionized War, from Kitty Hawk to Iraq. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-670-03285-3. Condor, Albert E (1994). Air Force Gunners (AFGA): The Men Behind the Guns, The History of Enlisted Aerial Gunnery, 1917–1991. Nashville, Tennessee: Turner Publishing. ISBN 978-1-56311-167-9. Dick, Ron; Patterson, Dan (2006). Aviation Century: War & Peace In The Air. Eden Prairie, Ontario: Boston Mills Press. ISBN 978-1-55046-430-6. Donald, David (1997). The Encyclopedia of World Aircraft. Etobicoke, Ontario, Canada: Prospero Books. ISBN 978-1-85605-375-4. Hobson, Chris (2001). Vietnam Air Losses, USAF, USN, USMC, Fixed-Wing Aircraft Losses in Southeast Asia 1961–1973. North Branch, Minnesota: Specialty Press. ISBN 978-1-85780-115-6. Hooton, E. R. (2007). Luftwaffe at War; Blitzkrieg in the West. London: Chevron/Ian Allan. ISBN 978-1-85780-272-6. Knaack, Marcelle Size (1988). Post-World War II Bombers, 1945–1973 (PDF). Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History. ISBN 978-0-16-002260-9. Lake, Jon; Styling, Mark (2004). B-52 Stratofortress Units in Combat 1955–73. London: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84176-607-2. Overy, Richard (2013). The Bombing War, Europe 1939-45 (Kindle, 2014 ed.). London: Penguin Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0-141-92782-4. Schlight, John (1988). The War in South Vietnam: The Years of the Offensive, 1965–1968 (The United States Air Force in Southeast Asia). Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History, United States Air Force. ISBN 978-0-912799-51-3.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Dennis Lynn Rader (born March 9, 1945), also known as BTK (an abbreviation he gave himself for "bind, torture, kill"), is an American serial killer who murdered at least ten people in Wichita and Park City, Kansas, between 1974 and 1991. Although Rader occasionally killed or attempted to kill men and children, he typically targeted women. His victims were often bound, sometimes with objects from their homes, and either suffocated with a plastic bag or manually strangled with a ligature.[4] In addition, Rader stole keepsakes from his female victims, including underwear, licenses, and personal items. He often sent taunting letters to police and media outlets, describing the details of his crimes.[5][6] After a 13-year hiatus, Rader resumed sending letters, in 2004, leading to his 2005 arrest and subsequent guilty plea. He is currently serving ten consecutive life sentences at the El Dorado Correctional Facility.[2] Life and background The eldest of four sons, Dennis Lynn Rader was born in Pittsburg, Kansas, on March 9, 1945, to bookkeeper Dorothea Mae Rader (née Cook; September 17, 1925 – October 14, 2007) and Kansas Gas Service worker William Elvin Rader (November 21, 1922 – December 27, 1996).[7][8][9] Rader grew up in Wichita. Both parents worked long hours and paid little attention to their children at home. Later, Rader described feeling ignored by his mother, in particular, and resenting her for it.[10] From a young age, Rader harbored sadistic sexual fantasies about torturing "trapped and helpless" women.[10][11] He also exhibited zoosadism by torturing, killing and hanging small animals.[12][13] Rader acted out sexual fetishes for voyeurism, autoerotic asphyxiation, and cross-dressing. He often spied on female neighbors, while dressed in women's clothing, including women's underwear that he had stolen, and masturbated with ropes or other bindings around his arms and neck.[14] Years later, during his "cooling off" periods, between murders, Rader would take pictures of himself wearing women's clothes and a female mask, while bound. He later admitted that he was pretending to be his victims, as part of a sexual fantasy.[15] However, Rader kept his sexual proclivities well-hidden, and he was widely regarded, in his community, as "normal, polite, and well mannered".[13] After graduating from Wichita Heights High School,[16] Rader attended Kansas Wesleyan University. He received only mediocre grades and dropped out, after one year. Rader served in the United States Air Force, from 1966 to 1970.[17] On discharge, he moved to Park City (a suburb of Wichita), where he worked in the meat department of an IGA supermarket, which is also where his mother was employed, as a bookkeeper.[18] Rader married Paula Dietz, on May 22, 1971. They had two children, Kerri and Brian.[19][20] He attended Butler County Community College, in El Dorado, earning an associate degree in Electronics Engineering Technology in 1973.[21] Then, he enrolled at Wichita State University and graduated, in 1979, with a Bachelor of Science degree, majoring in Administration of Justice. Initially, Rader worked as an assembler for the Coleman Company, an outdoor supply company, before working at the Wichita-based office of ADT Security Services, from 1974 to 1988, where he installed security alarms, as part of his job, which he did, in many cases, for homeowners concerned about the BTK killings.[19][22] Rader was a census field operations supervisor for the Wichita area, in 1989, before the 1990 federal census.[23] In May 1991, Rader became a dogcatcher and compliance officer in Park City.[19][24][25][26] In this position, neighbors recalled him as being sometimes overzealous and extremely strict, as well as taking special pleasure in bullying and harassing single women.[27] One neighbor complained that Rader killed her dog, for no reason.[28] Rader was a member of Christ Lutheran Church, in Wichita, and at one point, he was elected president of the church council.[19][29] He was also a Cub Scout leader.[19] By the 2000s, the public's memories of the murders had begun to fade. Local author Robert Beattie began writing a book about the killings, after being shocked that so many young people he spoke to had never heard of them. Hungry for attention, Rader re-emerged as BTK, in 2004, after learning that a book was being written.[30] On July 26, 2005, after Rader's arrest, his wife was granted an "emergency divorce" (waiving the normal 60-day waiting period).[31][20][32][33] In an interview with ABC News, in 2019, Rader's daughter, Kerri, said she still writes to her father and has now forgiven him, but she still struggles to reconcile him with the BTK killer, stating that her childhood was normal, describing her formative years as a "normal American family".[34] Case history Confirmed murders On January 15, 1974, four members of the Otero family were murdered in Wichita, Kansas.[35] The victims were Joseph Otero Sr., 38; Julia Maria "Julie" Otero, 33; Joseph "Joey" Otero II, 9; and Josephine "Josie" Otero, 11. Their bodies were discovered by the family's three older children, who had been at school at the time of the killings.[35][36] After his 2005 arrest, Rader confessed to killing the Otero family.[37] Rader claimed that he first targeted the family two months prior to their murders, when he spotted Julie leaving to take her children to school and followed them. On the morning of January 15, Rader cut the phone lines and entered the Otero residence, when Joey opened the back door for the family dog.[37] Rader told the Otero family that he was a "wanted" man in California, before he ordered them to lie on the living room floor at gunpoint. Then, he led the family into a bedroom and bound them, with rope he had prepared. Joseph and Joey were on the floor, while Julie and Josie were on the bed.[37] The wrists and feet of Joseph and Julie were restrained. Joseph's head was covered by a plastic bag, which Rader, then, secured with ropes, but after he chewed a hole in the bag, another bag was tightened over his head, causing Joseph to slowly suffocate to death.[37] Rader attempted to strangle Julie, and according to Rader: "Mrs. Otero woke back up. She was pretty upset with what was going on, and she asked me to save her son, so I took the bag off. She screamed, “You killed my boy! You killed my boy!” After the initial realization and shock, she communicated, “God have mercy on your soul,” before I put her down, permanently." Rader strangled her to death, with rope.[37] With both parents dead, Rader, then, also placed another plastic bag, with two T-shirts, and an additional bag over it on Joey's head and watched, as he thrashed about, while being suffocated.[37] Afterward, Rader led Josie down into the basement, where he hung her, with a noose from a pipe. Later, police found Rader's semen, near her partially-clothed body. Rader, then, eventually wrote a letter that he stashed inside an engineering book in the Wichita Public Library, in October 1974, describing, in detail, the killing of the Otero family.[23] On April 4, 1974, Rader broke into the Wichita home of 21-year-old Kathryn Doreen Bright, through her screen door but was taken aback to discover her 19-year-old brother, Kevin Bright, was also present in the property. He transported Kathryn to another bedroom and tied her down, after forcing Kevin, who was being held at gunpoint, to restrain his sister with a rope Rader had provided.[38] Rader attempted to strangle Kathryn to death, before stabbing her, three times, in the back and lower abdomen with a knife, when she struggled too much.[39] Kevin was also strangled and shot in the head, but he survived by feigning death and later escaping.[40][41] On March 17, 1977, 25-year-old Shirley Ruth Relford was found dead in her home, in Wichita. Rader was pursuing Relford and located her by following her 5-year-old son to her home. (Relford had not been feeling well and had sent the boy out for soup). Rader entered their residence and pulled a handgun out from under his jacket, frightening the family. After tying up her three children and locking them in the bathroom, Rader took Relford to the back bedroom. Rader had Shirley restrained, while she vomited, before tying her legs to her bedpost. Then, he strangled her with rope, after placing a plastic bag over her head, while her children screamed and banged down the hallway. Similar to the Otero murders, Rader intended to murder Relford's children, although they were ultimately able to escape, before he could do so.[42] When Rader noticed 25-year-old Nancy Jo Fox going into her home, in Wichita, he marked her as a potential victim and began stalking her. On December 8, 1977, Rader knocked at her door. When nobody answered, he cut the phone lines, before breaking in to wait for Fox in her kitchen. Fox's murder would be described, by Rader, as "what I call a perfect – perfect hit. Although she gave me a lot of verbal static, she cooperated, and she didn’t fight me. I had complete control of her, that’s why it was one of the more enjoyable kills, as I call them." Rader killed Fox by strangling her, with his belt, on her bed. Before she died, Rader told her that he was responsible for the prior Otero murders. The following day, Rader called police, from a phonebooth, telling them they would find Fox's body at her home.[43] The subliminal message to Rader which was flashed by KAKE-TV in 1978 On February 10, 1978,[44] Rader sent another letter to television station KAKE, in Wichita, claiming responsibility for the murders of the Oteros, Bright, Vian Relford, and Fox.[23] He suggested many possible names for himself, including "BTK.” He demanded media attention, in this second letter, saying "How many do I have to kill, before I get a name in the paper or some national attention?" A poem was enclosed titled "Oh! Death to Nancy," a parody of the lyrics to the American folk song "O Death".[45][46] In the letter, he claimed to be driven to kill by "factor X,” which he characterized as a supernatural element that also motivated Jack the Ripper, the Son of Sam, and the Hillside Stranglers.[47] He also asked for the police to send him a hidden message. In response, and with the knowledge that Rader watched KAKE, police decided to flash a subliminal message during one of the station's evening newscasts, for a split second. The message stated: "Now call the chief,” and featured a drawing of an upside-down pair of glasses, which were found at the Nancy Jo Fox crime scene.[44][48] They hoped the message would influence Rader to turn himself in, but it was unsuccessful.[49] During this time, Rader also intended to have killed others, such as 63-year-old Anna Williams, who, in 1979, escaped death by returning home much later than expected. Rader explained, during his confession, that he became obsessed with Williams and was "absolutely livid,” when she evaded him. He spent hours waiting at her home but became impatient and left, when she did not return home from visiting friends.[50] Marine Hedge, aged 53, was found on May 5, 1985, at East 53rd Street North between North Webb Road and North Greenwich Road in Wichita. Rader killed her on April 27 and took her dead body to Christ Lutheran Church, where he was the president of the church council. There, he photographed her body in various bondage positions. Rader had previously stored black plastic sheets and other materials at the church, in preparation for the murder and then, later, dumped the body in a remote ditch.[51][46] Two women Rader stalked, in the 1980s, and one, whom he stalked in the mid-1990s, filed restraining orders against him. One of them also changed her address, to avoid him.[52] On September 16, 1986, Rader strangled 28-year-old Vicki Lynn Wegerle to death with a nylon stocking, at her house in Wichita. Rader entered the residence by pretending to be a telephone repairman. He rearranged her clothes, post-mortem, and he took a number of photographs of her nude body. Rader's final victim, 62-year-old Dolores Earline "Dee" Davis, was found dead on February 1, 1991, at West 117th Street North and North Meridian Street in Park City, Kansas. Rader had killed her on January 19, by strangling her with pantyhose.[53] Suspected murders On August 23, 2023, the Associated Press reported that Rader was considered the prime suspect in two further killings in Oklahoma and Missouri. Authorities discovered "possible trophies" from victims, after launching a search for evidence at his former Kansas home, resulting in the investigation of Rader's potential involvement in additional unsolved disappearances and murders:[54] 16-year-old Cynthia Dawn Kinney was last seen in Osage, Oklahoma, on June 23, 1976, at Osage Laundromat.[55] Witnesses said she left the laundromat at 9:30 a.m. and got into a faded beige 1965 Plymouth Belvedere.[56] In 2023, Osage Sheriff Eddie Virden claimed that Rader was identified as a prime suspect, after it was determined that Rader was involved in Boy Scouts in the area and when it was learned that Rader had included the phrase "bad wash day" in his writings. A bank was also having new ADT alarms installed, across the street from the laundromat, when Kinney went missing. Rader was a regional installer for ADT, at the time. Furthermore, Rader has allegedly claimed to have "fantasized about kidnapping a girl from a laundromat."[57] Rader has denied involvement in the murder. Sheriff Virden has stated he believes Rader's denial is because being tied to a murder in Oklahoma could open him up to retrial and the death penalty.[58] Cold case By 2004, the investigation of the BTK Killer was considered a cold case. Then, Rader initiated a series of eleven communications to the local media. This activity led directly to his arrest in February 2005. In March 2004, The Wichita Eagle received a letter from someone using the name "Bill Thomas Killman". The author of the letter claimed that he had murdered Vicki Wegerle on September 16, 1986, and enclosed photographs of the crime scene and a photocopy of her driver's license, which had been stolen at the time of the crime.[59] Before this, it had not been definitively established that Wegerle was killed by BTK.[59] DNA collected from under Wegerle's fingernails provided police with previously unknown evidence. They then began DNA testing hundreds of men in an effort to find the serial killer.[60] Altogether, more than 1,300 DNA samples were taken and later destroyed by court order.[61] In May 2004, KAKE received a letter with chapter headings for the "BTK Story", fake IDs, and a word puzzle.[18] On June 9, a package was found taped to a stop sign at the corner of First and Kansas roads in Wichita. It had graphic descriptions of the Otero murders and a sketch labeled "The Sexual Thrill Is My Bill."[62] Also enclosed was a chapter list for a proposed book titled The BTK Story, which mimicked a story written in 1999 by Court TV crime writer David Lohr. Chapter One was titled "A Serial Killer Is Born." In July, a package dropped into the return slot at a public library contained more bizarre material, including the claim that he was responsible for the death of 19-year-old Jake Allen in Argonia, Kansas, earlier that month. This claim was false, and the death was ruled a suicide.[63] After his capture, Rader admitted in his interrogation that he had been planning to kill again and he had set a date (October 2004) and was stalking his intended victim.[52] In October 2004, a manila envelope was dropped into a UPS box in Wichita. It had many cards with images of terror and bondage of children pasted on them, a poem threatening the life of lead investigator Lieutenant Ken Landwehr, and a false autobiography with many details about Rader's life. These details were later released to the public.[64] In December 2004, Wichita police received another package from the BTK killer.[65] This time, the package was found in Wichita's Murdock Park. It had the driver's license of Nancy Fox, which was noted as stolen from the crime scene, as well as a doll that was symbolically bound at the hands and feet, and had a plastic bag tied over its head.[63] In January 2005, Rader attempted to leave a cereal box in the bed of a pickup truck at a Home Depot in Wichita, but the box was discarded by the truck's owner.[66] It was later retrieved from the trash after Rader asked what had become of it in a later message. Surveillance tape of the parking lot from that date revealed a distant figure driving a black Jeep Cherokee leaving the box in the pickup. In February 2005, more postcards were sent to KAKE, and another cereal box left at a rural location was found to contain another bound doll.[67] In his letters to police, Rader asked if his writings, if put on a floppy disk, could be traced or not. The police answered his question in a newspaper ad posted in The Wichita Eagle, saying it would be safe to use the disk. On February 16, 2005, Rader sent a purple 1.44-Megabyte Memorex floppy disk to Fox affiliate KSAS-TV in Wichita.[68][69] Also enclosed were a letter, a gold-colored necklace with a large medallion, and a photocopy of the cover of Rules of Prey, a 1989 novel by John Sandford about a serial killer.[69] Police found metadata embedded in a deleted Microsoft Word document that was, unknown to Rader, still stored on the floppy disk.[70] The metadata contained the words "Christ Lutheran Church", and the document was marked as last modified by "Dennis".[71] An Internet search determined that a "Dennis Rader" was president of the church council.[68] When investigators drove by Rader's house, a black Jeep Cherokee—the type of vehicle seen in the Home Depot surveillance footage—was parked outside.[72] This was strong circumstantial evidence against Rader, but they needed more direct evidence to detain him.[73] Police obtained a warrant to test a pap smear taken from Rader's daughter at the Kansas State University medical clinic. DNA tests showed a "familial match" between the pap smear and the sample from Wegerle's fingernails; this indicated that the killer was closely related to Rader's daughter and, combined with the other evidence, was enough for police to arrest Rader.[74] Arrest Wikinews has related news: Suspect in BTK killings arrested after 25 years in hiding Rader was arrested while driving near his home in Park City shortly after noon on February 25, 2005.[75] An officer asked, "Mr. Rader, do you know why you're going downtown?" Rader replied, "Oh, I have suspicions why."[76][77] Wichita Police, the Kansas Bureau of Investigation, the FBI, and ATF agents searched Rader's home and vehicle, seizing evidence including computer equipment, a pair of black pantyhose retrieved from a shed, and a cylindrical container. The church he attended, his office at City Hall, and the main branch of the Park City library were also searched. At a press conference the next morning, Wichita Police Chief Norman Williams announced, "the bottom line: BTK is arrested."[78][79] Legal proceedings On February 28, 2005, Rader was charged with 10 counts of first degree murder.[80] Soon after his arrest, the Associated Press cited an anonymous source alleging that Rader had confessed to other murders in addition to those with which he had been connected.[81] However, the Sedgwick County district attorney denied the story, yet refused to say whether Rader had made any confessions, or if investigators were looking into Rader's possible involvement in more unsolved killings.[82] On March 5, news sources claimed to have verified by multiple sources that Rader had confessed to the 10 murders he was charged with, but no other ones.[83] On March 1, Rader's bail was set at US$10 million, and a public defender was appointed to represent him.[84] On May 3, the judge entered not guilty pleas on Rader's behalf, as Rader did not speak at his arraignment;[85] however, on June 27, the scheduled trial date, Rader changed his plea to guilty. He described the murders in detail and made no apologies.[86] [87][88][89][90] At Rader's August 18 sentencing, victims' families made statements, after which Rader apologized in a rambling 30-minute monologue[91] that the prosecutor likened to an Academy Awards acceptance speech.[92] His statement has been described as an example of an often-observed phenomenon among psychopaths: their inability to understand the emotional content of language.[93] He was sentenced to 10 consecutive life sentences, with a minimum of 175 years.[94] Kansas had no death penalty at the time of the murders.[92] On August 19, he was moved to the El Dorado Correctional Facility.[95] Rader talked about innocuous topics such as the weather during the 40-minute drive to El Dorado, but began to cry when the victims' families' statements from the court proceedings came on the radio. He is now in solitary confinement for his protection (with one hour of exercise per day, and showers three times per week). This will likely continue indefinitely. Beginning in 2006, he was allowed access to television and radio, to read magazines, and other privileges for good behavior.[95][96] Further investigations Following Rader's arrest, police in Wichita, Park City and several surrounding cities looked into unsolved cases with the cooperation of the state police and the FBI. They particularly focused on cases after 1994, when the death penalty was reinstated in Kansas. Police in surrounding states such as Nebraska, Missouri, Colorado, Oklahoma and Texas also investigated cold cases that fit Rader's pattern to some extent. The FBI and local jurisdictions at Rader's former duty stations checked into unsolved cases during Rader's time in the service.[citation needed] After exhaustive investigations, none of these agencies discovered any further murders attributable to Rader, supporting early suspicions that Rader would have taken responsibility for any additional murders that he had committed. As a result, the ten known murders were at that point believed to be the only murders for which Rader was actually responsible, although Wichita police are fairly certain that Rader stalked and researched a number of other potential victims. This includes one person who was saved when Rader called off his planned attack upon his arrival near the target's home due to the presence of construction and road crews nearby. Rader stated in his police interview that "there are a lot of lucky people", meaning that he had thought about and developed various levels of murder plans for other victims.[21] Evaluation by Robert Mendoza Massachusetts psychologist Robert Mendoza was hired by Rader's court-appointed public defenders to conduct a psychological evaluation of Rader, and determine if an insanity-based defense might be viable. He conducted an interview after Rader had pleaded guilty on June 27, 2005. Mendoza diagnosed Rader with narcissistic, obsessive-compulsive, and antisocial personality disorders: He observed that Rader has a grandiose sense of self, a belief that he is "special" and therefore entitled to special treatment; a pathological need for attention and admiration; a preoccupation with maintaining rigid order and structure; and a complete lack of empathy.[97] The videotape of Mendoza's interview ended up being used on NBC's Dateline. NBC claimed Rader knew the interview might be televised, but this was false according to the Sedgwick County Sheriff's Office. Rader mentioned the interview during his sentencing statement. On October 25, 2005, the Kansas attorney general filed a petition to sue Mendoza and Tali Waters, co-owners of Cambridge Forensic Consultants, LLC, for breach of contract, claiming that they intended to benefit financially from the use of information obtained through involvement in Rader's defense. On May 10, 2007, Mendoza settled the case for US$30,000 with no admission of wrongdoing.[98] Victims Name Sex Age Date of murder Place of murder Cause of death Weapon used Joseph Otero M 38 January 15, 1974 803 N. Edgemoor Street, Wichita Suffocated Plastic bag Julia Maria Otero F 33 Strangled Rope Joseph Otero Jr. M 9 Suffocated Plastic bag Josephine Otero F 11 Hanged Rope Kathryn Doreen Bright F 21 April 4, 1974 3217 E. 13th Street N., Wichita (died at Wesley Medical Center) Stabbed three times in abdomen[99] Knife Kevin Bright M 19 - Escaped Survived Gun[100][101] Shirley Ruth Vian Relford F 24 March 17, 1977 1311 S. Hydraulic Street, Wichita Strangled Rope Nancy Jo Fox F 25 December 8, 1977 843 S. Pershing Street, Wichita Strangled Belt Marine Wallace Hedge F 53 April 27, 1985 6254 N. Independence Street, Park City Strangled Hand(s) Vicki Lynn Wegerle F 28 September 16, 1986 2404 W. 13th Street N., Wichita Strangled Nylon stocking Dolores Earline Johnson Davis F 62 January 19, 1991 6226 N. Hillside Street, Wichita (east of Park City) Strangled Pantyhose In media Forensic psychologist Katherine Ramsland compiled Confession of a Serial Killer from her five-year correspondence with Rader.[102] Multiple works draw on the case: Stephen King has said his novella A Good Marriage, and the film based on it, were inspired by the BTK killer.[103] Novelist Thomas Harris has said that the character of Francis Dolarhyde in his 1981 novel Red Dragon is partially based on the then-unidentified BTK Killer.[104] Episode 4 of season 6 (2004) of Law & Order: Special Victims Unit is based on this case.[105] Episode 15 of season 1 (2006) of Criminal Minds is based on Rader's murders.[106][107] Rader's case is portrayed in Episode 2 of season 2 (2022) on the Netflix series Catching Killers.[108] A character based on Rader played by actor Sonny Valicenti appears in the Netflix series Mindhunter.[109][110] Writer-director Ulli Lommel depicted Rader's murder spree and subsequent capture in the highly fictionalized B.T.K. Killer (2005).[111] Kane Hodder portrays Rader in the 2008 movie B.T.K., a half biopic and half fictionalized account of the murders.[112] The antagonist from the movie The Clovehitch Killer was inspired by Dennis Rader.[113] Thrash metal band Exodus wrote a song entitled "BTK" for their album Blood In, Blood Out, which was inspired by Dennis Rader's crime history.[114] The song "Raider II" from Steven Wilson's 2011 album Grace for Drowning is written primarily about Rader's murders.[115] See also I Survived BTK List of serial killers in the United States List of serial killers by number of victims References "KDOC inmate number 0083707". Retrieved July 25, 2019. "Disclaimer". kdocrepository.doc.ks.gov. Hegeman, Roxana (March 17, 2015). "BTK suspect served in Alabama". The Gadsden Times. Gadsden, Alabama. Associated Press. Siegel, Larry (January 19, 2012). Criminology: Theories, Patterns, and Typologies. Boston, Massachusetts: Cengage Learning. p. 353. ISBN 978-1-133-71052-3. 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Fox, James Alan; Levin, Jack (March 14, 2011). Extreme Killing: Understanding Serial and Mass Murder. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. p. 11. ISBN 978-1-4129-8031-9. Retrieved July 11, 2014. "CNN.com – Report: Daughter of BTK suspect alerted police – Apr 19, 2005". CNN. Archived from the original on September 24, 2015. Retrieved October 19, 2015. Samuelson, Andy (February 27, 2005). "Wichita police: 'BTK is arrested'". Lawrence Journal-World. Lawrence, Kansas: Ogden Newspapers Inc. Archived from the original on May 22, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. "BTK Serial Killer Suspect's Charges – State of Kansas v. Dennis Rader (page 6)". findlaw.com. February 28, 2005. Archived from the original on April 16, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. "'BTK' Serial Killer in Custody, Claims Police". St. Petersburg Times. March 1, 2005. Archived from the original on April 9, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. "BTK Suspect Said to Confess to 6 Slayings". USA Today. Associated Press. February 27, 2005. Archived from the original on May 27, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. Finger, Stan; Potter, Tim (March 6, 2005). "Rader has admitted to killings, daily says". Deseret News. Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret News Company. Archived from the original on January 8, 2009. Retrieved June 2, 2008. "Victim's brother describes killing linked to BTK". CNN. March 2, 2005. Archived from the original on October 10, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. Strongin, Dana; Laviana, Hurst (May 5, 2005). "Families of BTK victims prepare to wait". The Wichita Eagle. Wichita, Kansas. Archived from the original on March 21, 2018. Retrieved March 20, 2018. "BTK Confession, full version". YouTube. February 26, 2014. "BTK CONFESSION (DENNIS L RADER) – COURT TRANSCRIPT". Serial Killers Info. February 4, 2018. "Anger, Relief Over BTK Confessions". CBS News. June 28, 2005. Archived from the original on September 6, 2008. Retrieved June 2, 2008. Hansen, Mark (April 21, 2006). "How the Cops Caught BTK". ABA Journal. American Bar Association. Archived from the original on January 21, 2015. Retrieved January 21, 2015. Sales, Leigh (June 28, 2005). "US Serial Killer pleads guilty to ten murders". The World Today. Archived from the original on February 10, 2015. Retrieved January 21, 2015. "BTK Dennis Rader's Sentencing Statement". YouTube. February 26, 2014. "BTK killer sentenced to 10 consecutive life terms". WHO-TV (AP). August 19, 2005. Archived from the original on August 9, 2007. Retrieved August 7, 2007. Gray, Richard M. (2010). "Psychopathy and the Will to Power: Ted Bundy and Dennis Rader". In Waller, Sara (ed.). Serial Killers – Philosophy for Everyone: Being and Killing. Oxford, England: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 198–99. ISBN 978-1-4443-4140-9. "For most people, emotional words and scenes lead to heightened activity in the amygdala as the emotional sense of the situation overcomes them, often shutting down higher functions. For psychopaths, the amygdala responds less powerfully to the same items and when it does respond it does so in step with higher cortical activity. The cortex is the brain area associated with rational thought and interpretive functions. So, psychopaths presented with an emotional stimulus have to think about its meaning and rationally make sense of it in order to parse their response. They do not feel the effects of others' fear, sadness, or pain, so they have to work to interpret their environment. This characteristic appears clearly in the allocution of Dennis Rader, the BTK Killer. Standing in court before the judge, the victims' families, and the assembled press, Rader listened as the judge read out the details of his offenses. Without blinking an eye, Rader stopped the judge at several junctures to correct some minor detail. Unmoved by the enormity of his crimes or the responses of the people gathered there, Rader makes almost casual responses to the facts in the case; at one point making mouth noises as he sought a precise fact. This is a man who cannot even begin to appreciate the impact he had on others." Coates, Sam (August 19, 2005). "Rader Gets 175 Years For BTK Slayings". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on October 24, 2014. Retrieved February 20, 2009. "Dennis Rader's listing on the Kansas Department of Corrections Kansas Adult Supervised Population Electronic Repository site". Archived from the original on November 25, 2007. Retrieved June 2, 2008. Vries, Lloyd (April 24, 2006). "BTK Killer Gets Extra Jail Perks". CBS News. New York City: CBS Corporation. Archived from the original on October 25, 2012. Retrieved March 20, 2018. Ramsland, pp. 217–218. "BTK Psychologist to Pay State". WIBW. Associated Press. May 10, 2007. Archived from the original on February 11, 2015. Retrieved February 10, 2015. Dangelo, Adrian (November 12, 2014). Robert Beattie Nightmare in Wichita: The Hunt for the BTK Strangler. p. 47. Retrieved January 19, 2019. "Living victim sues Rader". The Witchita Eagle. August 19, 2019. Retrieved October 28, 2022. Hayden, Aly Vander (August 20, 2019). "Everything You Need To Know About BTK, The Disturbing Killer Shown In 'Mindhunter'". Oxygen Official Site. Retrieved October 28, 2022. Ramsland, pg. 1 Wenzl, Roy (September 26, 2014). "Daughter of Wichita serial killer BTK; Stephen King 'exploiting my father's 10 victims'". The Kansas City Star. Kansas City, Missouri: McClatchy. Archived from the original on March 17, 2015. Retrieved March 17, 2015. Beattie, Robert (2005). Nightmare in Wichita. New York City: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-451-21738-1. "Ahead of the Season 22 Premiere, We Ranked the 30 Best Law & Order: SVU Episodes Ever". November 12, 2020. Ramsland, Katherine (2010). The Forensic Psychology of Criminal Minds. New York City: Penguin Publishing. p. 36. ASIN B0030CHFQC. La Jeunesse, Marilyn, Marilyn (March 1, 2019). "11 episodes of 'Criminal Minds' that were likely inspired by real-life crimes". Business Insider. Archived from the original on December 8, 2019. Retrieved December 8, 2019. "Catching Killers". IMDb. February 9, 2022. Leiker, Amy Renée (October 16, 2017). "That creepy ADT guy on 'Mindhunter'? He's based on a Kansas serial killer". The Wichita Eagle. Wichita, Kansas. Archived from the original on October 27, 2017. Retrieved October 26, 2017. Robinson, Joanna (October 17, 2017). "Mindhunter: Who is the ADT Killer from Kansas?". Vanity Fair. New York City: Condé Nast. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved October 23, 2017. "B.T.K. Killer". IMDb. October 14, 2023. "B.T.K." IMDb. July 8, 2008. "Is The Clovehitch Killer Based On The BTK Murders True Story?". ScreenRant. May 10, 2021. Retrieved November 11, 2021. "Lyrics for BTK by Exodus". Songfacts. Retrieved February 13, 2022. The Raven that Refused to Sing – Concert Review Further reading Beattie, Robert. Nightmare in Wichita: The Hunt for the BTK Strangler. New American Library, 2005. ISBN 0-451-21738-1. Davis, Jeffrey M. The Shadow of Evil: Where Is God in a Violent World?. Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1996. ISBN 0-7872-1981-9. (Davis is the son of BTK victim Dolores Davis.) Douglas, John E. Inside the Mind of BTK: The True Story Behind Thirty Years of Hunting for the Wichita Serial Killer. Jossey Bass Wiley, 2007. ISBN 978-0-7879-8484-7. Ramsland, Katherine. Confession of a Serial Killer: The Untold Story of Dennis Rader, the BTK Killer. Foredge, 2016. ISBN 978-1-5126-0152-7. Rawson, Kerri. A Serial Killer's Daughter: My Story of Faith, Love, and Overcoming. Thomas Nelson, 2019. ISBN 978-1400201754. Singular, Stephen. Unholy Messenger: The Life and Crimes of the BTK Serial Killer. Scribner Book Company, 2006. ISBN 1-4001-5252-6. Smith, Carlton. The BTK Murders: Inside the "Bind Torture Kill" Case that Terrified America's Heartland. St. Martin's True Crime, 2006. ISBN 0-312-93905-1. Wenzl, Roy; Potter, Tim; Laviana, Hurst; Kelly, L. Bind, Torture, Kill: The Inside Story of the Serial Killer Next Door. HC an imprint of HarperCollins, 2007. ISBN 978-0-06-124650-0. Welch, Larry. Beyond Cold Blood: The KBI from Ma Barker to BTK. University Press of Kansas, 2012. ISBN 978-0-7006-1885-9. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Dennis Rader. Wikiquote has quotations related to Dennis Rader. B.T.K. – The Worlds Most Elusive Serial Killer Sedgwick County 18th Judicial District collection of legal documents on the Rader case The Wichita Eagle Collection of articles and videos about BTK KAKE Collection of articles and videos on BTK Dennis Rader's listing on the Kansas Department of Corrections Kansas Adult Supervised Population Electronic Repository site, including current location and disciplinary actions. "Finding BTK" Investigation Discovery When your father is the BTK serial killer, forgiveness is not tidy Portals: Biography icon Law flag Kansas Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF WorldCat National Catalonia Israel United States Categories: 1945 birthsLiving people20th-century American criminalsAmerican LutheransAmerican male criminalsAmerican mass murderersAmerican murderers of childrenAmerican people convicted of murderAmerican people of Danish descentAmerican people of German descentAmerican people of Swiss descentAmerican prisoners sentenced to life imprisonmentAmerican serial killersButler Community College alumniCrime in KansasMilitary personnel from KansasPeople convicted of murder by KansasPeople from Pittsburg, KansasPeople from Sedgwick County, KansasPeople with antisocial personality disorderPeople with obsessive-compulsive personality disorderPrisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by KansasSerial killers from KansasSerial killers who worked in law enforcementTorture in the United StatesUnited States Air Force non-commissioned officersViolence against women in the United StatesWichita State University alumni

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Uranium mining in the United States produced 173,875 pounds (78.9 tonnes) of U3O8 in 2019, 88% lower than the 2018 production of 1,447,945 pounds (656.8 tonnes) of U3O8 and the lowest US annual production since 1948. The 2019 production represents 0.3% of the anticipated uranium fuel requirements of the US's nuclear power reactors for the year.[1][2] Production came from five in-situ leaching plants in Nebraska and Wyoming (Crow Butte, Lost Creek Project, Ross CPP, North Butte, and Smith Ranch-Highland), and one underground mine.[3] From 1949 to 2019, total US production of uranium oxide (U3O8) was 979.9 million pounds (444,500 tonnes).[2] History While uranium is used primarily for nuclear power, uranium mining had its roots in the production of radium-bearing ore from 1898 from the mining of uranium-vanadium sandstone deposits in western Colorado. The 1950s saw a boom in uranium mining in the western U.S., spurred by the fortunes made by prospectors such as Charlie Steen. The United States was the world's leading producer of uranium from 1953 until 1980. In 1980 annual U.S. production peaked at 43.7 million pounds of U3O8.[2] Until the early 1980s, there were active uranium mines in Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington and Wyoming.[4] Price declines in the late 1970s and early 1980s forced the closure of numerous mines. Most uranium ore in the United States comes from deposits in sandstone, which tend to be of lower grade than those of Australia and Canada. Because of the lower grade, many uranium deposits in the United States became uneconomic when the price of uranium declined sharply in the late 1970s. By 2001, there were only three operating uranium mines (all in-situ leaching operations) in the United States. Annual production reached a low of 779 metric tons of uranium oxide in 2003, but then more than doubled in three years to 1672 metric tons in 2006, from 10 mines.[5] The U.S. DOE's Energy Information Administration reported that 90% of U.S. uranium production in 2006 came from in-situ leaching.[6] The average spot price of uranium oxide (U3O8) increased from $7.92 per pound in 2001 to $39.48 per pound ($87.04/kg) in 2006.[7] In 2011 the United States mined 9% of the uranium consumed by its nuclear power plants.[8] The remainder was imported, principally from Russia and Kazakhstan (38%), Canada, and Australia.[9][10][11] Although uranium production has declined to low levels, the United States has the fourth-largest uranium resource in the world, behind Australia, Canada, and Kazakhstan.[10] United States uranium reserves are strongly dependent on price. At $50 per pound U3O8, reserves are estimated to be 539 million pounds; however, at a price of $100 per pound, reserves are an estimated 1227 million pounds.[12] Rising uranium prices since 2001 have increased interest in uranium mining in Arizona, Colorado, Texas and Utah.[13][14] The states with the largest known uranium ore reserves (not counting byproduct uranium from phosphate) are (in order) Wyoming, New Mexico, and Colorado.[15] The radiation hazards of uranium mining and milling were not appreciated in the early years, resulting in workers being exposed to high levels of radiation. Radon gas is a colorless, odorless, radioactive gas that forms naturally from the decay of radioactive elements like uranium, found in rocks and soil. Inhalation of radon gas caused sharp increases in lung cancers among underground uranium miners employed in the 1940s and 1950s.[16][17][18] In 1950, the US Public Health service began a comprehensive study of uranium miners, leading to the first publication of a statistical correlation between cancer and uranium mining, released in 1962.[19] In 1969, the federal government regulated the standard amount of radon in mines.[20] In 1990, Congress passed the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA), granting compensation for those affected by mining.[19] Out of 50 present and former uranium milling sites in 12 states, 24 have been abandoned and are the responsibility of the US Department of Energy.[21] By state A billet of highly enriched uranium. Alabama Uranium in Alabama is found in the Coosa Block of the Northern Alabama Piedmont. Metamorphic uranium occurrences have been found in the Higgins Ferry Group in Coosa and Clay Counties. Some exploration has been done, but no economic deposits have been found to date. Alaska Alaska's only uranium mine, Ross-Adams, was discovered in 1955 by an airborne gamma radiation survey. The deposit is on the side of Bokan Mountain on Prince of Wales Island. The principal ore mineral is uranothorite, which occurs in veinlets in granite. Accessory minerals are primarily hematite and calcite, with lesser amounts of fluorite, pyrite, galena, quartz, and rare earth minerals. Mining commenced in 1957, when approximately 18,000 tonnes of thorium-bearing uranium ore grading 1% U3O8 was recovered from an open pit. Additional mining took place in 1961–1962 (6800 tonnes of ore), 1963 (10,880 tonnes), and 49,885 tonnes from 1968–1971 from underground operations.[22] A total of 1.3 million pounds of U3O8 at a grade of 0.76% was produced from open pit and underground operations, with milling taking place in Washington and Utah.[23] Arizona Main article: Uranium mining in Arizona Uranium mining in Arizona has taken place since 1918. Prior to the uranium boom of the late 1940s, uranium in Arizona was a byproduct of vanadium mining of the mineral carnotite.[24] California Uranium was discovered in 1954 in the Sierra Nevada of Kern County, along the Kern River about 30 miles (50 km) northeast of Bakersfield. Two mines, the Kergon mine and the Miracle mine, made small shipments in 1954 and 1955. Uranium occurs as uraninite and autunite in shear zones in granodiorite. Accessory minerals include fluorite and the molybdenum minerals ilsemannite and jordisite.[25] Colorado Main article: Uranium mining in Colorado The first uranium identified in the US was pitchblende from the Wood gold mine at Central City, Colorado in 1871. Uranium mining in southwest Colorado goes back to 1898. The Uravan district of Colorado and Utah supplied about half the world's radium from 1910 to 1922, and vanadium and uranium were byproducts. The last producing uranium mine in the state, the Topaz Mine, part of the Sunday Complex near Uravan, Colorado, was closed down on March 18, 2009, by then owner Denison Mines due to depressed uranium prices. On July 6, 2021 Western Uranium & Vanadium Corp announced the resumption of mining activities at the Sunday Mine Complex. On February 14, 2022 Western Uranium & Vanadium Corp announced 2,000 tons of new production was moved into four separate underground stockpiles. [26] [27][28] Florida The Central Florida (Bone Valley) phosphorite deposits are considered to contain the largest known uranium resource (one million metric tons of uranium oxide) in North America (but note that resources are not the same as ore reserves). Uranium has been produced as a byproduct of phosphate mining and the production of phosphoric acid fertilizer. The uranium is contained in the phosphate minerals francolite, crandallite, millisite, wavellite, and vivianite, found in Miocene and Pliocene sediments of the Bone Valley Formation. The average uranium content is 0.009%, which is considered to be low grade. Concentrations of uranium in this type of deposit typically grade to 0.01–0.015% U3O8.[29] Recovery process costs are estimated at $22 to $54 per pound of U3O8; higher than the market price of uranium during the 25-year period spanning the 1980s through the early first decade of the 21st century. Consequently, uranium recovery from Florida phosphate ceased in 1998.[30] Idaho From 1955 to 1960, uranium was extracted from placer black sand deposits derived from the Idaho Batholith in southwest Idaho. The deposits were mined for uranium, thorium, and rare earths. Uranium and thorium were in the monazite grains; rare earths were in columbite and euxenite. Production was 365,000 pounds (165 metric tons) of U3O8.[31] Uranium was mined at the Stanley district in Custer County, Idaho from 1957 to 1962. Deposits occur as veins in granite of the Cretaceous Idaho Batholith, and in strataform deposits in possibly Paleocene arkosic conglomerates and sandstones between the underlying Idaho Batholith and overlying Challis Volcanic Group (Eocene). The USGS has estimated production to be less than 170,000 pounds (78 metric tons) of U3O8.[32] Nebraska Ion exchange resin beads The only operating uranium mine in Nebraska is the Crow Butte mine, operated by Cameco. The mine is five miles (8.0 km) southeast of Crawford in Dawes County, western Nebraska.[33] The roll-front deposit in the Oligocene Chadron formation was discovered in 1980 by Wyoming Fuel Co.[34] Commercial operation began in 1991.[35] Uranium is mined by in-situ leaching which involves the extraction by boreholes of uranium-bearing (U3O8) water, which is then filtered through resin beads. Through an ion exchange process, the resin beads attract uranium from the solution. Uranium loaded resins are then transported to a processing plant, where U3O8 is separated from the resin beads and yellowcake is produced. The resin beads are returned to the ion exchange facility where they are reused.[36][37] Nevada There is no current uranium production from Nevada. The largest past-producer was the Apex mine (also called Rundberg or Early Day mine), three miles south of Austin, in Lander County. Discovered in September 1953, it was first mined as a silver deposit and produced 45 metric tons of U3O8 (80% of Nevada's historical production) from 1954 until 1966, from a small open pit and from underground. Ore was shipped to Utah and to Lakeview, Oregon for processing.[38][39] Uranium occurs as the secondary minerals autunite and meta-autunite after uraninite and coffinite in fractured Cambrian metamorphosed shales and quartzite, at or near the contact with Jurassic porphyritic quartz monzonite.[40][41][42] The Apex-Lowboy deposit has an inferred resource of 615,000 metric tons at a grade of 0.07% U3O8.[43] The McDermitt Caldera in Humboldt County was the site of intensive uranium exploration in the late 1970s. In 2006 and 2007, Western Uranium Corporation drilled exploratory boreholes in the Kings Valley area.[44] New Jersey A uranium exploration project in northern New Jersey was halted in 1980 when the local government passed an ordinance preventing uranium mining after protests in Jefferson Township.[45] New Mexico Main article: Uranium mining in New Mexico New Mexico was a significant uranium producer since the discovery of uranium by Navajo sheepherder Paddy Martinez in 1950. Uranium in New Mexico is almost all in the Grants mineral belt, along the south margin of the San Juan Basin in McKinley and Cibola counties, in the northwest part of the state.[46] No mining has been done since 2002, even though the state has second-largest known uranium ore reserves in the US.[47] North Dakota Some lignite coal in southwest North Dakota contains economic quantities of uranium. From 1965 to 1967 Union Carbide operated a mill near Belfield in Stark County to burn uraniferous lignite and extract uranium from the ash. The plant produced about 150 metric tons of U3O8 before shutting down.[48] Oklahoma A small amount of uranium ore was mined in the mid-1950s from a surface exposure at Cement in Caddo County. The uranium occurred as carnotite and tyuyamunite in fracture fillings in the Rush Springs Sandstone over the Cement anticline, where the sandstone is bleached.[49] The mined area was 150 feet (46 m) long, 3 to 5 feet (0.9 to 1.5 m) wide, and extended 3 to 5 feet (0.9 to 1.5 m) below ground surface.[50] Oregon Uranium was discovered in Oregon in 1955, 20 miles northwest of Lakeview in Lake County. The White King mine and the Lucky Lass mine shipped uranium from 1955 until 1965. At the White King mine, uranium was mined by both underground and open-pit methods from a low-temperature hydrothermal deposit in Pliocene volcanic rocks, associated with opal, realgar, stibnite, cinnabar, and pyrite. At the Lucky Lass mine ore was mined from an open pit. Uranium occurs in uraninite and autunite in lenses near or in a fault zone in tuffs. The mines fed the Lakeview Mining Company uranium mill.[51][52] A minor amount of uranium was mined in 1960 from a deposit at Bear Creek Butte in Crook County. The uranium was present as autunite at the contact between a rhyolite dike and tuffs of the Oligocene-Miocene John Day Formation.[52] The McDermitt Caldera in Malheur County was the site of intense uranium exploration in the late 1970s. In 2012, Portland-based Oregon Energy was planning development of the Aurora deposit, near McDermitt.[53] In December 2013, Oregon Energy notified the NRC that the project was "on ice" because of the Sage Grouse issue and uranium pricing.[54] Pennsylvania The uranium mineral autunite was reported in 1874 near the town of Mauch Chunk (present-day Jim Thorpe) in Carbon County, eastern Pennsylvania.[55] A small amount of test mining was done in 1953 at the Mount Pisgah deposit near Jim Thorpe. The uranium at the Mount Pisgah deposit is primarily in an unidentified black mineral in pods and rolls in the basal conglomerate of the Mauch Chunk Formation (Mississippian). Also present are the secondary uranium and uranium-vanadium minerals carnotite, tyuyamunite, liebigite, uranophane, and betauranophane.[56] Uranium has been located in only a small portion of the county near the Lehigh River valley and all of the deposits have been named. Mount Pisgah, Mauch Chunk Ridge, Butcher Hollow, and Penn Haven Junction are all within 6 miles of the town. First recognized in 1874, the land that these uranium deposits were found on was partially owned by Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company.[57] The land came to be owned by this company because the founders of the town, Josiah White and Erskine Hazard, were also founders of the company. Mauch Chunk was primarily a company town. Carbon County, as of 2010, has a population that consists of 98.4% white people. The test mining that was done in Carbon County has raised concerns because of higher chances of polluted water and release of radioactive material. With Jim Thorpe, PA being located right on the Lehigh River, any release of radioactive materials in that area could cause significant environmental damage there and further downstream in the Delaware River. The core drilling test mining occurred in 1953 at the Mauch Chunk Ridge deposit but has seen no further development due to the low uranium content in the rock of about .011 to .013%.[57] South Dakota Uranium was discovered near Edgemont, South Dakota in 1951, quickly followed by mining. The uranium occurs in Cretaceous sandstones of the Inyan Kara group, where it outcrops along the southern edge of the Black Hills in Fall River County, South Dakota. Minerals in unoxidized sandstone are uraninite and coffinite; minerals in oxidized zones include carnotite and tyuyamunite.[58] An airborne gamma radiation survey flown by the US Atomic Energy Commission in 1954 discovered high radiation readings over the Cave Hills area in Harding County, in the northwest corner of the state.[59] High winds blew the reconnaissance flight off their planned survey route over the Slim Buttes twenty miles southeast of the North Cave Hills. Claims were immediately staked over uranium-bearing lignite beds in the area. The lignite was strip-mined, probably starting that same year, and continuing until the mines closed in 1964.[60] No uranium is currently mined in South Dakota.[citation needed] In January 2007[61] Powertech Uranium Corporation received a state permit to drill boreholes to evaluate their Dewey-Burdock project, in Custer and Fall River counties northwest of Edgemont.[62] Previous work at the property in the early 1980s defined a resource of 10 million pounds (4500 metric tons) of uranium, of which 5 million pounds (2300 metric tons) were estimated recoverable by conventional underground mining.[63] Powertech hoped to bring the property into production as an in-situ leaching mine in 2009.[64] A campaign has been underway to halt any effort to mine uranium in the Black Hills because of its effect on Native American and wildlife populations, as well as the effects of mining on the water table and local ranchers.[65][66] Indigenous leaders and anti-nuclear activists began organizing around this issue in the 1970s and there are still efforts underway to prevent mining on native lands.[67][68] Texas South Texas uranium province – USGS. The uranium district of south Texas was discovered by accident in 1954 by an airborne gamma radiation survey looking for petroleum deposits. The coastal plain had previously been regarded as highly unfavorable for uranium deposits.[69] The uranium occurs in roll-front type deposits in sandstones of Eocene, Oligocene and Miocene age.[70] The deposits are distributed along about 200 miles (320 km) of coastal plain, from Panna Maria in the north, south into Mexico. Uranium production began in 1958, from open-pit and in situ leach mines. Uranium production stopped in 1999, but restarted in 2004.[71] By 2006, three mines were active: Kingsville Dome in Kleberg County, the Vasquez mine in Duval County, and the Alta Mesa mine in Brooks County. 2007 production was 1.34 million pounds (607 metric tons) of U3O8. All have since closed.[72] Uranium Energy Corp. (UEC) began in-situ leach mining at its Palangana deposit (grading .135% U3O8) in Duval County in 2010. Uranium loaded resins from that ion exchange facility are processed into yellowcake at the company's Hobson processing plant. In late 2012, UEC completed the permitting and approval process for the Goliad ISR mining and ion exchange facility in Goliad County.[73] Utah Main article: Uranium mining in Utah Mi Vida uranium mine near Moab, Utah Mining of uranium-vanadium ore in southeast Utah goes back to the late 19th century. All of Utah's numerous uranium mines had closed by 1991 because of low prices. In late 2006, Denison Mines reopened the Pandora mine in the La Sal mining district, Utah's first producing uranium mine since 1991.[74] In 2009 White Canyon Uranium opened the Daneros underground mine, 40 miles (64 km) west of Blanding, trucking ore to Denison's White Mesa Mill. In 2011 Denison took over White Canyon Uranium.[75] In 2012 Energy Fuels Inc. acquired Denison's US assets, including the White Mesa Mill. In October 2012 the only operating uranium mines in Utah, the Pandora, Beaver and Daneros mines, were all placed on standby, care and maintenance due to the depressed uranium price.[76][77][78][79] The White Mesa Mill, 7 miles (11 km) miles south of Blanding, Utah, is the only operating conventional uranium (and vanadium) mill in the United States.[79][80] Virginia The largest deposit of uranium in the US is in Virginia at Coles Hill; however, the state's generous rainfall and occasional flooding (in contrast with typical American uranium mines in the dry and isolated desert southwest) have led to citizen concern about commercial-scale mining.[81] Lawmakers in the state enacted a de facto ban on uranium mining in 1982. A 2015 federal court case involving the owners of Coles Hill upheld the ban. Marline Uranium Corp. announced in July 1982 that it had discovered 110 million pounds (50,000 metric tons) of uranium in the Swanson/Coles Hill deposit, on land that it had leased near Chatham in Pittsylvania County. During the 1982 legislative session, the state of Virginia adopted laws to govern exploration for uranium in the Commonwealth. At the same time, the legislature imposed a moratorium on uranium mining in the state until such time that regulations to govern uranium mining could be enacted into law.[82] In 1981, the Virginia General Assembly approved House Joint Resolution No. 324, which directed the Virginia Coal and Energy Commission to evaluate the effects of uranium development on the Commonwealth and its citizens. The Virginia Coal and Energy Commission is a permanent legislative commission composed of five Senators, eight Delegates, and seven citizens appointed by the Governor. The Commission completed its evaluation of uranium mining in October 1984 and concluded that the moratorium regarding uranium development could be lifted on the condition that certain specific recommendations derived from its work would be enacted into law. Union Carbide was the joint venture partner on the project with Marline until early 1984 when it dropped its option on the property due to declining uranium prices. Marline kept the project on care and maintenance until 1990, when it dropped its remaining mineral leases and closed its local exploration office.[83] The deposits occur as breccia-fill and veins in gneiss bordering the Triassic Danville Basin.[84] Ore minerals are coffinite, uraninite, and uranium-bearing apatite.[85] In October 2007, Walter Coles, who owns the land over the Coles Hill deposit, announced that he and some other landowners had formed Virginia Uranium Inc. to mine the deposit themselves, if it can be done safely.[86][87] In November 2007, the state issued an exploration permit to Virginia Uranium, to allow drilling test holes into the deposit. Drilling began in mid-December. The state-imposed moratorium on uranium mining is still in effect. A bill proposed in the state General Assembly in January 2008 would have created a Virginia Uranium Mining Commission to determine if uranium mining could be done in a manner protective of human health and the environment, and to recommend regulatory controls.[88] The bill passed the Democratic controlled state Senate by a vote of 36–4. However, opponents of uranium mining succeeded in stopping the bill on March 3, 2008, when Rules Committee of the Republican controlled House of Delegates delayed consideration of the bill until 2009.[89] In November 2008, the Virginia Coal and Energy Commission voted unanimously to once again create a subcommittee to study the issue of uranium mining.[90] In May 2009 the subcommittee approved a study of potential uranium mining and its safety and pollution issues. The study is expected to take about 18 months to complete.[91] In February 2010, the Commonwealth of Virginia contracted the National Research Council and Virginia Polytechnic Institute to oversee a National Research Council study of potential environmental and economic effects of uranium mining in Virginia. The National Research Council study, funded indirectly by a $1.4 million grant from Virginia Uranium to the Commonwealth, resulted in a report released in December 2011.[92] The report identified a range of health and environmental issues and related risks that could result from uranium mining in the Commonwealth of Virginia. The report found that although there are internationally accepted best practices to mitigate some risks, Virginia faces "steep hurdles" if it is to undertake uranium mining and processing within a regulatory setting that appropriately protects workers, the public, and the environment.[93] Uranium mining and processing carries with it a range of potential health risks to the people who work in or live near uranium mining and processing facilities. Some of these health risks apply to any type of hard rock mining or other large-scale industrial activity, but others are linked to exposure to radioactive materials. In addition, uranium mining has the potential to impact water, soil, and air quality, with the degree of impact depending on site-specific conditions, how early a contaminant release is detected by monitoring systems, and the effectiveness of mitigation steps.[94] Some of the worker and public health risks could be mitigated or better controlled through modern internationally accepted best practices, the report says. In addition, if uranium mining, processing, and reclamation were designed, constructed, operated, and monitored according to best practices, near-to-moderate-term environmental effects should be substantially reduced, the report found.[95] However, the report noted that Virginia's high water table and heavy rainfall differed from other parts of the United States—typically dry, Western states—where uranium mining has taken place. Consequently, federal agencies have little experience developing and applying laws and regulations in locations with abundant rainfall and groundwater, such as Virginia. Because of Virginia's moratorium on uranium mining, it has not been necessary for the Commonwealth's agencies to develop a regulatory program that is applicable to uranium mining, processing, and reclamation. The report also noted the long-term environmental risks of uranium tailings, the solid waste left after processing. Tailings disposal sites represent potential sources of contamination for thousands of years. While it is likely that tailings impoundment sites would be safe for at least 200 years if designed and built according to modern best practices, the long-term risks of radioactive contaminant release are unknown. The report's authoring committee was not asked to recommend whether uranium mining should be permitted, or to consider the potential benefits to the state were uranium mining to be pursued. It also was not asked to compare the relative risks of uranium mining to the mining of other fuels such as coal. In October 2015, it went before a federal judge whether the 33-year-old ban on large-scale uranium mining in Virginia would be lifted. [96] In June 2019, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that, in the absence of federal law establishing otherwise, "...[states retain] authority over the regulation of mining activities on private lands within their borders,”[97] and therefore the state ban on uranium mining remains in place.[98] Washington Uranium was discovered at the Midnite Mine deposit on the Spokane Indian Reservation, Stevens County, north-east Washington in 1954. The deposit was mined from an open pit 1956–1962 and 1969–1982.[99] Production through 1975 was 8 million pounds (3,600 metric tons) of U3O8. The uranium is contained in autunite, uraninite, and coffinite, with gangue minerals pyrite and marcasite. The ore occurs as disseminations, replacements, and stockworks in Precambrian metamorphic rocks of the Togo formation, in a roof pendant in Cretaceous porphyritic quartz monzonite.[100] Western Nuclear discovered the Spokane Mountain uranium deposit in 1975, two miles (3.2 km) northeast of the Midnite Mine, and in a similar geologic setting.[101] Other major Washington state uranium mines included the Sherwood mine, located five miles south of the Midnite mine, and the Daybreak mine, located six miles southeast of Elk, Washington. The Daybreak mine is recognized as the source of the finest museum-quality specimens of autunite and meta-autunite yet found. Sherwood had a co-located uranium mill, while Midnite and Daybreak ores were processed at the Dawn uranium mill, at Ford, Washington.[102] A drum of yellowcake Wyoming Main article: Uranium mining in Wyoming Wyoming once had many operating uranium mines, and once had the largest known uranium ore reserves of any state in the U.S. The Wyoming uranium mining industry was hard-hit in the 1980s by the drop in the price of uranium. The uranium-mining boom town of Jeffrey City lost 95% of its population in three years. By 2020, the only active uranium mine in Wyoming was the Smith Ranch-Highland in-situ leaching operation in the Powder River Basin, owned by Cameco.[103] The mine has produced 23 million pounds of uranium since it opened in 1975. Wellfield development was suspended during 2016. The Measured and Indicated Resource is 24.9 million pounds of U3O8 at a grade of 0.06%.[104][105] Health and environmental issues See also: Health effects of radon and Uranium mining and the Navajo people The radiation hazards of uranium mining and milling were not appreciated in the early years, resulting in workers being exposed to high levels of radiation. Inhalation of radon gas caused sharp increases in lung cancers among underground uranium miners employed in the 1940s and 1950s.[16][17][18] Risks related to the inhalation of radon gas and the deposition of radon daughter products in the lung were discussed publicly as early as 1951 in American newspapers. The hazard was considered to be generally greater in deeper underground workings, where providing adequate ventilation and suppressing dust was more difficult. Concerns for American miners' health were based on the observation of elevated lung cancer incidence among miners who mine uranium-bearing ore underground in Czechoslovakia and Germany.[106] Conventional uranium ore treatment mills create radioactive waste in the form of tailings, which contain uranium, radium, and polonium. Consequently, uranium mining results in "the unavoidable radioactive contamination of the environment by solid, liquid and gaseous wastes".[107] In the 1940s and 1950s, uranium mill tailings were released with impunity into water sources, and the radium leached from these tailings contaminated thousands of miles of the Colorado River system. Between 1966 and 1971, thousands of homes and commercial buildings in the Colorado Plateau region were "found to contain anomalously high concentrations of radon, after being built on uranium tailings taken from piles under the authority of the Atomic Energy Commission".[108] In 1950, the US Public Health service began a comprehensive study of uranium miners, leading to the first publication of a statistical correlation between cancer and uranium mining, released in 1962.[19] The federal government eventually regulated the standard amount of radon in mines, setting the level at 0.3 WL on January 1, 1969.[20] Out of 50 present and former uranium milling sites in 12 states, 24 have been abandoned, and are the responsibility of the US Department of Energy.[109] Accidental releases from uranium mills include the 1979 Church Rock uranium mill spill in New Mexico, called the largest accident of nuclear-related waste in US history, and the 1986 Sequoyah Corporation Fuels Release in Oklahoma.[110] In 1990, Congress passed the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA), granting reparations for those affected by mining, with amendments passed in 2000 to address criticisms with the original act.[19] The Navajo people have had a long history of dealing with the physical effects and environmental burden from uranium mining on their lands. This not only includes those who have worked in the mines but those who have never stepped foot in one and have to deal with the radioactivity in the surrounding areas. This has led to higher developments of different types of cancer and respiratory and kidney conditions. While the Lukachukai Mountain site was still functioning, there were slow and fast forms of radiation exposure. Because uranium and its health concerns were unknown to the Navajo people at the time, workers would come home covered in dust from the mines that had traces of uranium and other radioactive materials. This would cause more sudden forms of radiation exposure, but the contamination of land and water sources would happen slowly over time and leech into Navajo households. Reporter Noel Lyn Smith has earned her master’s degree in investigative journalism and is focusing on all aspects of the Navajo Nation with specific interest in the government, who has gotten involved and declared the Lukachukai Mountains Mining District a superfund site which means that a door has been opened for federal funding to help clean up the “more than 800,000 cubic yards of mine waste in piles scattered throughout the site.”[111] Uranium mining, milling and the American Southwest Shiprock, New Mexico uranium mill aerial photo Moab uranium mill tailings pile In the post-war period mine workers in the Four Corners area were exposed to and brought home large amounts of radiation in the form of dust on their clothing and skin. Epidemiologic studies of the families of these workers have shown increased incidents of radiation-induced cancers, miscarriages, cleft palates and other birth defects.[112][113][114] The extent of these genetic effects on indigenous populations and the extent of DNA damage remains to be resolved.[115][116][117][118][119][120] All over the American Southwest, Uranium mines are seeing a revival. There are multiple plans to reopen closed mines in Texas, Utah, Wyoming, and Arizona. While all of this is happening, this country is still dealing with the same environmental injustices that these mining practices have caused. After the Fukushima disaster, many uranium mines closed because uranium prices dropped so much it wasn’t an economically good choice to keep mining. Now, after last year's United Nations Climate Conference in Dubai, climate change and spiking uranium prices has put a spark back in the idea of nuclear power.[121] This is a big positive for those who are rooting for a nuclear future, but others have concerns about the environmental damages that this could cause in the future along with the environmental injustices that have already taken place in indigenous communities. Native tribes have already started a push to shut down new mining operation plans and are highlighting the need for approval of those in the community unlike previous instances where the current system of colonialism has been the primary way of thinking. One of these previous instances has been the Church Rock Mine in New Mexico, owned by United Nuclear Corporation. The dam that was holding 94 million gallons of radioactive waste broke, made its way onto Navajo lands, and now contaminates the land that their animals graze on to this day.[121] As America heads towards a green energy future, the increase in critical mineral extraction cannot lead towards a future of green colonialism. Tribal Nations must have a more meaningful stake in the future of critical mineral mining if the United States wants to decrease dependency on foreign nations for critical minerals. The Government must develop a policy that ensures we don’t repeat history. Colonialism won’t cut it anymore. Mark Trahant, a former editor for Indian Country Today, says “This time it’s different, perhaps, because tribal nations can either be essential producers or legal obstacles and irritants.”[122] Uranium mining, milling and the Navajo people Main article: Uranium mining and the Navajo people After the end of World War II, large uranium deposits were found on and near the Navajo Reservation in the Southwest, and private companies hired many Navajo employees to work the mines. Disregarding the known health risks imposed by exposure to uranium, the private companies and the United States Atomic Energy Commission failed to inform the Navajo workers about the dangers and to regulate the mining to minimize contamination. As more data was collected, they were slow to take appropriate action for the workers.[19] Studies provided data to show that the Navajo mine workers and numerous families on the reservation have suffered high rates of disease from environmental contamination, but for decades, industry and the government failed to regulate or improve conditions, or inform workers of the dangers. As high rates of illness began to occur, workers were often unsuccessful in court cases seeking compensation, and the states at first did not officially recognize radon illness.[19] Lands that have been subject to permanent environmental damages for the collective good are referred to as “national sacrifice zones.” These zones have been commonly caused by polluting industries such as uranium mining sites and United States Military bases. Polluting industries like these leave hazardous chemicals in their wake for the surrounding residents and threaten the economics, cultures and welfare of the tribes living in or near these sacrifice zones.[123] Environmental Justice Scholar Kyle Keeler states that sacrifice zones are “for the betterment of colonial society”[124] Throughout the 20th century, the Navajo nation has been subject to these sacrifice zones due to exploitation from the country’s nuclear goals. As Scholar Traci Brynne Voyles has mentioned in her book, “Diné land hosts upward of 2,000 now-abandoned uranium mines, mills, and tailings piles, in which over 3,000 Navajo miners wrenched and blasted raw uranium ore from the ground and then processed it into yellowcake.”[125] “Wastelanding” is a term that was coined by Traci Brynne Voyles in her book, and she describes it as a place “from which resources are increasingly extracted and where (often toxic) waste is increasingly dumped.”[125] It is used to describe the environmental and social impacts of uranium mining. The people that live on these wastelands are subject to disproportionate amounts of exposure to environmental harms, like groundwater contamination and the effects from PCBs being in their system. The Manhattan project is one of the main reasons the Navajo reservation has so many abandoned mines on it today. Being located in Los Alamos, the United States government was in very close proximity to the uranium mines found on Navajo lands. They took advantage of this and started the rush towards a nuclear weapons future. Princeton University’s Nuclear Program has released an article that talks about how “Tribal nations were displaced from their homelands for the construction of these facilities and were often denied access to their homelands both throughout the project and to the present day.”[126] In 1990 the US Congress passed the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, to settle such cases and provide needed compensation.[127][19] In 2008 the US Congress authorized a five-year, multi-agency cleanup of uranium contamination on the Navajo Nation reservation; identification and treatment of contaminated water and structures has been the first priority. Certain water sources have been closed, and numerous contaminated buildings have been taken down.[128] By the summer of 2011, EPA had nearly completed the first major project of removal of 20,000 cubic yards of contaminated earth from the Skyline Mine area. Uranium mining has disturbed the balance in Navajo culture. They must stay and fight for their land but are dealing with so many adverse health and environmental effects because of it.[129] The Holy People in Navajo culture have set the boundaries of their land, and the earth people must do whatever they can to try to heal and protect that land.[130] Trying to seek justice for the effects of uranium mining have been continuous, with groups like Eastern Navajo Diné Against Uranium Mining playing a critical role. ENDAUM was created in 1994 to combat plans to open uranium mines that were presented by HydroResources Inc.[131] They have been fighting the same overall cause for three decades now. Workers had not been informed of the dangers uranium mining would inflict on their land.[132] This is only a little part of a much larger issue, with economic issues being a top priority in our country and shutting out the rights and well-being of indigenous people. See also Anti-nuclear movement in the United States Botanical prospecting for uranium List of uranium projects Nuclear labor issues Nuclear power in the United States The Return of Navajo Boy, a 2000 documentary film about Navajo struggling with the legacy of uranium mining on their lands Uranium Mill Tailings Radiation Control Act Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren References "Domestic Uranium Production Report - First-Quarter 2020" (PDF). Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration. 3 May 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2020. "Table 8.2 Uranium Overview" (PDF). Washington, DC: U.S. Energy Information Administration. April 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2020. "2019 Domestic Uranium Production Report" (PDF). 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Smith, Noel (March 26, 2024). "This Month's Superfund Listing of Abandoned Uranium Mines in the Navajo Nation's Lukachukai Mountains Is a First Step Toward Cleaning Them Up". Inside Climate News. Shields, L. M.; Wiese, W. H.; Skipper, B. J.; Charley, B.; Benally, L. (November 1992). "Navajo birth outcomes in the Shiprock uranium mining area". Health Physics. 63 (5): 542–51. doi:10.1097/00004032-199211000-00005. PMID 1399640. Shuey, Chris. "URANIUM EXPOSURE AND PUBLIC HEALTH IN NEW MEXICO AND THE NAVAJO NATION: A LITERATURE SUMMARY" (PDF). Southwest Research and Information Center. Retrieved 29 July 2020. Dawson, Susan (December 1992). "Navajo Uranium Workers and the Effects of Occupational Illnesses: A Case Study" (PDF). Human Organization. 51 (4): 389–397. doi:10.17730/humo.51.4.e02484g513501t35. Retrieved 29 July 2020. Frosh, Dan (July 26, 2009). "Uranium Contamination Haunts Navajo Country". The New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2014. Johnston, Barbara Rose; Holly M. 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WEAD: Women Environmental Artist Directory. Retrieved 31 March 2014. "A Nuclear Power Revival Is Sparking a Surge in Uranium Mining". Yale E360. Retrieved 2024-05-02. Trahant, Mark (2023-06-21). "This time it's different? The rush to mine Indigenous lands". ICT News. Retrieved 2024-05-02. Hooks, Gregory; Smith, Chad L. (2004). "The Treadmill of Destruction: National Sacrifice Areas and Native Americans". American Sociological Review. 69 (4): 558–575. doi:10.1177/000312240406900405. ISSN 0003-1224. JSTOR 3593065. Keeler, Kyle (2024). "Nuclear Injustice: Why a Nuclear Renaissance is the Same Old Colonial Story". Cleveland Review of Books. 2 (1): 176. Voyles, Traci Brynne (2015). Wastelanding: Legacies of Uranium Mining in Navajo Country. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-9267-5. JSTOR 10.5749/j.ctt155jmrg. "Impacts on Indigenous Communities". Nuclear Princeton. Retrieved 2024-05-02. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Hearing 108-883. "An Overview of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Program". www.gpo.gov. United States Senate and the U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved 28 July 2020. "Navajo Nation: Cleaning Up Abandoned Uranium Mines, Federal Plans to Address Impacts of Uranium Contamination". U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. 22 June 2016. Retrieved 29 July 2020. Fettus, Geoffry; Mckinzie, Matthew (March 2012). "Nuclear Fuel's Dirty Beginnings" (PDF). "Navajo Cultural History and Legends". web.archive.org. 2016-04-18. Retrieved 2024-05-02. Morgan, Leona (October 27, 2011). "ENDAUM Statement to the NM Indian Affairs Committee" (PDF). Dawson, Susan; Madsen, Gary (2007). In Half Lives & Half-Truths: Confronting the Radioactive Legacies of the Cold War. Santa Fe: School For Advanced Research. pp. 117–143. External links Uranium Mining from the Handbook of Texas Online The Return of Navajo Boy Webisodes, EPA Clean-up of uranium contamination at Navajo Reservation vte Uranium mining By country Australia Kakadu National Park Canada Bancroft Elliot Lake Kazakhstan Namibia United States Arizona Colorado Navajo Nation New Mexico Utah Wyoming Lists List of uranium projects List of countries by uranium production List of countries by uranium reserves List of inquiries into uranium mining in Australia Opposition Thomas Banyacya Kevin Buzzacott Katsumi Furitsu Jim Green Jacqui Katona Scott Ludlam Yvonne Margarula JoAnn Tall Sun Xiaodi Floyd Red Crow Westerman List of Nuclear-Free Future Award recipients World Uranium Hearing Other articles Uranium in the environment Uranium market Uranium mining debate Peak uranium Botanical prospecting for uranium Nuclear power in the United States Church Rock uranium mill spill Sequoyah Fuels Corporation Anti-nuclear movement in the United States Uranium Mill Tailings Radiation Control Act The Return of Navajo Boy Nuclear labor issues International Uranium Film Festival History of the anti-nuclear movement The Navajo People and Uranium Mining Hibakusha 1974 Elliot Lake miners strike Yellowcake boomtown Public Domain This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the United States Geological Survey. Public Domain This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the United States Department of Energy. Category: Uranium mining in the United States Uranium mining and the Navajo people began in 1944 in northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, and southeastern Utah. In the 1950s, the Navajo Nation was situated directly in the uranium mining belt that experienced a boom in production, and many residents found work in the mines. Prior to 1962, the risks of lung cancer due to uranium mining were unknown to the workers, and the lack of a word for radiation in the Navajo language left the miners unaware of the associated health hazards.[1] The cultural significance of water for the Navajo people and the environmental damage to both the land and livestock inhibits the ability of the Navajo people to practice their culture.[2] The Navajo Nation was affected by the United States' largest radioactive accident during the Church Rock uranium mill spill in 1979 when a tailings pond upstream from Navajo County breached its dam and sent radioactive waste down the Puerco River, injuring people and killing livestock.[3] In the Navajo Nation, approximately 15% of people do not have access to running water.[4] Navajo Nation residents are often forced to resort to unregulated water sources that are susceptible to bacteria, fecal matter, and uranium. Extensive uranium mining in the region during the mid-20th century is a contemporary concern because of contamination of these commonly used sources, in addition to the lingering health effects of exposure from mining. Water in the Navajo Nation currently has an average of 90 micrograms per liter of uranium, with some areas reaching upwards of 700 micrograms per liter.[5] In contrast, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) considers 30 micrograms per liter the safe amount of uranium to have in water sources.[6] Health impacts of uranium consumption include kidney damage and failure, as kidneys are unable to filter uranium out of the bloodstream.[7] There is an average rate of End Stage Renal Disease of 0.63% in the Navajo Nation, a rate significantly higher than the national average of 0.19%.[8] The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has been cleaning up uranium mines in the Navajo Nation since as part of settlements through the Superfund since 1994. The Abandoned Mine Land program and Contaminated Structures Program have facilitated the cleanup of mines and demolition of structures built with radioactive materials.[9] Criticisms of unfair, inefficient treatment have been made repeatedly of EPA by Navajos and journalists.[10][11][12] In October 2021, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights agreed to hear a case filed by the Eastern Navajo Diné Against Uranium Mining, which accused the United States government of violating the human rights of Navajo Nation members.[13] Environmental journalist Cody Nelson explains further that: "the US government and its Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) have violated their human rights by licensing uranium mines in their communities" (Nelson, "Ignored for 70 Years': Human Rights Group to Investigate Uranium Contamination on Navajo Nation"). Nelson also describes that "There is no moral value in having an international human rights body lay bare the absues of the nuclear industry and the US government's complicity in those abuses."[14] Shiprock, New Mexico uranium mill aerial photo History For the book published in 2006, see The Navajo People and Uranium Mining. In 1944, uranium mi

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ A probing documentary that delves into the complex role of media in wartime scenarios. Inspired by Phillip Knightley's seminal work on war correspondents, the film traverses historical conflicts from the Crimea to the Falklands. It navigates the shifting landscape of war reporting, questioning whether the media's purpose is merely to chronicle events or to dissect them through the lenses of various stakeholders - be it the military, politicians, or the victims themselves. Drawing parallels from conflicts across time, the documentary contrasts the candid and revealing reports of past eras, such as William Howard Russell's Crimea coverage exposing British missteps, with the controlled narratives and censorship prevalent in more contemporary conflicts like the Falklands War. The film sheds light on the challenges faced by journalists diverging from official government narratives, recounting instances where reporters were restricted, their accounts delayed, or even subjected to censorship. The film highlights how governments have historically manipulated information, drawing on tactics from concealing truths during the First World War to the use of sophisticated methods in Vietnam, where subtle disinformation strategies were employed to control media perspectives. Moreover, it underscores the impact of media manipulation on public perception, revealing how selective reporting and censorship can shape the public's view of war, downplaying civilian casualties and portraying conflicts as more sanitized than reality. The documentary serves as a cautionary tale, emphasizing the importance of independent journalism and the dangers of controlled media narratives in perpetuating misconceptions about the true nature and cost of war. Propaganda is communication that is primarily used to influence or persuade an audience to further an agenda, which may not be objective and may be selectively presenting facts to encourage a particular synthesis or perception, or using loaded language to produce an emotional rather than a rational response to the information that is being presented.[1] Propaganda can be found in a wide variety of different contexts.[2] In the 20th century, the English term propaganda was often associated with a manipulative approach, but historically, propaganda has been a neutral descriptive term of any material that promotes certain opinions or ideologies.[1][3] Equivalent non-English terms have also largely retained the original neutral connotation.[citation needed] A wide range of materials and media are used for conveying propaganda messages, which changed as new technologies were invented, including paintings, cartoons, posters, pamphlets, films, radio shows, TV shows, and websites. More recently, the digital age has given rise to new ways of disseminating propaganda, for example, bots and algorithms are currently being used to create computational propaganda and fake or biased news and spread it on social media. Etymology Main article: Propaganda Fide Propaganda is a modern Latin word, the neuter plural gerundive form of propagare, meaning 'to spread' or 'to propagate', thus propaganda means the things which are to be propagated.[4] Originally this word derived from a new administrative body (congregation) of the Catholic Church created in 1622 as part of the Counter-Reformation, called the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for Propagating the Faith), or informally simply Propaganda.[3][5] Its activity was aimed at "propagating" the Catholic faith in non-Catholic countries.[3] From the 1790s, the term began being used also to refer to propaganda in secular activities.[3] The term began taking a pejorative or negative connotation in the mid-19th century, when it was used in the political sphere.[3] Definitions Propaganda was conceptualized as a form of influence designed to build social consensus. In the 20th century, the term propaganda emerged along with the rise of mass media, including newspapers and radio. As researchers began studying the effects of media, they used suggestion theory to explain how people could be influenced by emotionally-resonant persuasive messages. Harold Lasswell provided a broad definition of the term propaganda, writing it as: "the expression of opinions or actions carried out deliberately by individuals or groups with a view to influencing the opinions or actions of other individuals or groups for predetermined ends and through psychological manipulations."[6] Garth Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell theorize that propaganda and persuasion are linked as humans use communication as a form of soft power through the development and cultivation of propaganda materials.[7] In a 1929 literary debate with Edward Bernays, Everett Dean Martin argues that, "Propaganda is making puppets of us. We are moved by hidden strings which the propagandist manipulates."[8] In the 1920s and 1930s, propaganda was sometimes described as all-powerful. For example, Bernays acknowledged in his book Propaganda that "The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of."[9] NATO's 2011 guidance for military public affairs defines propaganda as "information, ideas, doctrines, or special appeals disseminated to influence the opinion, emotions, attitudes, or behaviour of any specified group in order to benefit the sponsor, either directly or indirectly".[10] History Main article: History of propaganda Primitive forms of propaganda have been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. The Behistun Inscription (c. 515 BCE) detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persian throne is viewed by most historians as an early example of propaganda.[11] Another striking example of propaganda during ancient history is the last Roman civil wars (44–30 BCE) during which Octavian and Mark Antony blamed each other for obscure and degrading origins, cruelty, cowardice, oratorical and literary incompetence, debaucheries, luxury, drunkenness and other slanders.[12] This defamation took the form of uituperatio (Roman rhetorical genre of the invective) which was decisive for shaping the Roman public opinion at this time. Another early example of propaganda was from Genghis Khan. The emperor would send some of his men ahead of his army to spread rumors to the enemy. In many cases, his army was actually smaller than his opponents'.[13] Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I was the first ruler to utilize the power of the printing press for propaganda – in order to build his image, stir up patriotic feelings in the population of his empire (he was the first ruler who utilized one-sided battle reports – the early predecessors of modern newspapers or neue zeitungen – targeting the mass.[14][15]) and influence the population of his enemies.[16][17][18] Propaganda during the Reformation, helped by the spread of the printing press throughout Europe, and in particular within Germany, caused new ideas, thoughts, and doctrine to be made available to the public in ways that had never been seen before the 16th century. During the era of the American Revolution, the American colonies had a flourishing network of newspapers and printers who specialized in the topic on behalf of the Patriots (and to a lesser extent on behalf of the Loyalists).[19] Academic Barbara Diggs-Brown conceives that the negative connotations of the term "propaganda" are associated with the earlier social and political transformations that occurred during the French Revolutionary period movement of 1789 to 1799 between the start and the middle portion of the 19th century, in a time where the word started to be used in a nonclerical and political context.[20] A 1918 Finnish propaganda leaflet signed by General Mannerheim circulated by the Whites urging the Reds to surrender during the Finnish Civil War. [To the residents and troops of Tampere! Resistance is hopeless. Raise the white flag and surrender. The blood of the citizen has been shed enough. We will not kill like the Reds kill their prisoners. Send your representative with a white flag.] The first large-scale and organised propagation of government propaganda was occasioned by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. After the defeat of Germany, military officials such as General Erich Ludendorff suggested that British propaganda had been instrumental in their defeat. Adolf Hitler came to echo this view, believing that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and revolts in the German home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). In Mein Kampf (1925) Hitler expounded his theory of propaganda, which provided a powerful base for his rise to power in 1933. Historian Robert Ensor explains that "Hitler...puts no limit on what can be done by propaganda; people will believe anything, provided they are told it often enough and emphatically enough, and that contradicters are either silenced or smothered in calumny."[21] This was to be true in Germany and backed up with their army making it difficult to allow other propaganda to flow in.[22] Most propaganda in Nazi Germany was produced by the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels. Goebbels mentions propaganda as a way to see through the masses. Symbols are used towards propaganda such as justice, liberty and one's devotion to one's country.[23] World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, building on the experience of WWI, by Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the United States Office of War Information.[24] In the early 20th century, the invention of motion pictures (as in movies, diafilms) gave propaganda-creators a powerful tool for advancing political and military interests when it came to reaching a broad segment of the population and creating consent or encouraging rejection of the real or imagined enemy. In the years following the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet government sponsored the Russian film industry with the purpose of making propaganda films (e.g., the 1925 film The Battleship Potemkin glorifies Communist ideals). In WWII, Nazi filmmakers produced highly emotional films to create popular support for occupying the Sudetenland and attacking Poland. The 1930s and 1940s, which saw the rise of totalitarian states and the Second World War, are arguably the "Golden Age of Propaganda". Leni Riefenstahl, a filmmaker working in Nazi Germany, created one of the best-known propaganda movies, Triumph of the Will. In 1942, the propaganda song Niet Molotoff was made in Finland during the Continuation War, making fun of the Red Army's failure in the Winter War, referring the song's name to the Soviet's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov.[25] In the US, animation became popular, especially for winning over youthful audiences and aiding the U.S. war effort, e.g., Der Fuehrer's Face (1942), which ridicules Hitler and advocates the value of freedom. Some American war films in the early 1940s were designed to create a patriotic mindset and convince viewers that sacrifices needed to be made to defeat the Axis Powers.[26] Others were intended to help Americans understand their Allies in general, as in films like Know Your Ally: Britain and Our Greek Allies. Apart from its war films, Hollywood did its part to boost American morale in a film intended to show how stars of stage and screen who remained on the home front were doing their part not just in their labors, but also in their understanding that a variety of peoples worked together against the Axis menace: Stage Door Canteen (1943) features one segment meant to dispel Americans' mistrust of the Soviets, and another to dispel their bigotry against the Chinese. Polish filmmakers in Great Britain created the anti-Nazi color film Calling Mr. Smith[27][28] (1943) about Nazi crimes in German-occupied Europe and about lies of Nazi propaganda.[29] The West and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold War. Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens, each other, and Third World nations. Through a front organization called the Bedford Publishing Company, the CIA through a covert department called the Office of Policy Coordination disseminated over one million books to Soviet readers over the span of 15 years, including novels by George Orwell, Albert Camus, Vladimir Nabakov, James Joyce, and Pasternak in an attempt to promote anti-communist sentiment and sympathy of Western values.[30] George Orwell's contemporaneous novels Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four portray the use of propaganda in fictional dystopian societies. During the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro stressed the importance of propaganda.[31][better source needed] Propaganda was used extensively by Communist forces in the Vietnam War as means of controlling people's opinions.[32] During the Yugoslav wars, propaganda was used as a military strategy by governments of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia. Propaganda was used to create fear and hatred, and particularly to incite the Serb population against the other ethnicities (Bosniaks, Croats, Albanians and other non-Serbs). Serb media made a great effort in justifying, revising or denying mass war crimes committed by Serb forces during these wars.[33] Public perceptions In the early 20th century the term propaganda was used by the founders of the nascent public relations industry to refer to their people. Literally translated from the Latin gerundive as "things that must be disseminated", in some cultures the term is neutral or even positive, while in others the term has acquired a strong negative connotation. The connotations of the term "propaganda" can also vary over time. For example, in Portuguese and some Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in the Southern Cone, the word "propaganda" usually refers to the most common manipulative media in business terms – "advertising".[34] Poster of the 19th-century Scandinavist movement In English, propaganda was originally a neutral term for the dissemination of information in favor of any given cause. During the 20th century, however, the term acquired a thoroughly negative meaning in western countries, representing the intentional dissemination of often false, but certainly "compelling" claims to support or justify political actions or ideologies. According to Harold Lasswell, the term began to fall out of favor due to growing public suspicion of propaganda in the wake of its use during World War I by the Creel Committee in the United States and the Ministry of Information in Britain: Writing in 1928, Lasswell observed, "In democratic countries the official propaganda bureau was looked upon with genuine alarm, for fear that it might be suborned to party and personal ends. The outcry in the United States against Mr. Creel's famous Bureau of Public Information (or 'Inflammation') helped to din into the public mind the fact that propaganda existed. ... The public's discovery of propaganda has led to a great of lamentation over it. Propaganda has become an epithet of contempt and hate, and the propagandists have sought protective coloration in such names as 'public relations council,' 'specialist in public education,' 'public relations adviser.' "[35] In 1949, political science professor Dayton David McKean wrote, "After World War I the word came to be applied to 'what you don't like of the other fellow's publicity,' as Edward L. Bernays said...."[36] Contestation The term is essentially contested and some have argued for a neutral definition,[37][38] arguing that ethics depend on intent and context,[39] while others define it as necessarily unethical and negative.[40] Emma Briant defines it as "the deliberate manipulation of representations (including text, pictures, video, speech etc.) with the intention of producing any effect in the audience (e.g. action or inaction; reinforcement or transformation of feelings, ideas, attitudes or behaviours) that is desired by the propagandist."[38] The same author explains the importance of consistent terminology across history, particularly as contemporary euphemistic synonyms are used in governments' continual efforts to rebrand their operations such as 'information support' and strategic communication.[38] Other scholars also see benefits to acknowledging that propaganda can be interpreted as beneficial or harmful, depending on the message sender, target audience, message, and context.[2] David Goodman argues that the 1936 League of Nations "Convention on the Use of Broadcasting in the Cause of Peace" tried to create the standards for a liberal international public sphere. The Convention encouraged empathetic and neighborly radio broadcasts to other nations. It called for League prohibitions on international broadcast containing hostile speech and false claims. It tried to define the line between liberal and illiberal policies in communications, and emphasized the dangers of nationalist chauvinism. With Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia active on the radio, its liberal goals were ignored, while free speech advocates warned that the code represented restraints on free speech.[41] Types Poster in a North Korean primary school targeting the United States military. The Korean text reads: "Are you playing the game of catching these guys?" Identifying propaganda has always been a problem.[42] The main difficulties have involved differentiating propaganda from other types of persuasion, and avoiding a biased approach. Richard Alan Nelson provides a definition of the term: "Propaganda is neutrally defined as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological, political or commercial purposes[43] through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media channels."[44] The definition focuses on the communicative process involved – or more precisely, on the purpose of the process, and allow "propaganda" to be interpreted as positive or negative behavior depending on the perspective of the viewer or listener. Propaganda can often be recognized by the rhetorical strategies used in its design. In the 1930s, the Institute for Propaganda Analysis identified a variety of propaganda techniques that were commonly used in newspapers and on the radio, which were the mass media of the time period. Propaganda techniques include "name calling" (using derogatory labels), "bandwagon" (expressing the social appeal of a message), or "glittering generalities" (using positive but imprecise language).[45] With the rise of the internet and social media, Renee Hobbs identified four characteristic design features of many forms of contemporary propaganda: (1) it activates strong emotions; (2) it simplifies information; (3) it appeals to the hopes, fears, and dreams of a targeted audience; and (4) it attacks opponents.[46] Propaganda is sometimes evaluated based on the intention and goals of the individual or institution who created it. According to historian Zbyněk Zeman, propaganda is defined as either white, grey or black. White propaganda openly discloses its source and intent. Grey propaganda has an ambiguous or non-disclosed source or intent. Black propaganda purports to be published by the enemy or some organization besides its actual origins[47] (compare with black operation, a type of clandestine operation in which the identity of the sponsoring government is hidden). In scale, these different types of propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to compete with the propaganda. For example, opposition to white propaganda is often readily found and may slightly discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to grey propaganda, when revealed (often by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry. Opposition to black propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal, because public cognizance of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine or backfire the very campaign the black propagandist supported. The propagandist seeks to change the way people understand an issue or situation for the purpose of changing their actions and expectations in ways that are desirable to the interest group. Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to censorship in which the same purpose is achieved, not by filling people's minds with approved information, but by preventing people from being confronted with opposing points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other forms of advocacy is the willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding through deception and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding. The leaders of an organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this may not be true for the rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda. Woodcuts (1545) known as the Papstspotbilder or Depictions of the Papacy in English,[48] by Lucas Cranach, commissioned by Martin Luther.[49] Title: Kissing the Pope's Feet.[50] German peasants respond to a papal bull of Pope Paul III. Caption reads: "Don't frighten us Pope, with your ban, and don't be such a furious man. Otherwise we shall turn around and show you our rears."[51][52] Religious Propaganda was often used to influence opinions and beliefs on religious issues, particularly during the split between the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant churches or during the Crusades.[53] The sociologist Jeffrey K. Hadden has argued that members of the anti-cult movement and Christian counter-cult movement accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively to recruit followers and keep them. Hadden argued that ex-members of cults and the anti-cult movement are committed to making these movements look bad.[54] Propaganda against other religions in the same community or propaganda intended to keep political power in the hands of a religious elite can incite religious hate on a global or national scale. It could make use of many propaganda mediums. War, terrorism, riots, and other violent acts can result from it. It can also conceal injustices, inequities, exploitation, and atrocities, leading to ignorance-based indifference and alienation.[55] Wartime This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) A famous example of propaganda, this poster made by Paul Revere portrays the Boston Massacre in a way that he hoped would make Americans angry and support the Revolutionary War. In the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians exploited the figures from stories about Troy as well as other mythical images to incite feelings against Sparta. For example, Helen of Troy was even portrayed as an Athenian, whose mother Nemesis would avenge Troy.[56][57] During the Punic Wars, extensive campaigns of propaganda were carried out by both sides. To dissolve the Roman system of socii and the Greek poleis, Hannibal released without conditions Latin prisoners that he had treated generously to their native cities, where they helped to disseminate his propaganda.[58] The Romans on the other hand tried to portray Hannibal as a person devoid of humanity and would soon lose the favour of gods. At the same time, led by Q.Fabius Maximus, they organized elaborate religious rituals to protect Roman morale.[59][58] In the early sixteenth century, Maximilian I invented one kind of psychological warfare targeting the enemies. During his war against Venice, he attached pamphlets to balloons that his archers would shoot down. The content spoke of freedom and equality and provoked the populace to rebel against the tyrants (their Signoria).[60] Post–World War II usage of the word "propaganda" more typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these techniques or to the promotion of a set of ideas. Propaganda poster shows a terrifying gorilla with a helmet labeled "militarism" holding a bloody club labeled "kultur" and a half-naked woman as he stomps onto the shore of America. Destroy this Mad Brute: Enlist— propaganda poster encouraging men in the United States to enlist and fight Germany as part of WWI, by Harry R. Hopps, c. 1917 Soviet "Ne Boltai" poster. Translates to "Don't Chatter". Similar to American "Loose Lips Sink Ships" posters, this iconic piece of propaganda tries to warn citizens against giving out secrets. Propaganda is a powerful weapon in war; in certain cases, it is used to dehumanize and create hatred toward a supposed enemy, either internal or external, by creating a false image in the mind of soldiers and citizens. This can be done by using derogatory or racist terms (e.g., the racist terms "Jap" and "gook" used during World War II and the Vietnam War, respectively), avoiding some words or language or by making allegations of enemy atrocities. The goal of this was to demoralize the opponent into thinking what was being projected was actually true.[61] Most propaganda efforts in wartime require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an injustice, which may be fictitious or may be based on facts (e.g., the sinking of the passenger ship RMS Lusitania by the German Navy in World War I). The home population must also believe that the cause of their nation in the war is just. In these efforts it was difficult to determine the accuracy of how propaganda truly impacted the war.[62] In NATO doctrine, propaganda is defined as "Information, especially of a biased or misleading nature, used to promote a political cause or point of view."[63] Within this perspective, the information provided does not need to be necessarily false but must be instead relevant to specific goals of the "actor" or "system" that performs it. Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also involve false flag operations in which the identity of the operatives is depicted as those of an enemy nation (e.g., The Bay of Pigs Invasion used CIA planes painted in Cuban Air Force markings). The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to reinforce the mindsets of people who already believe as the propagandist wishes (e.g., During the First World War, the main purpose of British propaganda was to encourage men to join the army, and women to work in the country's industry. Propaganda posters were used because regular general radio broadcasting was yet to commence and TV technology was still under development).[64] The assumption is that, if people believe something false, they will constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are unpleasant (see cognitive dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and are therefore receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason, propaganda is often addressed to people who are already sympathetic to the agenda or views being presented. This process of reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to self-select "agreeable" information sources as a mechanism for maintaining control over populations. Serbian propaganda from the Bosnian War (1992–95) presented as an actual photograph from the scene of, as stated in report below the image, a "Serbian boy whose whole family was killed by Bosnian Muslims". The image is derived from an 1879 "Orphan on mother's grave" painting by Uroš Predić (alongside).[65] Propaganda may be administered in insidious ways. For instance, disparaging disinformation about the history of certain groups or foreign countries may be encouraged or tolerated in the educational system. Since few people actually double-check what they learn at school, such disinformation will be repeated by journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing the idea that the disinformation item is really a "well-known fact", even though no one repeating the myth is able to point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is then recycled in the media and in the educational system, without the need for direct governmental intervention on the media. Such permeating propaganda may be used for political goals: by giving citizens a false impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to reject certain proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others. Britannia arm-in-arm with Uncle Sam symbolizes the British-American alliance in World War I. Poster depicting Winston Churchill as a "British Bulldog" In the Soviet Union during the Second World War, the propaganda designed to encourage civilians was controlled by Stalin, who insisted on a heavy-handed style that educated audiences easily saw was inauthentic. On the other hand, the unofficial rumors about German atrocities were well founded and convincing.[66] Stalin was a Georgian who spoke Russian with a heavy accent. That would not do for a national hero so starting in the 1930s all new visual portraits of Stalin were retouched to erase his Georgian facial characteristics[clarify][67] and make him a more generalized Soviet hero. Only his eyes and famous moustache remained unaltered. Zhores Medvedev and Roy Medvedev say his "majestic new image was devised appropriately to depict the leader of all times and of all peoples."[68] Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits any propaganda for war as well as any advocacy of national or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence by law.[69] Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship. The people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country. — Hermann Göring[70] Simply enough the covenant specifically is not defining the content of propaganda. In simplest terms, an act of propaganda if used in a reply to a wartime act is not prohibited.[71] Advertising Propaganda shares techniques with advertising and public relations, each of which can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or shapes the perception of an organization, person, or brand. For example, after claiming victory in the 2006 Lebanon War, Hezbollah campaigned for broader popularity among Arabs by organizing mass rallies where Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah combined elements of the local dialect with classical Arabic to reach audiences outside Lebanon. Banners and billboards were commissioned in commemoration of the war, along with various merchandise items with Hezbollah's logo, flag color (yellow), and images of Nasrallah. T-shirts, baseball caps and other war memorabilia were marketed for all ages. The uniformity of messaging helped define Hezbollah's brand.[72] Journalistic theory generally holds that news items should be objective, giving the reader an accurate background and analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand, advertisements evolved from the traditional commercial advertisements to include also a new type in the form of paid articles or broadcasts disguised as news. These generally present an issue in a very subjective and often misleading light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform. Normally they use only subtle propaganda techniques and not the more obvious ones used in traditional commercial advertisements. If the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news item, the message the advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily "believed" or "internalized". Such advertisements are considered obvious examples of "covert" propaganda because they take on the appearance of objective information rather than the appearance of propaganda, which is misleading. Federal law[where?] specifically mandates that any advertisement appearing in the format of a news item must state that the item is in fact a paid advertisement. Edmund McGarry illustrates that advertising is more than selling to an audience but a type of propaganda that is trying to persuade the public and not to be balanced in judgement.[73] Politics Propaganda and manipulation can be found in television, and in news programs that influence mass audiences. An example was the Dziennik (Journal) news cast, which criticised capitalism in the then-communist Polish People's Republic using emotive and loaded language. Propaganda has become more common in political contexts, in particular, to refer to certain efforts sponsored by governments, political groups, but also often covert interests. In the early 20th century, propaganda was exemplified in the form of party slogans. Propaganda also has much in common with public information campaigns by governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of behavior (such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering, and so forth). Again, the emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets, posters, TV, and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium. In the case of the United States, there is also an important legal (imposed by law) distinction between advertising (a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of the United States Congress, refers to as "covert propaganda." Propaganda is divided into two in political situations, they are preparation, meaning to create a new frame of mind or view of things, and operational, meaning they instigate actions.[74] Roderick Hindery argues[75][76] that propaganda exists on the political left, and right, and in mainstream centrist parties. Hindery further argues that debates about most social issues can be productively revisited in the context of asking "what is or is not propaganda?" Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda, indoctrination, and terrorism/counterterrorism. He argues that threats to destroy are often as socially disruptive as physical devastation itself. Since 9/11 and the appearance of greater media fluidity, propaganda institutions, practices and legal frameworks have been evolving in the US and Britain. Briant shows how this included expansion and integration of the apparatus cross-government and details attempts to coordinate the forms of propaganda for foreign and domestic audiences, with new efforts in strategic communication.[77] These were subject to contestation within the US Government, resisted by Pentagon Public Affairs and critiqued by some scholars.[39] The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 (section 1078 (a)) amended the US Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948 (popularly referred to as the Smith-Mundt Act) and the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1987, allowing for materials produced by the State Department and the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) to be released within U.S. borders for the Archivist of the United States. The Smith-Mundt Act, as amended, provided that "the Secretary and the Broadcasting Board of Governors shall make available to the Archivist of the United States, for domestic distribution, motion pictures, films, videotapes, and other material 12 years after the initial dissemination of the material abroad (...) Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit the Department of State or the Broadcasting Board of Governors from engaging in any medium or form of communication, either directly or indirectly, because a United States domestic audience is or may be thereby exposed to program material, or based on a presumption of such exposure." Public concerns were raised upon passage due to the relaxation of prohibitions of domestic propaganda in the United States.[78] In the wake of this, the internet has become a prolific method of distributing political propaganda, benefiting from an evolution in coding called bots. Software agents or bots can be used for many things, including populating social media with automated messages and posts with a range of sophistication. During the 2016 U.S. election a cyber-strategy was implemented using bots to direct US voters to Russian political news and information sources, and to spread politically motivated rumors and false news stories. At this point it is considered commonplace contemporary political strategy around the world to implement bots in achieving political goals.[79] Techniques Further information: Propaganda techniques Anti-capitalist propaganda (1911 Industrial Workers of the World poster) Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports, government reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio, television, and posters. Some propaganda campaigns follow a strategic transmission pattern to indoctrinate the target group. This may begin with a simple transmission, such as a leaflet or advertisement dropped from a plane or an advertisement. Generally, these messages will contain directions on how to obtain more information, via a website, hotline, radio program, etc. (as it is seen also for selling purposes among other goals). The strategy intends to initiate the individual from information recipient to information seeker through reinforcement, and then from information seeker to opinion leader through indoctrination.[80] A number of techniques based in social psychological research are used to generate propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies, since propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily valid. Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which the propaganda messages are transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination strategies become propaganda strategies only when coupled with propagandistic messages. Identifying these messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods by which those messages are spread. Propaganda can also be turned on its makers. For example, postage stamps have frequently been tools for government advertising, such as North Korea's extensive issues.[81] The presence of Stalin on numerous Soviet stamps is another example.[82] In Nazi Germany, Hitler frequently appeared on postage stamps in Germany and some of the occupied nations. A British program to parody these, and other Nazi-inspired stamps, involved airdropping them into Germany on letters containing anti-Nazi literature.[83][84] In 2018 a scandal broke in which the journalist Carole Cadwalladr, several whistleblowers and the academic Emma Briant revealed advances in digital propaganda techniques showing that online human intelligence techniques used in psychological warfare had been coupled with psychological profiling using illegally obtained social media data for political campaigns in the United States in 2016 to aid Donald Trump by the firm Cambridge Analytica.[85][86][87] The company initially denied breaking laws[88] but later admitted breaking UK law, the scandal provoking a worldwide debate on acceptable use of data for propaganda and influence.[89] Models Persuasion in social psychology Public reading of the anti-Semitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Worms, Germany, 1935 The field of social psychology includes the study of persuasion. Social psychologists can be sociologists or psychologists. The field includes many theories and approaches to understanding persuasion. For example, communication theory points out that people can be persuaded by the communicator's credibility, expertise, trustworthiness, and attractiveness. The elaboration likelihood model, as well as heuristic models of persuasion, suggest that a number of factors (e.g., the degree of interest of the recipient of the communication), influence the degree to which people allow superficial factors to persuade them. Nobel Prize–winning psychologist Herbert A. Simon won the Nobel prize for his theory that people are cognitive misers. That is, in a society of mass information, people are forced to make decisions quickly and often superficially, as opposed to logically. According to William W. Biddle's 1931 article "A psychological definition of propaganda", "[t]he four principles followed in propaganda are: (1) rely on emotions, never argue; (2) cast propaganda into the pattern of "we" versus an "enemy"; (3) reach groups as well as individuals; (4) hide the propagandist as much as possible."[90] More recently, studies from behavioral science have become significant in understanding and planning propaganda campaigns, these include for example nudge theory which was used by the Obama Campaign in 2008 then adopted by the UK Government Behavioural Insights Team.[91] Behavioural methodologies then became subject to great controversy in 2016 after the company Cambridge Analytica was revealed to have applied them with millions of people's breached Facebook data to encourage them to vote for Donald Trump.[92] Haifeng Huang argues that propaganda is not always necessarily about convincing a populace of its message (and may actually fail to do this) but instead can also function as a means of intimidating the citizenry and signalling the regime's strength and ability to maintain its control and power over society; by investing significant resources into propaganda, the regime can forewarn its citizens of its strength and deterring them from attempting to challenge it.[93] Propaganda theory and education During the 1930s, educators in the United States and around the world became concerned about the rise of anti-Semitism and other forms of violent extremism. The Institute for Propaganda Analysis was formed to introduce methods of instruction for high school and college students, helping learners to recognize and desist propaganda by identifying persuasive techniques. This work built upon classical rhetoric and it was informed by suggestion theory and social scientific studies of propaganda and persuasion.[94] In the 1950s, propaganda theory and education examined the rise of American consumer culture, and this work was popularized by Vance Packard in his 1957 book, The Hidden Persuaders. European theologian Jacques Ellul's landmark work, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes framed propaganda in relation to larger themes about the relationship between humans and technology. Media messages did not serve to enlighten or inspire, he argued. They merely overwhelm by arousing emotions and oversimplifying ideas, limiting human reasoning and judgement. In the 1980s, academics recognized that news and journalism could function as propaganda when business and government interests were amplified by mass media. The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky which argues systemic biases exist in mass media that are shaped by structural economic causes. It argues that the way in which commercial media institutions are structured and operate (e.g. through advertising revenue, concentration of media ownership, or access to sources) creates an inherent conflict of interest that make them act as propaganda for powerful political and commercial interests: The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy.[95][96] First presented in their book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), the propaganda model analyses commercial mass media as businesses that sell a product – access to readers and audiences – to other businesses (advertisers) and that benefit from access to information from government and corporate sources to produce their content. The theory postulates five general classes of "filters" that shape the content that is presented in news media: ownership of the medium, reliance on advertising revenue, access to news sources, threat of litigation and commercial backlash (flak), and anti-communism and "fear ideology". The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic political economic structure, and the model has subsequently been applied by other scholars to study media bias in other countries.[97] By the 1990s, the topic of propaganda was no longer a part of public education, having been relegated to a specialist subject. Secondary English educators grew fearful of the study of propaganda genres, choosing to focus on argumentation and reasoning instead of the highly emotional forms of propaganda found in advertising and political campaigns.[98] In 2015, the European Commission funded Mind Over Media, a digital learning platform for teaching and learning about contemporary propaganda. The study of contemporary propaganda is growing in secondary education, where it is seen as a part of language arts and social studies education.[99] Self-propaganda Self-propaganda is a form of propaganda that refers to the act of an individual convincing themself of something, no matter how irrational that idea may be.[100] Self propaganda makes it easier for individuals to justify their own actions as well as the actions of others. Self-propaganda works oftentimes to lessen the cognitive dissonance felt by individuals when their personal actions or the actions of their government do not line up with their moral beliefs.[101] Self-propaganda is a type of self deception.[102] Self-propaganda can have a negative impact on those who perpetuate the beliefs created by using self-propaganda.[102] Children This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) A 1938 propaganda of the Estado Novo (New State) regime depicting Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas flanked by children. The text reads: "Children! Learning, at home and in school, the cult of the Fatherland, you will bring all chances of success to life. Only love builds and, strongly loving Brazil, you will lead it to the greatest of destinies among Nations, fulfilling the desires of exaltation nestled in every Brazilian heart." Of all the potential targets for propaganda, children are the most vulnerable because they are the least prepared with the critical reasoning and contextual comprehension they need to determine whether a message is a propaganda or not. The attention children give their environment during development, due to the process of developing their understanding of the world, causes them to absorb propaganda indiscriminately. Also, children are highly imitative: studies by Albert Bandura, Dorothea Ross and Sheila A. Ross in the 1960s indicated that, to a degree, socialization, formal education and standardized television programming can be seen as using propaganda for the purpose of indoctrination. The use of propaganda in schools was highly prevalent during the 1930s and 1940s in Germany in the form of the Hitler Youth. Anti-Semitic propaganda for children In Nazi Germany, the education system was thoroughly co-opted to indoctrinate the German youth with anti-Semitic ideology. From the 1920s on, the Nazi Party targeted German youth as one of their special audience for its propaganda messages.[103] Schools and texts mirrored what the Nazis aimed of instilling in German youth through the use and promotion of racial theory. Julius Streicher, the editor of Der Sturmer, headed a publishing house that disseminated anti-Semitic propaganda picture books in schools during the Nazi dictatorship. This was accomplished through the National Socialist Teachers League, of which 97% of all German teachers were members in 1937.[104] The League encouraged the teaching of racial theory. Picture books for children such as Trust No Fox on his Green Heath and No Jew on his Oath, Der Giftpilz (translated into English as The Poisonous Mushroom) and The Poodle-Pug-Dachshund-Pinscher were widely circulated (over 100,000 copies of Trust No Fox... were circulated during the late 1930s) and contained depictions of Jews as devils, child molesters and other morally charged figures. Slogans such as "Judas the Jew betrayed Jesus the German to the Jews" were recited in class. During the Nuremberg Trial, Trust No Fox on his Green Heath and No Jew on his Oath, and Der Giftpilz were received as documents in evidence because they document the practices of the Nazis[105] The following is an example of a propagandistic math problem recommended by the National Socialist Essence of Education: "The Jews are aliens in Germany—in 1933 there were 66,606,000 inhabitants in the German Reich, of whom 499,682 (.75%) were Jews."[106] Comparisons with disinformation This section is an excerpt from Disinformation § Comparisons with propaganda.[edit] Whether and to what degree disinformation and propaganda overlap is subject to debate. Some (like U.S. Department of State) define propaganda as the use of non-rational arguments to either advance or undermine a political ideal, and use disinformation as an alternative name for undermining propaganda.[107] While others consider them to be separate concepts altogether.[108] One popular distinction holds that disinformation also describes politically motivated messaging designed explicitly to engender public cynicism, uncertainty, apathy, distrust, and paranoia, all of which disincentivize citizen engagement and mobilization for social or political change.[109] See also Agitprop Big lie Cartographic propaganda Fake news Firehose of falsehood Hate media Incitement Internet troll Mind control Misinformation Music and political warfare Overview of 21st century propaganda Political warfare Propaganda (book) by Edward L. 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